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Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1denoting ‘ The Profound and Intelligent.’ 3 The Catalogue of the Sui Dynasty’s (A. D. 589-618) Imperial library says this was a scholar of the surname Lf (48). I have been unable to trace the authority for the statement farther back. CH. 1. INTRODUCTION. 5 with their functions, was wanting, and the king offered to ‘ pay 1000 pieces of gold to any one who should supply the missing tablets, but in vain’. He presented the tablets which he had obtained at the court of his half-brother, the emperor W(; but the treasure remained uncared for in one of the imperial repositories till the next century; when it came into the charge of Lid Hsin. Hsin replaced the missing portion from another old work, called Khao Kung Ki, which Wylie renders by ‘The Artificers’ Record.’ This has ever since continued to appear as the sixth section of the whole work, for the charge of which Hsin obtained the appointment of a special board of scholars, such as had from the first been entrusted with the care of the f Li. The X4u Li is a constitutional. and not a ritual work. The last entry in Hsin’s Catalogue of Lt Books is :—'The Kau Kwan in six sections; and a treatise on the K4u Kwan in four sections.’ That is the proper name for it. It was not called the X 4u Li till the Thang dynasty?. iii, We come to the formation of the text of the Li Xi, in which we are more particularly interested. We cannot Formation of Speak of its recovery, for though parts of the Li At. it had been in existence during the KAu dynasty, many of its Books cannot claim a higher antiquity than the period of the Han. All that is known about the authorship of them all will be found in the notices which form the last chapter of this Introduction. After the entry in Lid Hsin’s Catalogue about the re- 1 This is related in the Catalogue of the Sui dynasty. It could not be in Khien’s sixty-first chapter of Biographies, because the AA@u Kwan was not known, or, at least, not made public, in Aien’s time. The Sui writers, no doubt, took it from some biography of the Han, which has escaped me. * A complete translation of the A4u Lf appeared at Paris in 1851, the work of Edwaui Biot, who had died himself before its publication, before his fiftieth year. According to a note in Callery’s ‘Mémorial des Rites’ (p. 191), the labour of its preparation hastened Biot’s death. There are some errors in the version, but they are few. I have had occasion to refer to hundreds of passages in it, and always with an increasing admiration of the author's general resources and knowledge of Chinese. His early death was the greatest loss which the cause of sinology has sustained. His labours, chiefly on Chinese subjects, had been incessant from 1835. The perusal of them has often brought to my memory the words of Newton. ‘If Mr. Cotes had lived, we should have known something.’ Is there no sinologist who will now undertake a complete translation of the f Li? 6 THE LI xt. CH. 1.
2The perusal of them has often brought to my memory the words of Newton. ‘If Mr. Cotes had lived, we should have known something.’ Is there no sinologist who will now undertake a complete translation of the f Li? 6 THE LI xt. CH. 1. covered text of the f Li, there follows—‘131 phien’ of Ki, that is, so many different records or treatises on the subject of Li. These had also been collected by king Hsien, and Ad Hsi’s note about them is that they were ‘Treatises composed by the disciples of the seventy disciples,’ meaning by ‘the seventy disciples’ those of Confucius’ followers who had been most in his society and profited most from his instructions. These 131 phien contained, no doubt, the germ of our Li K¢; but there they remained for about a century in the imperial repositories, undigested and uncared for, and constantly having other treatises of a similar nature added to them. At last, in B.C. 51, the emperor Hsiian (B.C. 73-47) convoked a large assembly of Great Scholars to meet in Councilof the Stone-Conduit Gallery, and discuss the B.C. 51. text of the recovered classics‘. A prominent member of this assembly, the president of it I suppose, was Lid Hsiang, himself a celebrated writer and a scion of the imperial house, who appears to have had the principal charge of all the repositories. Among the other members, and in special connexion with the Li works, we find the name of Tai Shang, who will again come before us?. We do not know what the deliberations of the Great Scholars resulted in, but twenty-five years later the emperor KAang caused another search to be made throughout the empire for books that might hitherto have escaped notice; and, when it was completed, he ordered Hsiang to examine all the contents of the repositories, and collate the various copies of the classics. From this came the preparation of a catalogue; and Hsiang dying at the age of seventy-two, in B.C. 9, before it was completed, the work was delegated to his third and youngest son Hsin. His catalogue we happily possess. It mentions, in addition to the f Li and B.C. 26. ' See the Details in the General Mirror of History, under B.C. 51. CH. I. INTRODUCTION. 7
39, before it was completed, the work was delegated to his third and youngest son Hsin. His catalogue we happily possess. It mentions, in addition to the f Li and B.C. 26. ' See the Details in the General Mirror of History, under B.C. 51. CH. I. INTRODUCTION. 7 Kau Li, 199 phien of Li treatises. The résumé appended to the Li books in the Catalogue of the Sui Dynasty, omitting works mentioned by Hsin, and inserting two others, says that Hsiang had in his hands altogether 214 phien. What was to be done with this mass of tablets, or the written copies made from them? The most distinguished of the Li scholars in the time of the emperors Hsiian and King was a Hau 3hang, the H&a Shangand author of the compilation called in Hsin’s the two Tais. Catalogue KAii Tai Ki; and two of his disciples, T4i Teh and Tai Shang, cousins}, the name of the latter of whom has already been mentioned as a member of the council of B.C. 51, were also celebrated for their ability. Teh, the older of the two, and commonly called Ta T4i, or ‘the Greater Ti,’ while Hsiang was yet alive, digested the mass of phien, and in doing so reduced their number to 85. The younger, called Hsiao T4i, or ‘the Lesser T4i, doing the same for his cousin’s work, reduced it to 46 treatises. This second condensation of the Li documents met with general acceptance, and was styled the Li Xi. Shang himself wrote a work in twelve chapters, called ‘A Discussion of the Doubts of Scholars about the Li X1, which, though now lost, was existing in the time of Sui. Through K4i4o Zan and others, scholars of renown in their day, the redaction passed on to the well-known Ma Yung and M4 Yung (A.D. 79-166), who added to Kang Hsiian. Shing’s books the Yiieh Ling, the Ming 1 Sinologists, without exception I believe, have called Shing a ‘nephew’ of Teh, overlooking the way in which the relationship between them is expressed in Chinese. Shang is always Teh's 4° Ke xz F., and not simply Jf, x=. F- Foreign students have overlooked the force of the phrase HE xX and, more fully, E Ag K. Teh and Shang’s father had the same grandfather, and were themselves the sons of brothers. They were therefore what we call first cousins, and Teh and Shang were second cousins. The point is unimportant, but it is well to be correct even in small matters. Not unimportant, however, is the error of Callery (Introduction, p. 6), who says, ‘Le neveu, homme dépravé, beaucoup plus adonné aux plaisirs, qu’ l'étude, retrancha encore davantage et fixa le nombre des chapitres 4 46.’ No such stigma rests on the character of Tai Shang, and I am sure translators have reason to be grateful to him for condensing, as he did, the result of his cousin’s labours. 8 THE Lf xt. CH. 1.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1denoting ‘ The Profound and Intelligent.’ 3 The Catalogue of the Sui Dynasty’s (A. D. 589-618) Imperial library says this was a scholar of the surname Lf (48). I have been unable to trace the authority for the statement farther back. CH. 1. INTRODUCTION. 5 with their functions, was wanting, and the king offered to ‘ pay 1000 pieces of gold to any one who should supply the missing tablets, but in vain’. He presented the tablets which he had obtained at the court of his half-brother, the emperor W(; but the treasure remained uncared for in one of the imperial repositories till the next century; when it came into the charge of Lid Hsin. Hsin replaced the missing portion from another old work, called Khao Kung Ki, which Wylie renders by ‘The Artificers’ Record.’ This has ever since continued to appear as the sixth section of the whole work, for the charge of which Hsin obtained the appointment of a special board of scholars, such as had from the first been entrusted with the care of the f Li. The X4u Li is a constitutional. and not a ritual work. The last entry in Hsin’s Catalogue of Lt Books is :—'The Kau Kwan in six sections; and a treatise on the K4u Kwan in four sections.’ That is the proper name for it. It was not called the X 4u Li till the Thang dynasty?. iii, We come to the formation of the text of the Li Xi, in which we are more particularly interested. We cannot Formation of Speak of its recovery, for though parts of the Li At. it had been in existence during the KAu dynasty, many of its Books cannot claim a higher antiquity than the period of the Han. All that is known about the authorship of them all will be found in the notices which form the last chapter of this Introduction. After the entry in Lid Hsin’s Catalogue about the re- 1 This is related in the Catalogue of the Sui dynasty. It could not be in Khien’s sixty-first chapter of Biographies, because the AA@u Kwan was not known, or, at least, not made public, in Aien’s time. The Sui writers, no doubt, took it from some biography of the Han, which has escaped me. * A complete translation of the A4u Lf appeared at Paris in 1851, the work of Edwaui Biot, who had died himself before its publication, before his fiftieth year. According to a note in Callery’s ‘Mémorial des Rites’ (p. 191), the labour of its preparation hastened Biot’s death. There are some errors in the version, but they are few. I have had occasion to refer to hundreds of passages in it, and always with an increasing admiration of the author's general resources and knowledge of Chinese. His early death was the greatest loss which the cause of sinology has sustained. His labours, chiefly on Chinese subjects, had been incessant from 1835. The perusal of them has often brought to my memory the words of Newton. ‘If Mr. Cotes had lived, we should have known something.’ Is there no sinologist who will now undertake a complete translation of the f Li? 6 THE LI xt. CH. 1.
2The perusal of them has often brought to my memory the words of Newton. ‘If Mr. Cotes had lived, we should have known something.’ Is there no sinologist who will now undertake a complete translation of the f Li? 6 THE LI xt. CH. 1. covered text of the f Li, there follows—‘131 phien’ of Ki, that is, so many different records or treatises on the subject of Li. These had also been collected by king Hsien, and Ad Hsi’s note about them is that they were ‘Treatises composed by the disciples of the seventy disciples,’ meaning by ‘the seventy disciples’ those of Confucius’ followers who had been most in his society and profited most from his instructions. These 131 phien contained, no doubt, the germ of our Li K¢; but there they remained for about a century in the imperial repositories, undigested and uncared for, and constantly having other treatises of a similar nature added to them. At last, in B.C. 51, the emperor Hsiian (B.C. 73-47) convoked a large assembly of Great Scholars to meet in Councilof the Stone-Conduit Gallery, and discuss the B.C. 51. text of the recovered classics‘. A prominent member of this assembly, the president of it I suppose, was Lid Hsiang, himself a celebrated writer and a scion of the imperial house, who appears to have had the principal charge of all the repositories. Among the other members, and in special connexion with the Li works, we find the name of Tai Shang, who will again come before us?. We do not know what the deliberations of the Great Scholars resulted in, but twenty-five years later the emperor KAang caused another search to be made throughout the empire for books that might hitherto have escaped notice; and, when it was completed, he ordered Hsiang to examine all the contents of the repositories, and collate the various copies of the classics. From this came the preparation of a catalogue; and Hsiang dying at the age of seventy-two, in B.C. 9, before it was completed, the work was delegated to his third and youngest son Hsin. His catalogue we happily possess. It mentions, in addition to the f Li and B.C. 26. ' See the Details in the General Mirror of History, under B.C. 51. CH. I. INTRODUCTION. 7
39, before it was completed, the work was delegated to his third and youngest son Hsin. His catalogue we happily possess. It mentions, in addition to the f Li and B.C. 26. ' See the Details in the General Mirror of History, under B.C. 51. CH. I. INTRODUCTION. 7 Kau Li, 199 phien of Li treatises. The résumé appended to the Li books in the Catalogue of the Sui Dynasty, omitting works mentioned by Hsin, and inserting two others, says that Hsiang had in his hands altogether 214 phien. What was to be done with this mass of tablets, or the written copies made from them? The most distinguished of the Li scholars in the time of the emperors Hsiian and King was a Hau 3hang, the H&a Shangand author of the compilation called in Hsin’s the two Tais. Catalogue KAii Tai Ki; and two of his disciples, T4i Teh and Tai Shang, cousins}, the name of the latter of whom has already been mentioned as a member of the council of B.C. 51, were also celebrated for their ability. Teh, the older of the two, and commonly called Ta T4i, or ‘the Greater Ti,’ while Hsiang was yet alive, digested the mass of phien, and in doing so reduced their number to 85. The younger, called Hsiao T4i, or ‘the Lesser T4i, doing the same for his cousin’s work, reduced it to 46 treatises. This second condensation of the Li documents met with general acceptance, and was styled the Li Xi. Shang himself wrote a work in twelve chapters, called ‘A Discussion of the Doubts of Scholars about the Li X1, which, though now lost, was existing in the time of Sui. Through K4i4o Zan and others, scholars of renown in their day, the redaction passed on to the well-known Ma Yung and M4 Yung (A.D. 79-166), who added to Kang Hsiian. Shing’s books the Yiieh Ling, the Ming 1 Sinologists, without exception I believe, have called Shing a ‘nephew’ of Teh, overlooking the way in which the relationship between them is expressed in Chinese. Shang is always Teh's 4° Ke xz F., and not simply Jf, x=. F- Foreign students have overlooked the force of the phrase HE xX and, more fully, E Ag K. Teh and Shang’s father had the same grandfather, and were themselves the sons of brothers. They were therefore what we call first cousins, and Teh and Shang were second cousins. The point is unimportant, but it is well to be correct even in small matters. Not unimportant, however, is the error of Callery (Introduction, p. 6), who says, ‘Le neveu, homme dépravé, beaucoup plus adonné aux plaisirs, qu’ l'étude, retrancha encore davantage et fixa le nombre des chapitres 4 46.’ No such stigma rests on the character of Tai Shang, and I am sure translators have reason to be grateful to him for condensing, as he did, the result of his cousin’s labours. 8 THE Lf xt. CH. 1.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
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