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Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1Il. THE Li YUN. 373 ances of the sons of Heaven, preserved (in those states by their descendants). The rule is that (only) the son of Heaven sacrifices to heaven and earth, and the princes of states sacrifice at the altars to the spirits of the land and grain.’ 2. When no change is presumptuously made from the constant practice from the oldest times between the prayer and blessing (at the beginning of the sacrifice)! and the benediction (at the end of it)’, we have what might be called a great and happy service. 3. For the words of prayer and blessing and those of benediction to be kept hidden away by the officers of prayer of the ancestral temple, and the sorcerers and recorders, is a violation of the rules of propriety. This may be called keeping a state in darkness?. selves more and more weak, their ministers followed in their wake, and usurped the same ceremonies in their own services. The commentators throw little light on the special corruption selected here for condemnation by Confucius. I have interpreted it by the analogy of the cases of AKAt and Sung. The lords of those states were descended from the sovereigns of Hsia and Shang respectively, and were invested with them at the rise of the Ku dynasty, that they might continue in them the sacrifices of their royal ancestors. They did so not as the lords of XAi and Sung, but as representing the lines of Hsia and Shang. But the case was different with the lords of LA, belonging to the time of X4au, but not representing it. Its kings were still reigning. Whether the words of Confucius should be extended over all the paragraph is a doubtful point. 1 See paragraph 12 of the last section. 7 In this way new forms of prayer and benediction came into use, and the old forms were forgotten. The sorcerers; see page 172, paragraph 42. 374 THE Lf gf. BK. VII. 4. (The use of) the Zan cup (of Hsia) and the Aid cup (of Yin), and (the pledging in them) between the representative of the dead and the ruler are contrary to propriety ;—these things constitute ‘a usurping ruler’ 5. (For ministers and Great officers to) keep the cap with pendents and the leathern cap, or military weapons, in their own houses is contrary to propriety. To do so constitutes ‘restraint of the ruler?’ 6. For Great officers to maintain a full staff of employés, to have so many sacrificial vessels that they do not need to borrow any; and have singers and musical instruments all complete, is contrary to propriety. For them to do so leads to ‘disorder in a state®,’ 7. Thus, one sustaining office under the ruler is called a minister, and one sustaining office under the head of a clan is called a servant. Either of these, who is in mourning for a parent, or has newly married, is not sent on any mission for a year‘.
2Thus, one sustaining office under the ruler is called a minister, and one sustaining office under the head of a clan is called a servant. Either of these, who is in mourning for a parent, or has newly married, is not sent on any mission for a year‘. 1 It would be of little use to give representations of those cups, as they are ordinarily figured. Only in Ai, Sung, and Lf could they be used with any degree of propriety. In the times referred to in these paragraphs they were used by other states; which was an act of usurpation. * Certain styles of these caps were peculiar to the king, and of course could not be used by inferiors. Others might be used by them, but were kept in public offices, and given out when required. Sometimes they were conferred by special gift; but none could make them for themselves. 5 A Great officer, if he had land, might have a ruler or steward, to whom everything was entrusted; and he might have some sacrificial vessels, but not a complete set. He did not have music at his sacrifices, unless it were by special permission. .* Compare Deuteronomy xxiv. 5. SECT. II. THE Lf YUN. 375 To enter court in decayed robes, or to live promiscuously with his servants, taking place among them according to age :—all these things are contrary to propriety. Where we have them, we have what is called ‘ruler and minister sharing the state.’ 8. Thus, the son of Heaven has his domain that he may settle there his sons and grandsons ; and the feudal princes have their states ; and Great officers their appanages that they may do the same for theirs. This constitutes ‘the statutory arrangement.’ 9. Thus, when the son of Heaven goes to visit a feudal prince, the rule is that he shall lodge in the ancestral temple, and that he do not enter it without having with him all the rules to be observed. If he act otherwise, we have an instance of ‘The son of Heaven perverting the laws, and throwing the regulations into confusion.’ A prince, unless it be to ask about the sick or to condole with a mourner, does not enter the house of a minister. If he act otherwise, we have the case of ‘ruler and minister playing with each other.’ 10, Therefore, ceremonies form a great instrument in the hands of a ruler. It is by them that he resolves what is doubtful and brings to light what is abstruse; that he conducts his intercourse with spiritual beings, examines all statutory arrangements, and distinguishes benevolence from righteousness ; it is by them, in short, that government is rightly ordered, and his own tranquillity secured. 11. When government is not correct, the ruler’s seat is insecure. When the ruler’s seat is insecure, 376 THE Li xf. BK. VII.
311. When government is not correct, the ruler’s seat is insecure. When the ruler’s seat is insecure, 376 THE Li xf. BK. VII. the great ministers revolt, and smaller ones begin pilfering. Punishments (then) are made severe, and manners deteriorate. Thus the laws become irregular, and the rules of ceremony uncertain. When these are uncertain, officers do not perform their duties; and when punishments become severe, and manners deteriorate, the people do not turn (to what is right). We have that condition which may be described as ‘an infirm state.’ 12. In this way government is the means by which the ruler keeps and protects his person, and therefore it must have a fundamental connection with Heaven. This uses a variety of ways in sending down the intimations of Its will. As learned from the altars of the land, these are (receptivity and docility) imparted to the earth. As learned from the ancestral temple, they are benevolence and righteousness. As learned from the altars of the hills and streams, they are movement and activity. As learned from the five sacrifices of the house, they are the statutes (of their various spirits). It is in this way that the sage rulers made provision for the safe keeping of their persons?. 1 On this paragraph M. Callery has the following note :—‘ Trés difficile 4 comprendre dans nos idées, ce passage offre un sens tout simple et naturel aux Chinois, dont la bizarre métaphysique va chercher dans la nature une analogie essentielle entre les accidents divers des &tres, et les phénoménes rationnels ou psychologiques. Ainsi, suivant les philosophes Chinois, tant anciens que modernes, la société présente des inégalités dans ses classes d'individus, comme la terre présente 4 sa surface des montagnes et des vallées ; telle loi provoque I’action et le mouvement, comme les rivitres pleines de poissons et les montagnes couvertes de foréts sont des foyers de vie et de développement; telle autre loi SECT. II. THE Li YUN. 377 13. Hence the sage forms a ternion with Heaven and Earth, and stands side by side with spiritual beings, in order to the right ordering of government. Taking his place on the ground of the principles inherent in them, he devised ceremonies in their order ; calling them to the happy exercise of that in which impose des obligations humanitaires, comme les temples inspirent la piété filiale envers les ancétres, ou le respect envers les Dieux. Ces analogies sont quelquefois poussées jusqu’au dernier ridicule ; mais les Chinois ne les trouvent jamais forcées, et semblent faire trés peu de cas de Ja Jogique Européenne, qui ne les admire pas.’
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1Il. THE Li YUN. 373 ances of the sons of Heaven, preserved (in those states by their descendants). The rule is that (only) the son of Heaven sacrifices to heaven and earth, and the princes of states sacrifice at the altars to the spirits of the land and grain.’ 2. When no change is presumptuously made from the constant practice from the oldest times between the prayer and blessing (at the beginning of the sacrifice)! and the benediction (at the end of it)’, we have what might be called a great and happy service. 3. For the words of prayer and blessing and those of benediction to be kept hidden away by the officers of prayer of the ancestral temple, and the sorcerers and recorders, is a violation of the rules of propriety. This may be called keeping a state in darkness?. selves more and more weak, their ministers followed in their wake, and usurped the same ceremonies in their own services. The commentators throw little light on the special corruption selected here for condemnation by Confucius. I have interpreted it by the analogy of the cases of AKAt and Sung. The lords of those states were descended from the sovereigns of Hsia and Shang respectively, and were invested with them at the rise of the Ku dynasty, that they might continue in them the sacrifices of their royal ancestors. They did so not as the lords of XAi and Sung, but as representing the lines of Hsia and Shang. But the case was different with the lords of LA, belonging to the time of X4au, but not representing it. Its kings were still reigning. Whether the words of Confucius should be extended over all the paragraph is a doubtful point. 1 See paragraph 12 of the last section. 7 In this way new forms of prayer and benediction came into use, and the old forms were forgotten. The sorcerers; see page 172, paragraph 42. 374 THE Lf gf. BK. VII. 4. (The use of) the Zan cup (of Hsia) and the Aid cup (of Yin), and (the pledging in them) between the representative of the dead and the ruler are contrary to propriety ;—these things constitute ‘a usurping ruler’ 5. (For ministers and Great officers to) keep the cap with pendents and the leathern cap, or military weapons, in their own houses is contrary to propriety. To do so constitutes ‘restraint of the ruler?’ 6. For Great officers to maintain a full staff of employés, to have so many sacrificial vessels that they do not need to borrow any; and have singers and musical instruments all complete, is contrary to propriety. For them to do so leads to ‘disorder in a state®,’ 7. Thus, one sustaining office under the ruler is called a minister, and one sustaining office under the head of a clan is called a servant. Either of these, who is in mourning for a parent, or has newly married, is not sent on any mission for a year‘.
2Thus, one sustaining office under the ruler is called a minister, and one sustaining office under the head of a clan is called a servant. Either of these, who is in mourning for a parent, or has newly married, is not sent on any mission for a year‘. 1 It would be of little use to give representations of those cups, as they are ordinarily figured. Only in Ai, Sung, and Lf could they be used with any degree of propriety. In the times referred to in these paragraphs they were used by other states; which was an act of usurpation. * Certain styles of these caps were peculiar to the king, and of course could not be used by inferiors. Others might be used by them, but were kept in public offices, and given out when required. Sometimes they were conferred by special gift; but none could make them for themselves. 5 A Great officer, if he had land, might have a ruler or steward, to whom everything was entrusted; and he might have some sacrificial vessels, but not a complete set. He did not have music at his sacrifices, unless it were by special permission. .* Compare Deuteronomy xxiv. 5. SECT. II. THE Lf YUN. 375 To enter court in decayed robes, or to live promiscuously with his servants, taking place among them according to age :—all these things are contrary to propriety. Where we have them, we have what is called ‘ruler and minister sharing the state.’ 8. Thus, the son of Heaven has his domain that he may settle there his sons and grandsons ; and the feudal princes have their states ; and Great officers their appanages that they may do the same for theirs. This constitutes ‘the statutory arrangement.’ 9. Thus, when the son of Heaven goes to visit a feudal prince, the rule is that he shall lodge in the ancestral temple, and that he do not enter it without having with him all the rules to be observed. If he act otherwise, we have an instance of ‘The son of Heaven perverting the laws, and throwing the regulations into confusion.’ A prince, unless it be to ask about the sick or to condole with a mourner, does not enter the house of a minister. If he act otherwise, we have the case of ‘ruler and minister playing with each other.’ 10, Therefore, ceremonies form a great instrument in the hands of a ruler. It is by them that he resolves what is doubtful and brings to light what is abstruse; that he conducts his intercourse with spiritual beings, examines all statutory arrangements, and distinguishes benevolence from righteousness ; it is by them, in short, that government is rightly ordered, and his own tranquillity secured. 11. When government is not correct, the ruler’s seat is insecure. When the ruler’s seat is insecure, 376 THE Li xf. BK. VII.
311. When government is not correct, the ruler’s seat is insecure. When the ruler’s seat is insecure, 376 THE Li xf. BK. VII. the great ministers revolt, and smaller ones begin pilfering. Punishments (then) are made severe, and manners deteriorate. Thus the laws become irregular, and the rules of ceremony uncertain. When these are uncertain, officers do not perform their duties; and when punishments become severe, and manners deteriorate, the people do not turn (to what is right). We have that condition which may be described as ‘an infirm state.’ 12. In this way government is the means by which the ruler keeps and protects his person, and therefore it must have a fundamental connection with Heaven. This uses a variety of ways in sending down the intimations of Its will. As learned from the altars of the land, these are (receptivity and docility) imparted to the earth. As learned from the ancestral temple, they are benevolence and righteousness. As learned from the altars of the hills and streams, they are movement and activity. As learned from the five sacrifices of the house, they are the statutes (of their various spirits). It is in this way that the sage rulers made provision for the safe keeping of their persons?. 1 On this paragraph M. Callery has the following note :—‘ Trés difficile 4 comprendre dans nos idées, ce passage offre un sens tout simple et naturel aux Chinois, dont la bizarre métaphysique va chercher dans la nature une analogie essentielle entre les accidents divers des &tres, et les phénoménes rationnels ou psychologiques. Ainsi, suivant les philosophes Chinois, tant anciens que modernes, la société présente des inégalités dans ses classes d'individus, comme la terre présente 4 sa surface des montagnes et des vallées ; telle loi provoque I’action et le mouvement, comme les rivitres pleines de poissons et les montagnes couvertes de foréts sont des foyers de vie et de développement; telle autre loi SECT. II. THE Li YUN. 377 13. Hence the sage forms a ternion with Heaven and Earth, and stands side by side with spiritual beings, in order to the right ordering of government. Taking his place on the ground of the principles inherent in them, he devised ceremonies in their order ; calling them to the happy exercise of that in which impose des obligations humanitaires, comme les temples inspirent la piété filiale envers les ancétres, ou le respect envers les Dieux. Ces analogies sont quelquefois poussées jusqu’au dernier ridicule ; mais les Chinois ne les trouvent jamais forcées, et semblent faire trés peu de cas de Ja Jogique Européenne, qui ne les admire pas.’
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
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