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Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1There is also a short supplementary Section in the middle of the year, at the end of the sixth month, rendered necessary by the TAoist lines on which the different portions are put together. 3hai Yung (A.D. 133-192)! and Wang Si?, somewhat later (in our third century), held that the Book was the work of the duke of K4u, and must be assigned to the eleventh or twelfth century B.c. But this view of its antiquity may be said to be universally given up. Even Kang Hsiian saw in the second century that it was a compilation from. the K#un KAit of Lii Pd-wei, still foolishly said by many Chinese writers to have been the real father of the founder of the AKAin dynasty, and who died in B.C. 237. Ld Teh-ming‘, writing in our seventh century, said, ‘The Yiieh Ling was originally part of Li’s Khun KAid, from which some one subsequently compiled this Memoir.’ The K4ien-lung editors unhesitatingly affirm this origin of the Yiieh Ling; as indeed no one, who has compared it with the work ascribed to Lii, can have any doubts on the matter. Of that work, Mayers says that ‘it is a collection of quasi-historical notices, and, although nominally Lii’s production, really compiled under his direction by an assemblage of scholars.’ SH CER BRE: BKK. ‘We fi oy. BK. V. INTRODUCTION. 21 Mayers adds, that on the completion of the work, Lii Pfi-wei suspended 1000 pieces of gold at the gate of his palace, which he offered as a reward to any one who could suggest an improvement of it by adding or expunging a single character’, Such was the origin of the Yiieh Ling. We do not know who compiled it from the K#un KAift of Li, but it was first received into the Lt Xi by MA Yung. It can be explained only by noting the X4in peculiarities in the names of titles and other things. It is in itself full of interest, throwing light on the ancient ways and religious’ views, and showing how the latter more especially came to be corrupted by the intrusion among them of T4oistic elements. The Book has sometimes been called ‘A Calendar of the Months of Kau.’ Callery translates the name Yiieh Ling by ‘Attributs des Mois.’ My own translation of it is after Xang Hsiian, who says, ‘The Book is called Yiieh Ling, because it records the proceedings of Government in the twelve months of the year.’ Book V. 3ANG-3ZE WAN. This Book is named from the first three characters in it, meaning ‘The Questions of 3ang-jze.’ Most of the different paragraphs or chapters in the two Sections of it commence in the same way. It is not found at all in the expurgated editions of the classic. 3ang-jze, or Mr. 3ang?, about fifty years younger than Confucius, was one of the chief disciples of his school, perhaps the ablest among them. He was distinguished for his filial piety, and straightforward, honest simplicity.
2It is not found at all in the expurgated editions of the classic. 3ang-jze, or Mr. 3ang?, about fifty years younger than Confucius, was one of the chief disciples of his school, perhaps the ablest among them. He was distinguished for his filial piety, and straightforward, honest simplicity. 1 Mayers’ Chinese Reader’s Manual, p. 146. The 1000 pieces of gold suspended at Lii’s gate are probably only a variation of what has been related in the preceding chapter of what was done by king Hsien of Ho-dien towards the recovery of the missing Book of the Au Kwan. * 4a -F-; his name was (Shin, YZ), and that which he received in his mataity, esi (F HR). 22 THE Li xi. CH. II. There is an interesting account of his death in Book II, i, Part i, 18. In the department of Lif Hsin’s Catalogue, which contains ‘ Works of the Literati,’ there are entered ‘18 Treatises (phien) of 3ang-jze, but without any further specification of them. Ten of those treatises, or fragments of them, are found in the Li of the Greater Ti, but this Book is not among them, nor have I seen it anywhere ascribed to him as the writer of it. It must have been compiled, however, from memoranda left by him or some of his intimate disciples. The names of only two other disciples of the Master occur in it—those of 3ze-yd and 3ze-hsid!. The reference to the disciples of the former in Section ii, 19, must be a note by the final compiler. The mention of Lao-jze or Lao Tan, and his views also, in Section ii, 22, 24, 28, strikes us as remarkable. If it were necessary to devise a name for the Book, I should propose—‘ Questions of Casuistry on the subject of Ceremonial Rites.’ 3ang-3ze propounds difficulties that have struck him on various points of ceremony, especially in connexion with the rites of mourning; and Confucius replies to them ingeniously and with much fertility. Some of the questions and answers, however, are but so much trifling. Khung Ying-t4 says that only 3ang-3ze could have proposed the questions, and only Confucius have furnished the answers. He applies to the Book the description of the Yi in the third of the Appendixes to that classic, i, 40, as ‘ Speaking of the most complex phenomena under the sky, and having nothing in it to awaken dislike, and of the subtlest movements under the sky, and having nothing in it to produce confusion.’ Book VI. WAN WANG SHIH-3ZE. No hint is given, nothing has been suggested, as to who was the compiler of this Book, which the K/ien-lung editors publish in two Sections. Its name is taken from the first / FFE BK. VII. INTRODUCTION. 23
3WAN WANG SHIH-3ZE. No hint is given, nothing has been suggested, as to who was the compiler of this Book, which the K/ien-lung editors publish in two Sections. Its name is taken from the first / FFE BK. VII. INTRODUCTION. 23 clause of the first paragraph, which treats of king WAn, the founder of the X4u dynasty, as he demeaned himself in his youth, when he was Shih-jze, or son and heir of his father. This is followed by a similar account of his son, who became king WA ; and in paragraph 3 the writer goes on to the duke of K4u’s training of king KA&ng, the young son of Wi. In the last paragraph of the second Section, the subject of king W4n as prince is resumed. But the real subject-matter of the Book lies between those portions, and treats of three things. First; Section i, paragraph 5 to the end, treats of the education and training of the eldest sons of the king and feudal .princes, and of the young men of brightest promise throughout the kingdom, chosen to study with these. We learn much from it as to the educational institutions and methods of ancient times. Second; in Section ii, paragraphs 1 to 15, we have the duties of the Shid-3ze, the head of an official Section, belonging to the department of the premier, whose special business was with the direction of the young noblemen of the royal and feudal courts in all matters belonging to their instruction. Third; from paragraph 17 to 23 of Section ii, we have an‘account of the various ceremonies or observances in the king’s feasting and cherishing of the aged, and of his care that a similar course should be pursued by all the princes in their states. Book VII. Lit Yun. Lt Yun means, literally, ‘The Conveyance of Rites.’ P. Callery translates the name, not unsuccessfully, by ‘Phases du Cérémonial;’ but I prefer my own longer rendering of it, because it gives the reader a better idea of the contents of the Book. Aang Hsiian said it was called the Conveyance of Rites, because it records how the five Tis and three Kings made their several changes in them, and how the Yin and the Yang, or the twofold movement 24 THE Li xi. CH. 11, and operation of nature, produced them by their revolutions. The whole is difficult and deep; and no other portion of the collection has tasked the ablest commentators more. The Khien-lung editors say that we have in the Book a grand expression of the importance of ceremonial usages, and that, if we are on our guard against a small T4oistic element in it, it is pure and without a flaw. That depraving element, they think, was introduced by the smaller Ti, who ignorantly thought he could make the Treatise appear to have a higher character by surreptitiously mixing it up with the fancies of Lao and Awang. But the TAoistic admixture is larger than they are willing to allow.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1There is also a short supplementary Section in the middle of the year, at the end of the sixth month, rendered necessary by the TAoist lines on which the different portions are put together. 3hai Yung (A.D. 133-192)! and Wang Si?, somewhat later (in our third century), held that the Book was the work of the duke of K4u, and must be assigned to the eleventh or twelfth century B.c. But this view of its antiquity may be said to be universally given up. Even Kang Hsiian saw in the second century that it was a compilation from. the K#un KAit of Lii Pd-wei, still foolishly said by many Chinese writers to have been the real father of the founder of the AKAin dynasty, and who died in B.C. 237. Ld Teh-ming‘, writing in our seventh century, said, ‘The Yiieh Ling was originally part of Li’s Khun KAid, from which some one subsequently compiled this Memoir.’ The K4ien-lung editors unhesitatingly affirm this origin of the Yiieh Ling; as indeed no one, who has compared it with the work ascribed to Lii, can have any doubts on the matter. Of that work, Mayers says that ‘it is a collection of quasi-historical notices, and, although nominally Lii’s production, really compiled under his direction by an assemblage of scholars.’ SH CER BRE: BKK. ‘We fi oy. BK. V. INTRODUCTION. 21 Mayers adds, that on the completion of the work, Lii Pfi-wei suspended 1000 pieces of gold at the gate of his palace, which he offered as a reward to any one who could suggest an improvement of it by adding or expunging a single character’, Such was the origin of the Yiieh Ling. We do not know who compiled it from the K#un KAift of Li, but it was first received into the Lt Xi by MA Yung. It can be explained only by noting the X4in peculiarities in the names of titles and other things. It is in itself full of interest, throwing light on the ancient ways and religious’ views, and showing how the latter more especially came to be corrupted by the intrusion among them of T4oistic elements. The Book has sometimes been called ‘A Calendar of the Months of Kau.’ Callery translates the name Yiieh Ling by ‘Attributs des Mois.’ My own translation of it is after Xang Hsiian, who says, ‘The Book is called Yiieh Ling, because it records the proceedings of Government in the twelve months of the year.’ Book V. 3ANG-3ZE WAN. This Book is named from the first three characters in it, meaning ‘The Questions of 3ang-jze.’ Most of the different paragraphs or chapters in the two Sections of it commence in the same way. It is not found at all in the expurgated editions of the classic. 3ang-jze, or Mr. 3ang?, about fifty years younger than Confucius, was one of the chief disciples of his school, perhaps the ablest among them. He was distinguished for his filial piety, and straightforward, honest simplicity.
2It is not found at all in the expurgated editions of the classic. 3ang-jze, or Mr. 3ang?, about fifty years younger than Confucius, was one of the chief disciples of his school, perhaps the ablest among them. He was distinguished for his filial piety, and straightforward, honest simplicity. 1 Mayers’ Chinese Reader’s Manual, p. 146. The 1000 pieces of gold suspended at Lii’s gate are probably only a variation of what has been related in the preceding chapter of what was done by king Hsien of Ho-dien towards the recovery of the missing Book of the Au Kwan. * 4a -F-; his name was (Shin, YZ), and that which he received in his mataity, esi (F HR). 22 THE Li xi. CH. II. There is an interesting account of his death in Book II, i, Part i, 18. In the department of Lif Hsin’s Catalogue, which contains ‘ Works of the Literati,’ there are entered ‘18 Treatises (phien) of 3ang-jze, but without any further specification of them. Ten of those treatises, or fragments of them, are found in the Li of the Greater Ti, but this Book is not among them, nor have I seen it anywhere ascribed to him as the writer of it. It must have been compiled, however, from memoranda left by him or some of his intimate disciples. The names of only two other disciples of the Master occur in it—those of 3ze-yd and 3ze-hsid!. The reference to the disciples of the former in Section ii, 19, must be a note by the final compiler. The mention of Lao-jze or Lao Tan, and his views also, in Section ii, 22, 24, 28, strikes us as remarkable. If it were necessary to devise a name for the Book, I should propose—‘ Questions of Casuistry on the subject of Ceremonial Rites.’ 3ang-3ze propounds difficulties that have struck him on various points of ceremony, especially in connexion with the rites of mourning; and Confucius replies to them ingeniously and with much fertility. Some of the questions and answers, however, are but so much trifling. Khung Ying-t4 says that only 3ang-3ze could have proposed the questions, and only Confucius have furnished the answers. He applies to the Book the description of the Yi in the third of the Appendixes to that classic, i, 40, as ‘ Speaking of the most complex phenomena under the sky, and having nothing in it to awaken dislike, and of the subtlest movements under the sky, and having nothing in it to produce confusion.’ Book VI. WAN WANG SHIH-3ZE. No hint is given, nothing has been suggested, as to who was the compiler of this Book, which the K/ien-lung editors publish in two Sections. Its name is taken from the first / FFE BK. VII. INTRODUCTION. 23
3WAN WANG SHIH-3ZE. No hint is given, nothing has been suggested, as to who was the compiler of this Book, which the K/ien-lung editors publish in two Sections. Its name is taken from the first / FFE BK. VII. INTRODUCTION. 23 clause of the first paragraph, which treats of king WAn, the founder of the X4u dynasty, as he demeaned himself in his youth, when he was Shih-jze, or son and heir of his father. This is followed by a similar account of his son, who became king WA ; and in paragraph 3 the writer goes on to the duke of K4u’s training of king KA&ng, the young son of Wi. In the last paragraph of the second Section, the subject of king W4n as prince is resumed. But the real subject-matter of the Book lies between those portions, and treats of three things. First; Section i, paragraph 5 to the end, treats of the education and training of the eldest sons of the king and feudal .princes, and of the young men of brightest promise throughout the kingdom, chosen to study with these. We learn much from it as to the educational institutions and methods of ancient times. Second; in Section ii, paragraphs 1 to 15, we have the duties of the Shid-3ze, the head of an official Section, belonging to the department of the premier, whose special business was with the direction of the young noblemen of the royal and feudal courts in all matters belonging to their instruction. Third; from paragraph 17 to 23 of Section ii, we have an‘account of the various ceremonies or observances in the king’s feasting and cherishing of the aged, and of his care that a similar course should be pursued by all the princes in their states. Book VII. Lit Yun. Lt Yun means, literally, ‘The Conveyance of Rites.’ P. Callery translates the name, not unsuccessfully, by ‘Phases du Cérémonial;’ but I prefer my own longer rendering of it, because it gives the reader a better idea of the contents of the Book. Aang Hsiian said it was called the Conveyance of Rites, because it records how the five Tis and three Kings made their several changes in them, and how the Yin and the Yang, or the twofold movement 24 THE Li xi. CH. 11, and operation of nature, produced them by their revolutions. The whole is difficult and deep; and no other portion of the collection has tasked the ablest commentators more. The Khien-lung editors say that we have in the Book a grand expression of the importance of ceremonial usages, and that, if we are on our guard against a small T4oistic element in it, it is pure and without a flaw. That depraving element, they think, was introduced by the smaller Ti, who ignorantly thought he could make the Treatise appear to have a higher character by surreptitiously mixing it up with the fancies of Lao and Awang. But the TAoistic admixture is larger than they are willing to allow.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
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