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Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1Br. 1II, 9, 8, where it is distinctly stated that ‘the man’ and the wild animals are to be released as soon as the ‘paryagnikarazam’ has been performed on them. But no ‘man’ being mentioned amongst the victims, Sdyana INTRODUCTION. XXix eager to vanquish one another, foregather to discuss the nature and origin of things. At last Arguna arrives, and, having met with an enthusiastic welcome, he ‘ takes repose like a seafaring man who has reached the shore after crossing the ocean. Then commences the performance of the sacrifice, the general outline of which, as sketched in the epic'!, fairly corresponds to the ordinary ceremonial ; the chief points of difference being the form and material of the altar, which is described as three-cornered, like the heavenly bird Garuda, and as being composed of a ‘trunk,’ measuring eighteen cubits, and made, like the wings, of gold bricks,— the structure thus shining like the altar of Daksha Prag4pati. The sacrifice over, a great public festival ensues for which ‘mountains of food and sweetmeats, rivers of spirituous and other beverages, and lakes of ghee’ are provided, and the feasting goes on through day and night till every one has had his fill,—a festival, indeed, of which the poet remarks people continued to talk to his day. From the fanciful narrative of Arguna’s martial expldits whilst following his precious charge, one could not of course venture to draw any conclusion as to the kind of adventures the sacred horse might have met with, at the time of the Brahmaza, during the period of its roaming at large. As a rule, however, the closely-watched animal would probably not range very far from the place where the sacrifice was to be performed ; and though its body of guardians were not permitted at any time to force it to retrace its steps, they could have had little difficulty in keeping it within a certain range of grazing. Indeed, on the occasion of King Dasaratha’s Asvamedha?, described in the first canto of the R&mayana, no mention whatever is made of takes the ‘ purusham’ here to refer to the ‘vairdgt purushi’ mentioned in the Samhita. Perhaps, however, this passage has rather a wider sense, referring to human victims generally at any sacrifice. 1 Draupadi’s Asva-upasamvesanam is referred to, but no further particulars are mentioned. 2 The king’s object, in perfurming the sacrifice, was to obtain the birth ofason. Cf. Sat. Br. XIII, 1, 9, 9, ‘for from of old a hero was born to him who had performed the (Asvamedha) sacrifice.’ . XXX SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
22 The king’s object, in perfurming the sacrifice, was to obtain the birth ofason. Cf. Sat. Br. XIII, 1, 9, 9, ‘for from of old a hero was born to him who had performed the (Asvamedha) sacrifice.’ . XXX SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA. anything having happened to the horse during its time of grace. The expedient mentioned in the Brahmaza (XIII, 4, 2, 5) that a hundred worn-out horses should be sent along with the horse to keep it company would doubtless, as a rule, prove a sufficient check ; but seeing that neither the Taitt. Braéhmaza nor Sankhayana alludes to this expedient, it is probably meant as a practical suggestion rather than as a positive injunction. That the horse intended for sacrifice was by no means always safe from violent assaults! is clear from the directions given in the Brahmaaas as to what should be done in the event of foes getting possession of it*. Even more pointed, in this respect, are the stanzas quoted in our Brahmaaa (XIII, 5, 4, 21. 22),—‘ Satanika Satragita seized a sacrificial horse in the neighbourhood, the sacrifice of the K4sis, even as Bharata (seized that) of the Satvats. The mighty Satanika having seized, in the neighbourhood, Dhritar4shéra’s white sacrificial horse, whilst roaming at will in its tenth month*%, the son of Satragita performed the Govinata (form of) sacrifice.’ As a rule, however, the fortunes of the roaming horse would doubtless depend largely on personal circumstances. Whilst a strong ruler who had already made his power felt amongst his neighbours would probably run little risk of having his consecrated victim kidnapped even though it were to stray beyond its master’s boundaries, a prince of greater pretensions than resources might find it very difficult to secure the safety of his horse even if it kept well within the territory over which he ruled. In any case, however, the capture of the noble beast would doubtless 1 Whilst cattle-lifting generally, such as formed the object of the invasion of the land of the Matsyas by the Trigartas (as related in the Virisa-parvan), was probably a practice pretty prevalent from ancient times, the stealing of the sacrificial horse would offer an additional temptation, from the political point of view, on account of the exceptional character of the animal as the symbol of its master’s claim to paramountcy. ® Sat. Br. XIII, 1, 6, 3; Taitt. Br. IIT, 8, 9, 4. * One might feel inclined to take this specification of that month as implying the existence, at the poet’s time, of the practice of confining the horse in a pen or shed (made of Asvattha palings) during the last two months, mentioned Taitt. Br. III, 8, 12, 2. INTRODUCTION. XXXi cause not a little bad blood, and might lead to complications and struggles not less serious than those occasioned by Vasishzha’s cow, or, in Irish legend, by the brown bull of Queen Medb (Mab) of Connaught.
3Br. III, 8, 12, 2. INTRODUCTION. XXXi cause not a little bad blood, and might lead to complications and struggles not less serious than those occasioned by Vasishzha’s cow, or, in Irish legend, by the brown bull of Queen Medb (Mab) of Connaught. Whilst the epic account of the Asvamedha thus presents an instructive, though extravagant, illustration of possible occurrences during the preliminary period of the sacrifice, some items of the ceremonial on which further information might have been acceptable are altogether ignored in it. Two of these at least one might have expected to find mentioned there, seeing that they are of special interest to Kshatriyas, viz. the practice of a Brahmasa and a Kshatriya lute-player singing}, morning and night, stanzas composed by themselves in honour of the king ; and the so-called ‘ revolving legend’ (XIII, 4, 3, 1 seqq.) related by the Hotr#, in a ten days’ cycle all the year round. It is especially in regard to this latter point that the statements of the ritualistic works might with advantage have been supplemented. During the ten days’ cycle a different god, or some mythic personage, is assumed, on each successive day, to be king, having some special class of beings assigned to him as his subjects, and a certain body of texts as his Veda from which a section is then recited. But from the particulars given it even remains uncertain whether any legend connected with the respective deity was actually related; whilst regarding the form and nature of some of the specified texts—such as the sarpavidya (snakescience), devaganavidya (demonology), m4yé (or asuravidy4, magic art)—we really know next to nothing. Nay, even regarding the Itihasas and Purdwas, likewise figuring. as distinct texts, additional knowledge would by no means be unwelcome. And though regarding some of the divinities referred to the Hotr? might easily have made up some kind of short tale, others would have required some * See XIII, 1, 5, 1 seqq.; 4, 2, 8 seqq.; Taitt. Br. III, 9,14. In connection with the ‘revolving legend,’ the conductors of bands of lute-players seem to have sung additional stanzas in which the royal Sacrificer was associated with pious kings of old; see XIII, 4, 3, 3. XXXII SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1Br. 1II, 9, 8, where it is distinctly stated that ‘the man’ and the wild animals are to be released as soon as the ‘paryagnikarazam’ has been performed on them. But no ‘man’ being mentioned amongst the victims, Sdyana INTRODUCTION. XXix eager to vanquish one another, foregather to discuss the nature and origin of things. At last Arguna arrives, and, having met with an enthusiastic welcome, he ‘ takes repose like a seafaring man who has reached the shore after crossing the ocean. Then commences the performance of the sacrifice, the general outline of which, as sketched in the epic'!, fairly corresponds to the ordinary ceremonial ; the chief points of difference being the form and material of the altar, which is described as three-cornered, like the heavenly bird Garuda, and as being composed of a ‘trunk,’ measuring eighteen cubits, and made, like the wings, of gold bricks,— the structure thus shining like the altar of Daksha Prag4pati. The sacrifice over, a great public festival ensues for which ‘mountains of food and sweetmeats, rivers of spirituous and other beverages, and lakes of ghee’ are provided, and the feasting goes on through day and night till every one has had his fill,—a festival, indeed, of which the poet remarks people continued to talk to his day. From the fanciful narrative of Arguna’s martial expldits whilst following his precious charge, one could not of course venture to draw any conclusion as to the kind of adventures the sacred horse might have met with, at the time of the Brahmaza, during the period of its roaming at large. As a rule, however, the closely-watched animal would probably not range very far from the place where the sacrifice was to be performed ; and though its body of guardians were not permitted at any time to force it to retrace its steps, they could have had little difficulty in keeping it within a certain range of grazing. Indeed, on the occasion of King Dasaratha’s Asvamedha?, described in the first canto of the R&mayana, no mention whatever is made of takes the ‘ purusham’ here to refer to the ‘vairdgt purushi’ mentioned in the Samhita. Perhaps, however, this passage has rather a wider sense, referring to human victims generally at any sacrifice. 1 Draupadi’s Asva-upasamvesanam is referred to, but no further particulars are mentioned. 2 The king’s object, in perfurming the sacrifice, was to obtain the birth ofason. Cf. Sat. Br. XIII, 1, 9, 9, ‘for from of old a hero was born to him who had performed the (Asvamedha) sacrifice.’ . XXX SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
22 The king’s object, in perfurming the sacrifice, was to obtain the birth ofason. Cf. Sat. Br. XIII, 1, 9, 9, ‘for from of old a hero was born to him who had performed the (Asvamedha) sacrifice.’ . XXX SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA. anything having happened to the horse during its time of grace. The expedient mentioned in the Brahmaza (XIII, 4, 2, 5) that a hundred worn-out horses should be sent along with the horse to keep it company would doubtless, as a rule, prove a sufficient check ; but seeing that neither the Taitt. Braéhmaza nor Sankhayana alludes to this expedient, it is probably meant as a practical suggestion rather than as a positive injunction. That the horse intended for sacrifice was by no means always safe from violent assaults! is clear from the directions given in the Brahmaaas as to what should be done in the event of foes getting possession of it*. Even more pointed, in this respect, are the stanzas quoted in our Brahmaaa (XIII, 5, 4, 21. 22),—‘ Satanika Satragita seized a sacrificial horse in the neighbourhood, the sacrifice of the K4sis, even as Bharata (seized that) of the Satvats. The mighty Satanika having seized, in the neighbourhood, Dhritar4shéra’s white sacrificial horse, whilst roaming at will in its tenth month*%, the son of Satragita performed the Govinata (form of) sacrifice.’ As a rule, however, the fortunes of the roaming horse would doubtless depend largely on personal circumstances. Whilst a strong ruler who had already made his power felt amongst his neighbours would probably run little risk of having his consecrated victim kidnapped even though it were to stray beyond its master’s boundaries, a prince of greater pretensions than resources might find it very difficult to secure the safety of his horse even if it kept well within the territory over which he ruled. In any case, however, the capture of the noble beast would doubtless 1 Whilst cattle-lifting generally, such as formed the object of the invasion of the land of the Matsyas by the Trigartas (as related in the Virisa-parvan), was probably a practice pretty prevalent from ancient times, the stealing of the sacrificial horse would offer an additional temptation, from the political point of view, on account of the exceptional character of the animal as the symbol of its master’s claim to paramountcy. ® Sat. Br. XIII, 1, 6, 3; Taitt. Br. IIT, 8, 9, 4. * One might feel inclined to take this specification of that month as implying the existence, at the poet’s time, of the practice of confining the horse in a pen or shed (made of Asvattha palings) during the last two months, mentioned Taitt. Br. III, 8, 12, 2. INTRODUCTION. XXXi cause not a little bad blood, and might lead to complications and struggles not less serious than those occasioned by Vasishzha’s cow, or, in Irish legend, by the brown bull of Queen Medb (Mab) of Connaught.
3Br. III, 8, 12, 2. INTRODUCTION. XXXi cause not a little bad blood, and might lead to complications and struggles not less serious than those occasioned by Vasishzha’s cow, or, in Irish legend, by the brown bull of Queen Medb (Mab) of Connaught. Whilst the epic account of the Asvamedha thus presents an instructive, though extravagant, illustration of possible occurrences during the preliminary period of the sacrifice, some items of the ceremonial on which further information might have been acceptable are altogether ignored in it. Two of these at least one might have expected to find mentioned there, seeing that they are of special interest to Kshatriyas, viz. the practice of a Brahmasa and a Kshatriya lute-player singing}, morning and night, stanzas composed by themselves in honour of the king ; and the so-called ‘ revolving legend’ (XIII, 4, 3, 1 seqq.) related by the Hotr#, in a ten days’ cycle all the year round. It is especially in regard to this latter point that the statements of the ritualistic works might with advantage have been supplemented. During the ten days’ cycle a different god, or some mythic personage, is assumed, on each successive day, to be king, having some special class of beings assigned to him as his subjects, and a certain body of texts as his Veda from which a section is then recited. But from the particulars given it even remains uncertain whether any legend connected with the respective deity was actually related; whilst regarding the form and nature of some of the specified texts—such as the sarpavidya (snakescience), devaganavidya (demonology), m4yé (or asuravidy4, magic art)—we really know next to nothing. Nay, even regarding the Itihasas and Purdwas, likewise figuring. as distinct texts, additional knowledge would by no means be unwelcome. And though regarding some of the divinities referred to the Hotr? might easily have made up some kind of short tale, others would have required some * See XIII, 1, 5, 1 seqq.; 4, 2, 8 seqq.; Taitt. Br. III, 9,14. In connection with the ‘revolving legend,’ the conductors of bands of lute-players seem to have sung additional stanzas in which the royal Sacrificer was associated with pious kings of old; see XIII, 4, 3, 3. XXXII SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
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