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Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1And much more important than any disputes about sacraments, infallibility, apostolic succession, ritual, or observance of the Sabbath can possibly be to any modern Romanist or Protestant. In his mode of dealing with this matter Mandskihar displays at once the moderation and tact of a statesman accustomed to responsibility, the learning and zeal of a well-informed priest, and the kindly affection of a brother. That he was not without rivals and enemies appears from his casual allusions to Zaratdst, the club-footed, and Atardpad in Ep. II, i, 13, v, 14, ix,11; but in all such allusions, as well as in his denunciation of heretical opinions, he refrains from coarse invective, and avoids the use of exaggerated language, such as too often disfigures and weakens the arguments in polemical discussions. Indirectly these epistles throw some light upon the condition of the Mazda-worshippers after more than two INTRODUCTION, XXVil centuries of ceaseless struggle with the ever-advancing flood of Muhammadanism which was destined to submerge them. Shiraz, Sirkan, Kirm4n, R4i, and Sarakhs are still mentioned as head-quarters of the old faith; and we are told of assemblies at Shiraz and among the Tughazghuz, the former of which appears to have had the chief control of religious matters in Pars, Kirm4n, and the south, acting as a council to the high-priest of Pars and Kirm4n, who was recognised as the leader of the religion (Dd. XLV, 5). We also learn, from Ep. I, iii, 11, II, v, 14, that the leaders of the Mazda-worshippers, if not their high-priests, were still in the habit of maintaining troops; and, from Ep. II, i, 9, that when a high-priest became very old his worldly duties were performed by four of the most learned priests, forming a committee, which had full authority to deliberate and act for him in all worldly matters, Manfsihar even speaks of emigrating by sea to China, or by land to Asia Minor (Ep. II, viii, 5), in order to escape from the annoyances of his position.
2II, viii, 5), in order to escape from the annoyances of his position. But the statements which are most important to the Pahlavi scholar, in these epistles, are the date attached to the third epistle, corresponding to A.D. 881, and the mention of Nishahpdhar in Ep. I, iv, 15,17 as the supreme officiating priest and councillor of king Khdsré Néshirvan (A.D. 531-579), engaged apparently in writing commentaries on the Avesta. The date of these epistles not only limits that of the Dadistan-i Dinik to the latter half of the ninth century, but also fixes those of the larger recension of the Bundahis and of the latest revision of the Dinkard within the same period, because it is stated in Bd. XX XIII, 10, 11 that the writer of that chapter was a contemporary of Zad-sparam, son of Y(id4n-Yim, and Atdr-pad, son of Hémid, the former of whom was evidently the brother of MAmisfihar, and the latter is mentioned in Dinkard III, cccexiii as the latest editor of that work. The actual compiler of a great part of the Dinkard (especially of the fourth and fifth books) was, however, the somewhat earlier writer Atdr-frobag, son of Farukhfizad (Dd. LXXXVIII, 8, Ep. I, iii, 9). The name of Nishahpdhar is also mentioned as that XXViil PAHLAVI TEXTS. of a commentator in the Pahlavi Vendidad and Nirangistan, which works must, therefore, have been revised since the middle of the sixth century. And as we are informed in the book of Arda-Viraf (I, 35) that ‘there are some who call him by the name of Nikhshahpar,’ we ought probably to refer that book to the same age. These epistles, therefore, enable us, for the first time, to fix the probable dates of the latest extensive revisions of six of the most important Pahlavi works that are still extant ; and from the relationship of these to others we can readily arrive at safer conclusions, regarding the age of Pahlavi literature in general, than have been hitherto possible. 4. THE APPENDIX. For the sake of elucidating certain matters, mentioned in the writings of MAndséihar, further information than could be given in the foot-notes has been added in the shape of an appendix. To a brief summary of the Avesta legends, relating to the ancient hero Keresdsp, has been added a translation of a Pahlavi legend regarding the fate of his soul, in which several of his more famous exploits are detailed. This legend is found in the Pahlavi Rivayat preceding the Dadistan-i Dinik in the manuscripts BK and J, and is evidently derived from the fourteenth fargard of the Sddkar Nask, whose contents, as described in the ninth book of the Dinkard, are also given. It is likewise found in the later Persian Rivayats, with several modifications which are duly noticed. The Nirang-i Kusti, or ceremony of tying the sacred thread-girdle, is also described in detail, with a translation of the ritual accompanying it, partly from actual observation, and partly from Gugarati accounts of the rite.
3The Nirang-i Kusti, or ceremony of tying the sacred thread-girdle, is also described in detail, with a translation of the ritual accompanying it, partly from actual observation, and partly from Gugarati accounts of the rite. It having become necessary to ascertain with certainty whether the term ‘next-of-kin marriage’ was a justifiable translation of khvétQk-das, as used by Pahlavi writers, an extensive examination of all accessible passages, which throw any light upon the meaning of the word, has been INTRODUCTION. XX1X made. The result of this enquiry can be best understood from the details collected, but it may be stated in general terms that, though ‘ marriage among kinsfolk’ might fairly represent the varying meaning of khvétik-das in different ages, its usual signification in Pahlavi literature is more accurately indicated by ‘next-of-kin marriage.’ Some apology is perhaps due to the Parsi community for directing attention to a subject which they consider disagreeable. But, by the publication of a portion of the Dinkard, they have themselves placed the most important passage, bearing on the subject, within the reach of every European Orientalist; thus rendering it easy for any prejudiced translator to represent the practice of such marriages as having been general, instead of their being so distasteful to the laity as to require a constant exertion of all the influence that the priesthood possessed, in order to recommend them, even in the darkest ages of the faith. To avoid such one-sided views of the matter, as well as to hinder them in others, has been the special aim of the present translator in trying to ascertain the exact meaning of the obscure texts he had to deal with. The translations from the Pahlavi Vendidad, regarding the Bareshnim ceremony and the purifications requisite after finding a corpse in the wilderness, will be found necessary for explaining many allusions and assertions in the Epistles of Mandsfihar. The text followed in all passages translated from the Dinkard is that contained in the manuscript now in the library of Dastdr Sohrabji Rustamji, the high-priest of the Kadmi sect of Parsis in Bombay. It was written A. D. 1669, and was brought from Persia to Surat by Mulla Bahman in 1783. All other known copies of the Dinkard are descended from this manuscript, except a codex, brought from Persia by the late Professor Westergaard in 1843, which contains one-fifth of the Dinkard mostly written in 1574, and is now in the University Library at Kopenhagen. For translations from the Pahlavi Vendidad the text adopted, wherever available and not evidently defective, has been that of L4, a manuscript of the Vendidad with XXX PAHLAVI TEXTS, Pahlavi, Z. and P. IV, in the India Office Library in London.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1And much more important than any disputes about sacraments, infallibility, apostolic succession, ritual, or observance of the Sabbath can possibly be to any modern Romanist or Protestant. In his mode of dealing with this matter Mandskihar displays at once the moderation and tact of a statesman accustomed to responsibility, the learning and zeal of a well-informed priest, and the kindly affection of a brother. That he was not without rivals and enemies appears from his casual allusions to Zaratdst, the club-footed, and Atardpad in Ep. II, i, 13, v, 14, ix,11; but in all such allusions, as well as in his denunciation of heretical opinions, he refrains from coarse invective, and avoids the use of exaggerated language, such as too often disfigures and weakens the arguments in polemical discussions. Indirectly these epistles throw some light upon the condition of the Mazda-worshippers after more than two INTRODUCTION, XXVil centuries of ceaseless struggle with the ever-advancing flood of Muhammadanism which was destined to submerge them. Shiraz, Sirkan, Kirm4n, R4i, and Sarakhs are still mentioned as head-quarters of the old faith; and we are told of assemblies at Shiraz and among the Tughazghuz, the former of which appears to have had the chief control of religious matters in Pars, Kirm4n, and the south, acting as a council to the high-priest of Pars and Kirm4n, who was recognised as the leader of the religion (Dd. XLV, 5). We also learn, from Ep. I, iii, 11, II, v, 14, that the leaders of the Mazda-worshippers, if not their high-priests, were still in the habit of maintaining troops; and, from Ep. II, i, 9, that when a high-priest became very old his worldly duties were performed by four of the most learned priests, forming a committee, which had full authority to deliberate and act for him in all worldly matters, Manfsihar even speaks of emigrating by sea to China, or by land to Asia Minor (Ep. II, viii, 5), in order to escape from the annoyances of his position.
2II, viii, 5), in order to escape from the annoyances of his position. But the statements which are most important to the Pahlavi scholar, in these epistles, are the date attached to the third epistle, corresponding to A.D. 881, and the mention of Nishahpdhar in Ep. I, iv, 15,17 as the supreme officiating priest and councillor of king Khdsré Néshirvan (A.D. 531-579), engaged apparently in writing commentaries on the Avesta. The date of these epistles not only limits that of the Dadistan-i Dinik to the latter half of the ninth century, but also fixes those of the larger recension of the Bundahis and of the latest revision of the Dinkard within the same period, because it is stated in Bd. XX XIII, 10, 11 that the writer of that chapter was a contemporary of Zad-sparam, son of Y(id4n-Yim, and Atdr-pad, son of Hémid, the former of whom was evidently the brother of MAmisfihar, and the latter is mentioned in Dinkard III, cccexiii as the latest editor of that work. The actual compiler of a great part of the Dinkard (especially of the fourth and fifth books) was, however, the somewhat earlier writer Atdr-frobag, son of Farukhfizad (Dd. LXXXVIII, 8, Ep. I, iii, 9). The name of Nishahpdhar is also mentioned as that XXViil PAHLAVI TEXTS. of a commentator in the Pahlavi Vendidad and Nirangistan, which works must, therefore, have been revised since the middle of the sixth century. And as we are informed in the book of Arda-Viraf (I, 35) that ‘there are some who call him by the name of Nikhshahpar,’ we ought probably to refer that book to the same age. These epistles, therefore, enable us, for the first time, to fix the probable dates of the latest extensive revisions of six of the most important Pahlavi works that are still extant ; and from the relationship of these to others we can readily arrive at safer conclusions, regarding the age of Pahlavi literature in general, than have been hitherto possible. 4. THE APPENDIX. For the sake of elucidating certain matters, mentioned in the writings of MAndséihar, further information than could be given in the foot-notes has been added in the shape of an appendix. To a brief summary of the Avesta legends, relating to the ancient hero Keresdsp, has been added a translation of a Pahlavi legend regarding the fate of his soul, in which several of his more famous exploits are detailed. This legend is found in the Pahlavi Rivayat preceding the Dadistan-i Dinik in the manuscripts BK and J, and is evidently derived from the fourteenth fargard of the Sddkar Nask, whose contents, as described in the ninth book of the Dinkard, are also given. It is likewise found in the later Persian Rivayats, with several modifications which are duly noticed. The Nirang-i Kusti, or ceremony of tying the sacred thread-girdle, is also described in detail, with a translation of the ritual accompanying it, partly from actual observation, and partly from Gugarati accounts of the rite.
3The Nirang-i Kusti, or ceremony of tying the sacred thread-girdle, is also described in detail, with a translation of the ritual accompanying it, partly from actual observation, and partly from Gugarati accounts of the rite. It having become necessary to ascertain with certainty whether the term ‘next-of-kin marriage’ was a justifiable translation of khvétQk-das, as used by Pahlavi writers, an extensive examination of all accessible passages, which throw any light upon the meaning of the word, has been INTRODUCTION. XX1X made. The result of this enquiry can be best understood from the details collected, but it may be stated in general terms that, though ‘ marriage among kinsfolk’ might fairly represent the varying meaning of khvétik-das in different ages, its usual signification in Pahlavi literature is more accurately indicated by ‘next-of-kin marriage.’ Some apology is perhaps due to the Parsi community for directing attention to a subject which they consider disagreeable. But, by the publication of a portion of the Dinkard, they have themselves placed the most important passage, bearing on the subject, within the reach of every European Orientalist; thus rendering it easy for any prejudiced translator to represent the practice of such marriages as having been general, instead of their being so distasteful to the laity as to require a constant exertion of all the influence that the priesthood possessed, in order to recommend them, even in the darkest ages of the faith. To avoid such one-sided views of the matter, as well as to hinder them in others, has been the special aim of the present translator in trying to ascertain the exact meaning of the obscure texts he had to deal with. The translations from the Pahlavi Vendidad, regarding the Bareshnim ceremony and the purifications requisite after finding a corpse in the wilderness, will be found necessary for explaining many allusions and assertions in the Epistles of Mandsfihar. The text followed in all passages translated from the Dinkard is that contained in the manuscript now in the library of Dastdr Sohrabji Rustamji, the high-priest of the Kadmi sect of Parsis in Bombay. It was written A. D. 1669, and was brought from Persia to Surat by Mulla Bahman in 1783. All other known copies of the Dinkard are descended from this manuscript, except a codex, brought from Persia by the late Professor Westergaard in 1843, which contains one-fifth of the Dinkard mostly written in 1574, and is now in the University Library at Kopenhagen. For translations from the Pahlavi Vendidad the text adopted, wherever available and not evidently defective, has been that of L4, a manuscript of the Vendidad with XXX PAHLAVI TEXTS, Pahlavi, Z. and P. IV, in the India Office Library in London.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
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