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Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1The style of the Treatise is like that of the ft Lt, in the account of the contests of archery in Books VIII-XI, to which we have to refer to make out the meaning of several of the phrases. The Book should end with paragraph 10. The three paragraphs that follow seem to have been jotted down by the compiler from some memoranda that he found, that nothing might be lost which would throw light on the game. Then follows a paragraph, which may be pronounced unintelligible. The whole Book is excluded from the expurgated editions. Book XXXVIII. Z0 HSING. The 70 Hsing, or ‘Conduct of the Scholar,’ professes to be a discourse delivered to duke Ai of Lf on the character and style of life by which scholars, or men claiming to E2 => 52 THE Lf xt. CH, Mla possess literary acquirements, ought to be, and were in a measure, distinguished. Even so far back, such a class of men there was in China. They had certain peculiarities of dress, some of which are alluded to in Odes of the Shih. The duke, however, had not been accustomed to think highly of them ; and struck by something in the dress of Confucius, he asks him if he wore the garb of a scholar. The sage disclaims this; and being questioned further as to the conduct of the scholar, he proceeds to dilate on that at great length, and with a remarkable magnificence of thought and diction. He pourtrayed to his ruler a man sans peur et sans reproche, strong in principle, of cultivated intelligence, and animated by the most generous, patriotic, and benevolent spirit. We are told in the conclusion that the effect on duke Ai was good and great. It made him a better man, and also made him think more highly of the class of scholars than he had done. The effect of the Book on many of the literati must have been great in the ages that have intervened, and must still be so. But did such a conversation really take place between the marquis of Lf and the sage? The general opinion of Chinese scholars is that it did not do so. Li T4-lin (of the eleventh century, and a contemporary of the brothers K Aang), as quoted by the K4/ien-lung editors, while cordially approving the sentiments, thinks the style too grandiloquent to allow of our ascribing it to Confucius. Another commentator of the Sung period, one of the Lis', holds that the language is that of some ambitious scholar of the period of the Warring States, who wished to stir up the members of his order to a style of action worthy of it. P. Callery appends to his translation the following note:—‘In general, the maxims of this chapter are sufficiently profound to justify us in ascribing them to Confucius, in preference to so many other passages which the author of this work places to the credit of the great philosopher. We find nevertheless in it some ideas of which the really authentic works of Confucius do not offer any trace.’ 2 Be. BK. XXXIX. INTRODUCTION, 53 Book XXXIX. TA Hsio.
2We find nevertheless in it some ideas of which the really authentic works of Confucius do not offer any trace.’ 2 Be. BK. XXXIX. INTRODUCTION, 53 Book XXXIX. TA Hsio. Like the Kung Yung (XXVIII), the TA Hsio has long been published separately from the other Books of the Li Xi, and is now the first of the well-known ‘Four Books.’ As it appears in this translation, we follow the arrangement of the text given by the X4Aien-lung editors from that in the Thirteen King published by Khung Ying-t4, who himself simply followed Xang Hsiian. Early in the Sung dynasty the brothers King occupied themselves with the Treatise ; and thinking that errors had crept into the order of the paragraphs, and that portions were missing, made various alterations and additions. KQ Hs? entered into their labours, and, as he thought, improved on them. It is now current in the Four Books, as he published it in 1189, and the difference between his arrangement and the oldest one may be seen by comparing the translation in the first volume of my Chinese Classics and that in the present publication. Despite the difference of arrangement, the substance of the work is the same. ; There can be no doubt that the TA Hsio is a genuine monument of the Confucian teaching, and gives us a sufficient idea of the methods and subjects in the great or higher schools of antiquity. The enthusiasm of M. Pauthier is not to be blamed when he says :—‘It is evident that the aim of the Chinese philosopher is to exhibit the duties of political government as the perfecting of self and the practice of virtue by all men.’ Pauthier adopts fully the view of AQ, that the first chapter is a genuine relic of Confucius himself, for which view there really is no evidence. And he thinks also that all that follows should be attributed to the disciple, 3ang-jze, which is contrary to the evidence which the Treatise itself supplies. If it were necessary to assign an author for the work, I should adopt the opinion of Kia Kwei (A.D. 30-101), and assign it to Khung Xi, the grandson of Confucius, and author of the Kung Yung. ‘When Khung Ki,’ said Xia, 54 THE Lf xt. CH. III. ‘was still alive, and in straits, in Sung, being afraid that the lessons of the former sage (or sages) would become obscure, and the principles of the ancient Tis and Kings fall to the ground, he made the Ta Hsio as the warp. of them, and the Kung Yung as the woof.’ This would seem to have been the opinion of scholars in that early time, and the only difficulty in admitting it is that Kang Hsiian does not mention it. Notwithstanding his silence, the conviction that Khung Ai wrote both treatises has become very strong in my mind. There is that agreement in the matter, method, and style of the two, which almost demands for them a common authorship. Book XL. Kwan tf.
3Notwithstanding his silence, the conviction that Khung Ai wrote both treatises has become very strong in my mind. There is that agreement in the matter, method, and style of the two, which almost demands for them a common authorship. Book XL. Kwan tf. A fuller account of the ceremony of capping is obtained from portions of the ninth and other Books, where it comes in only incidentally, than from this Book in which we might expect from the title to find all the details of it brought together. But the object of the unknown writer was to glorify the rite as the great occasion when a youth stepped from his immaturity into all the privileges and responsibilities of a man, and to explain some of the usages by which it had been sought from the earliest times to mark its importance. This intention is indicated by the second character in the title called f, which we have met with only once before in the name of a Book,—in Ki f, ‘the Meaning of Sacrifices,’ the title of XXI. It is employed in the titles of this and the five Books that follow, and always with the same force of ‘meaning,’ ‘signification,’ ‘ideas underlying the ceremony.’ Callery renders correctly Kwan f by ‘Signification de la Prise du Chapeau Viril. The Chinese cap of manhood always suggests the toga virilis of the Romans; but there was a difference between the institutions of the two peoples. The age for assuming the toga was fourteen; that for receiving the cap was twenty. The capped Chinese was still young, but he had grown to man’s estate; the gowned Roman might have reached puberty, but he was little more than a boy. BK. XLI, INTRODUCTION, 55 Until the student fully understands the object of the Treatise, the paragraphs seem intricate and heavy, and the work of translation is difficult. Book XLI. Hwan f. After capping comes in natural order the ceremony of marriage ; and we are glad to have, in the first portion of this Book, so full an account of the objects contemplated in marriage, the way in which the ceremony was gone about, and the subsequent proceedings by which the union was declared to be established. The writer made much use of the chapters on marriage in the f Li. Nothing is said of the age at which it was the rule for a young man to marry; and this, we have seen, is put down, in other parts of this collection, as thirty. The same age is mentioned in the K4u Li, XIII, 55, on the duties of the marriage-contractor. But marriage, we may assume from the case of Confucius himself, actually took place earlier in ancient times, as it does now. The 3ze!, or name of maturity, which was given at the capping, is commonly said to be the name taken at marriage, as in Morrison’s Dictionary, I, i, page 627.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1The style of the Treatise is like that of the ft Lt, in the account of the contests of archery in Books VIII-XI, to which we have to refer to make out the meaning of several of the phrases. The Book should end with paragraph 10. The three paragraphs that follow seem to have been jotted down by the compiler from some memoranda that he found, that nothing might be lost which would throw light on the game. Then follows a paragraph, which may be pronounced unintelligible. The whole Book is excluded from the expurgated editions. Book XXXVIII. Z0 HSING. The 70 Hsing, or ‘Conduct of the Scholar,’ professes to be a discourse delivered to duke Ai of Lf on the character and style of life by which scholars, or men claiming to E2 => 52 THE Lf xt. CH, Mla possess literary acquirements, ought to be, and were in a measure, distinguished. Even so far back, such a class of men there was in China. They had certain peculiarities of dress, some of which are alluded to in Odes of the Shih. The duke, however, had not been accustomed to think highly of them ; and struck by something in the dress of Confucius, he asks him if he wore the garb of a scholar. The sage disclaims this; and being questioned further as to the conduct of the scholar, he proceeds to dilate on that at great length, and with a remarkable magnificence of thought and diction. He pourtrayed to his ruler a man sans peur et sans reproche, strong in principle, of cultivated intelligence, and animated by the most generous, patriotic, and benevolent spirit. We are told in the conclusion that the effect on duke Ai was good and great. It made him a better man, and also made him think more highly of the class of scholars than he had done. The effect of the Book on many of the literati must have been great in the ages that have intervened, and must still be so. But did such a conversation really take place between the marquis of Lf and the sage? The general opinion of Chinese scholars is that it did not do so. Li T4-lin (of the eleventh century, and a contemporary of the brothers K Aang), as quoted by the K4/ien-lung editors, while cordially approving the sentiments, thinks the style too grandiloquent to allow of our ascribing it to Confucius. Another commentator of the Sung period, one of the Lis', holds that the language is that of some ambitious scholar of the period of the Warring States, who wished to stir up the members of his order to a style of action worthy of it. P. Callery appends to his translation the following note:—‘In general, the maxims of this chapter are sufficiently profound to justify us in ascribing them to Confucius, in preference to so many other passages which the author of this work places to the credit of the great philosopher. We find nevertheless in it some ideas of which the really authentic works of Confucius do not offer any trace.’ 2 Be. BK. XXXIX. INTRODUCTION, 53 Book XXXIX. TA Hsio.
2We find nevertheless in it some ideas of which the really authentic works of Confucius do not offer any trace.’ 2 Be. BK. XXXIX. INTRODUCTION, 53 Book XXXIX. TA Hsio. Like the Kung Yung (XXVIII), the TA Hsio has long been published separately from the other Books of the Li Xi, and is now the first of the well-known ‘Four Books.’ As it appears in this translation, we follow the arrangement of the text given by the X4Aien-lung editors from that in the Thirteen King published by Khung Ying-t4, who himself simply followed Xang Hsiian. Early in the Sung dynasty the brothers King occupied themselves with the Treatise ; and thinking that errors had crept into the order of the paragraphs, and that portions were missing, made various alterations and additions. KQ Hs? entered into their labours, and, as he thought, improved on them. It is now current in the Four Books, as he published it in 1189, and the difference between his arrangement and the oldest one may be seen by comparing the translation in the first volume of my Chinese Classics and that in the present publication. Despite the difference of arrangement, the substance of the work is the same. ; There can be no doubt that the TA Hsio is a genuine monument of the Confucian teaching, and gives us a sufficient idea of the methods and subjects in the great or higher schools of antiquity. The enthusiasm of M. Pauthier is not to be blamed when he says :—‘It is evident that the aim of the Chinese philosopher is to exhibit the duties of political government as the perfecting of self and the practice of virtue by all men.’ Pauthier adopts fully the view of AQ, that the first chapter is a genuine relic of Confucius himself, for which view there really is no evidence. And he thinks also that all that follows should be attributed to the disciple, 3ang-jze, which is contrary to the evidence which the Treatise itself supplies. If it were necessary to assign an author for the work, I should adopt the opinion of Kia Kwei (A.D. 30-101), and assign it to Khung Xi, the grandson of Confucius, and author of the Kung Yung. ‘When Khung Ki,’ said Xia, 54 THE Lf xt. CH. III. ‘was still alive, and in straits, in Sung, being afraid that the lessons of the former sage (or sages) would become obscure, and the principles of the ancient Tis and Kings fall to the ground, he made the Ta Hsio as the warp. of them, and the Kung Yung as the woof.’ This would seem to have been the opinion of scholars in that early time, and the only difficulty in admitting it is that Kang Hsiian does not mention it. Notwithstanding his silence, the conviction that Khung Ai wrote both treatises has become very strong in my mind. There is that agreement in the matter, method, and style of the two, which almost demands for them a common authorship. Book XL. Kwan tf.
3Notwithstanding his silence, the conviction that Khung Ai wrote both treatises has become very strong in my mind. There is that agreement in the matter, method, and style of the two, which almost demands for them a common authorship. Book XL. Kwan tf. A fuller account of the ceremony of capping is obtained from portions of the ninth and other Books, where it comes in only incidentally, than from this Book in which we might expect from the title to find all the details of it brought together. But the object of the unknown writer was to glorify the rite as the great occasion when a youth stepped from his immaturity into all the privileges and responsibilities of a man, and to explain some of the usages by which it had been sought from the earliest times to mark its importance. This intention is indicated by the second character in the title called f, which we have met with only once before in the name of a Book,—in Ki f, ‘the Meaning of Sacrifices,’ the title of XXI. It is employed in the titles of this and the five Books that follow, and always with the same force of ‘meaning,’ ‘signification,’ ‘ideas underlying the ceremony.’ Callery renders correctly Kwan f by ‘Signification de la Prise du Chapeau Viril. The Chinese cap of manhood always suggests the toga virilis of the Romans; but there was a difference between the institutions of the two peoples. The age for assuming the toga was fourteen; that for receiving the cap was twenty. The capped Chinese was still young, but he had grown to man’s estate; the gowned Roman might have reached puberty, but he was little more than a boy. BK. XLI, INTRODUCTION, 55 Until the student fully understands the object of the Treatise, the paragraphs seem intricate and heavy, and the work of translation is difficult. Book XLI. Hwan f. After capping comes in natural order the ceremony of marriage ; and we are glad to have, in the first portion of this Book, so full an account of the objects contemplated in marriage, the way in which the ceremony was gone about, and the subsequent proceedings by which the union was declared to be established. The writer made much use of the chapters on marriage in the f Li. Nothing is said of the age at which it was the rule for a young man to marry; and this, we have seen, is put down, in other parts of this collection, as thirty. The same age is mentioned in the K4u Li, XIII, 55, on the duties of the marriage-contractor. But marriage, we may assume from the case of Confucius himself, actually took place earlier in ancient times, as it does now. The 3ze!, or name of maturity, which was given at the capping, is commonly said to be the name taken at marriage, as in Morrison’s Dictionary, I, i, page 627.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
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