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Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1The writer had an exaggerated conception of the sage; but he deserves well of his own country and of the world. Book XXIX. Prdo Ki. The character called Pido is the symbol for the outer garments, and is used to indicate whatever is external in opposition to what is internal; the outside of things, what serves to mark them out and call attention to them. Hence " comes its use in the sense which it bears in the title of this Book, for what serves as an example or model. Callery renders that title by ‘Mémoire sur l"Exemple;’ Wylie, by ‘The Exemplar Record.’ Pido is also used for the gnomon of a dial; and the Khien-lung editors fix on this application of the character in explaining the name of the Book. ‘Piao,’ they say, ‘is the gnomon of a dial, by which the movement of the sun is measured ; it rises up in the centre, and all round is regulated by it. The Fang Xi shows men what they ought to be on their guard against; the Piao Ai, what they should take as their pattern.’ Then they add—‘ Of patterns there is none so honourable as benevolence (or humanity proper), and to aid that there is righteousness, while, to complete it, there is sincerity or good faith, and reverence is that by which the quest for humanity is pursued.’ This second sentence may be considered a summary of the contents of the Book, which they conclude by saying, they have divided into eight chapters after the example of the scholar Hwang; meaning, I suppose, Hwang Khan, who has been already mentioned as having published his work on our classic in A. D. 538. That division into eight chapters lies on the face of the Treatise. We have eight paragraphs commencing with the characters which I have rendered by ‘These were the words BK. XXX. INTRODUCTION. 45 of the Master ;’ and these are followed by a number of others, more or fewer as the case may be, in which the words of the Master (‘The Master said’) are adduced to substantiate what has been stated in that introductory passage. The arrangement is uniform, excepting in one instance to which I have called attention in a note, and suitably divides the whole into eight chapters.
2The arrangement is uniform, excepting in one instance to which I have called attention in a note, and suitably divides the whole into eight chapters. But no one supposes that ‘the words of the Master’ are really those of Confucius, or were used by him in the connexion which is here given to them. They were invented by the author of the Treatise, or applied by him, to suit his own purpose ; and scholars object to many of them as contrary to the sentiments of the sage, and betraying a tendency to the views of Taoism. This appears, most strikingly perhaps, in the fifth chapter. On the statement, for instance, in paragraph 32, that the methods of Yin and Kau were not equal to the correction of the errors produced by those of Shun and Hsia, the Kdien-lung editors say :—‘ How could these words have come from the mouth of the Master? The disciples of Lao-jze despised forms and prized the unadorned simplicity, commended what was ancient, and condemned all that was of their own time. In the beginning of the Han dynasty, the principles of Hwang and Lao were widely circulated ; students lost themselves in the stream of what they heard, could not decide upon its erroneousness, and ascribed it to the Master. Such cases were numerous, and even in several paragraphs of the Li Yun (Book VII) we seem to have some of them. What we find there was the utterance, probably, of some disciple of Lao-jze.’ No one, so far as I have noticed, has ventured to assign the authorship of this Book on example. I would identify him, myself, with the Kung-sun Ni-jze, to whom the next is ascribed. Book XXX. 3ze f. It is a disappointment to the reader, when he finds after reading the title of this Book, that it has nothing to do with the Black Robes of which he expects it to be an account. 46 THE Lf xf. CH. 11. That phrase occurs in the second paragraph, in a note to which its origin is explained ; but the other name Hsiang Po, which is found in the same paragraph, might with equal appropriateness, or rather inappropriateness, have been adopted for the Treatise.
346 THE Lf xf. CH. 11. That phrase occurs in the second paragraph, in a note to which its origin is explained ; but the other name Hsiang Po, which is found in the same paragraph, might with equal appropriateness, or rather inappropriateness, have been adopted for the Treatise. It is really of the same nature as the preceding, and contains twenty-four paragraphs, all attributed to ‘the Master,’ and each of which may be considered to afford a pattern for rulers and their people. It ought to form one Book with XXIX under the title of ‘Pattern Lessons. I have pointed out in the notes some instances of the agreement in their style and phraseology, and the intelligent reader who consults the translation with reference to the Chinese text will discover more. Lf Teh-ming (early in the Thang dynasty) tells us, on the authority of Lid Hsien, that the 3ze f was made by a Kung-sun Ni-jze. Lid Hsien was a distinguished scholar of the early Sung dynasty, and died about A. D. 500; but on what evidence he assigned the authorship of the Book to Kung-sun Ni-jze does not, in the present state of our knowledge, appear. The name of that individual is found twice in Lid Hsin’s Catalogue, as belonging to the learned school, and among ‘the Miscellaneous writers, with a note that he was ‘a disciple of the seventy disciples of the Master.’ The first entry about him precedes that about Mencius, so that he must be referred to the closing period of the Kau dynasty, the third century B.C. He may, therefore, have been the author of ‘The Black Robes,’ and of the preceding Book as well, giving his own views, but attributing them, after the fashion of the time, to Confucius; but, as the commentator Fang f (? Ming dynasty) observes :—‘ Many passages in the Book are made to resemble the sayings of a sage; but the style is not good and the meaning is inferior.’ Book XXXI. PAN SANG. This Book refers to a special case in connexion with the mourning rites, that ofan individual who has been prevented, from taking part with the other relatives in the usual BK, XXXII. INTRODUCTION. 47 observances at the proper time. It might be that he was absent from the state, charged by his ruler with public business, or he might be in the same state but at a distance, and so occupied that he had been unable to take part in the mourning services. But they were too sacred to be entirely neglected, and we have here the rules applicable to such a case, in a variety of circumstances and different degrees of consanguinity. Some other matter, more or less analogous, is introduced towards the end. We have seen how the first of the ‘Three Rituals’ recovered in the Han dynasty was seventeen Books that now form the f Li. A4ng Hsiian supposed that the Pin Sang had been another Book of that collection, and was afterwards obtained from the tablets found in the village of Yenkung in LQ. It has been decided, however, that the style determines it to be from another hand than the f Li.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1The writer had an exaggerated conception of the sage; but he deserves well of his own country and of the world. Book XXIX. Prdo Ki. The character called Pido is the symbol for the outer garments, and is used to indicate whatever is external in opposition to what is internal; the outside of things, what serves to mark them out and call attention to them. Hence " comes its use in the sense which it bears in the title of this Book, for what serves as an example or model. Callery renders that title by ‘Mémoire sur l"Exemple;’ Wylie, by ‘The Exemplar Record.’ Pido is also used for the gnomon of a dial; and the Khien-lung editors fix on this application of the character in explaining the name of the Book. ‘Piao,’ they say, ‘is the gnomon of a dial, by which the movement of the sun is measured ; it rises up in the centre, and all round is regulated by it. The Fang Xi shows men what they ought to be on their guard against; the Piao Ai, what they should take as their pattern.’ Then they add—‘ Of patterns there is none so honourable as benevolence (or humanity proper), and to aid that there is righteousness, while, to complete it, there is sincerity or good faith, and reverence is that by which the quest for humanity is pursued.’ This second sentence may be considered a summary of the contents of the Book, which they conclude by saying, they have divided into eight chapters after the example of the scholar Hwang; meaning, I suppose, Hwang Khan, who has been already mentioned as having published his work on our classic in A. D. 538. That division into eight chapters lies on the face of the Treatise. We have eight paragraphs commencing with the characters which I have rendered by ‘These were the words BK. XXX. INTRODUCTION. 45 of the Master ;’ and these are followed by a number of others, more or fewer as the case may be, in which the words of the Master (‘The Master said’) are adduced to substantiate what has been stated in that introductory passage. The arrangement is uniform, excepting in one instance to which I have called attention in a note, and suitably divides the whole into eight chapters.
2The arrangement is uniform, excepting in one instance to which I have called attention in a note, and suitably divides the whole into eight chapters. But no one supposes that ‘the words of the Master’ are really those of Confucius, or were used by him in the connexion which is here given to them. They were invented by the author of the Treatise, or applied by him, to suit his own purpose ; and scholars object to many of them as contrary to the sentiments of the sage, and betraying a tendency to the views of Taoism. This appears, most strikingly perhaps, in the fifth chapter. On the statement, for instance, in paragraph 32, that the methods of Yin and Kau were not equal to the correction of the errors produced by those of Shun and Hsia, the Kdien-lung editors say :—‘ How could these words have come from the mouth of the Master? The disciples of Lao-jze despised forms and prized the unadorned simplicity, commended what was ancient, and condemned all that was of their own time. In the beginning of the Han dynasty, the principles of Hwang and Lao were widely circulated ; students lost themselves in the stream of what they heard, could not decide upon its erroneousness, and ascribed it to the Master. Such cases were numerous, and even in several paragraphs of the Li Yun (Book VII) we seem to have some of them. What we find there was the utterance, probably, of some disciple of Lao-jze.’ No one, so far as I have noticed, has ventured to assign the authorship of this Book on example. I would identify him, myself, with the Kung-sun Ni-jze, to whom the next is ascribed. Book XXX. 3ze f. It is a disappointment to the reader, when he finds after reading the title of this Book, that it has nothing to do with the Black Robes of which he expects it to be an account. 46 THE Lf xf. CH. 11. That phrase occurs in the second paragraph, in a note to which its origin is explained ; but the other name Hsiang Po, which is found in the same paragraph, might with equal appropriateness, or rather inappropriateness, have been adopted for the Treatise.
346 THE Lf xf. CH. 11. That phrase occurs in the second paragraph, in a note to which its origin is explained ; but the other name Hsiang Po, which is found in the same paragraph, might with equal appropriateness, or rather inappropriateness, have been adopted for the Treatise. It is really of the same nature as the preceding, and contains twenty-four paragraphs, all attributed to ‘the Master,’ and each of which may be considered to afford a pattern for rulers and their people. It ought to form one Book with XXIX under the title of ‘Pattern Lessons. I have pointed out in the notes some instances of the agreement in their style and phraseology, and the intelligent reader who consults the translation with reference to the Chinese text will discover more. Lf Teh-ming (early in the Thang dynasty) tells us, on the authority of Lid Hsien, that the 3ze f was made by a Kung-sun Ni-jze. Lid Hsien was a distinguished scholar of the early Sung dynasty, and died about A. D. 500; but on what evidence he assigned the authorship of the Book to Kung-sun Ni-jze does not, in the present state of our knowledge, appear. The name of that individual is found twice in Lid Hsin’s Catalogue, as belonging to the learned school, and among ‘the Miscellaneous writers, with a note that he was ‘a disciple of the seventy disciples of the Master.’ The first entry about him precedes that about Mencius, so that he must be referred to the closing period of the Kau dynasty, the third century B.C. He may, therefore, have been the author of ‘The Black Robes,’ and of the preceding Book as well, giving his own views, but attributing them, after the fashion of the time, to Confucius; but, as the commentator Fang f (? Ming dynasty) observes :—‘ Many passages in the Book are made to resemble the sayings of a sage; but the style is not good and the meaning is inferior.’ Book XXXI. PAN SANG. This Book refers to a special case in connexion with the mourning rites, that ofan individual who has been prevented, from taking part with the other relatives in the usual BK, XXXII. INTRODUCTION. 47 observances at the proper time. It might be that he was absent from the state, charged by his ruler with public business, or he might be in the same state but at a distance, and so occupied that he had been unable to take part in the mourning services. But they were too sacred to be entirely neglected, and we have here the rules applicable to such a case, in a variety of circumstances and different degrees of consanguinity. Some other matter, more or less analogous, is introduced towards the end. We have seen how the first of the ‘Three Rituals’ recovered in the Han dynasty was seventeen Books that now form the f Li. A4ng Hsiian supposed that the Pin Sang had been another Book of that collection, and was afterwards obtained from the tablets found in the village of Yenkung in LQ. It has been decided, however, that the style determines it to be from another hand than the f Li.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
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