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Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
11. GENERAL REMARKS. THE Pahlavi texts selected for translation in this volume are distinguished from all others by the peculiarity that both the name and station of their author and the time in which he lived are distinctly recorded. His name, Mandskihar, son of YQdan-Yim (or Gdsndam), is mentioned in each of the headings and colophons to the Dadistan-t Dinik and the three Epistles attributed to him. He is styled simply aérpat, or ‘priest,’ in the headings of Eps. I and II, and aérpat kh di, or ‘priestly lordship,’ in that of Ep. III; but he is called the rad, ‘pontiff, or executive high-priest,’ of Pars and Kirm4n, and the farm4d4r, ‘director,’ of the profession of priests, in the colophons to Dd. and Ep. II; and we learn from Dd. XLV, 5 that the farm4d4r was also the pesfp4i, or ‘leader’ of the religion, the supreme high-priest of the Mazda-worshipping faith. Regarding his family we learn, from Ep. I, iii, 10, vii, 5, that his father, YOd4n-Yim, son of Shahpdhar, had been the leader of the religion before him; and his own succession to this dignity indicates that he was the eldest surviving son of his father, who, in his declining years, seems to have been assisted by his advice (Ep. I, iii, 11). We also learn, from the heading of his second epistle, that Z4d-sparam was his brother, and this is confirmed by the language used in Ep. II, vi, 1, ix, 6, and by Zad-sparam being a son of the same father (Eps. I, heading, III, 2); that he was a younger brother appears from the general tone of authority over him adopted by M4ndséihar in his epistles. Shortly before these epistles were written, Zadsparam appears to have been at Sarakhs (Ep. II, v, 3), in xiv PAHLAVI TEXTS. the extreme north-east of Khurasdn, where he probably came in contact with the Tughazghuz (Ep. II, i, 12) and adopted some of their heretical opinions, and whence he may have travelled through Nivshahpdhar (Ep. II, i, 2, note) and Shiraz (Ep. II, v, 3, 4) on his way to Sirkén to take up his appointment as high-priest of the south (Eps. I, heading, II, i, 4, v, 9, vii, 1, viii, 1, Zs. I, 0). Soon after his arrival at Sirkan he issued a decree, regarding the ceremonies of purification, which led to complaints from the people of that place, and compelled his brother to interfere by writing epistles, threatening him with deprivation of office (Ep. I, xi, 7) and the fate of a heretic (Eps. II, viii, 2, 3, III, 17-19). That Zad-sparam finally submitted, so far as not to be deprived of his office, appears from his still retaining his position in the south while writing his Selections (Zs. I, 0), which must have been compiled at some later period, free from the excitement of active and, hazardous controversy.
2That Zad-sparam finally submitted, so far as not to be deprived of his office, appears from his still retaining his position in the south while writing his Selections (Zs. I, 0), which must have been compiled at some later period, free from the excitement of active and, hazardous controversy. The age in which MAnds&thar lived is decided by the date attached to his third epistle, or public notification, to the Mazda-worshippers of Iran; which date is the third month of the year 250 of Yazdakard (Ep. III, 21), corresponding to the interval between the 14th June and 13th July A.D. 881; at which time, we learn, he was an old man (Ep. II, ix, 1), but not too old to travel (Eps. I, iii, 13, xi, 4, II, v, 5, vi, 4, 6, vii, 3, viii, 4, 5). His writings, therefore, represent the state of the Zoroastrian religion a thousand years ago; and it may be presumed, from the importance and influentialness of his position, that his representations can be implicitly relied upon. To detect any differences there may be between the tenets and religious customs he describes, and those upheld by Zoroastrians of the present time, would require all the learning and experience of a Parsi priest; but, so far as a European can judge, from these writings and his own limited knowledge of existing religious customs among the Parsis, the change has been less than in any other form of religion during the same period. The manuscripts containing the writings of MAnds#ihar INTRODUCTION. XV are of two classes, one represented in Europe by the codex No. 35 of the collection of Avesta and Pahlavi manuscripts in the University Library at Kopenhagen, the other represented by No. 14 of the Haug Collection of similar manuscripts in the State Library at Munich, which two manuscripts are called K35 and M14, respectively, in this volume. In the former of these classes, represented by K35, the Dadistan-f Dinik occupies the central third of the codex ; being preceded by a nearly equal extent of other miscellaneous religious writings of rather later date, resembling a Pahlavi Rivayat; and being followed by a third series of similar writings of about the same age and extent as the Dadistan-i Dinik, which includes the Epistles of Mandséihar and the Selections of Zad-sparam. In the latter class of manuscripts, from which M14 is descended, the text of the D4distan-i Dinik contains many variations from that in the former class, as if it had been revised by some one whose knowledge of Pahlavi was insufficient to decipher difficult passages, and who had freely exercised his editorial license in altering and mutilating the text to suit his own limited comprehension of it.
3The codex K35, which was brought from Persia by the late Professor Westergaard in 1843, is one of the most important manuscripts of the former class, and now consists of 181 folios; but it is incomplete at both ends, having lost seventy-one folios at the beginning and about thirty-five at the end. It still includes, however, the whole of the Dadistan-i Dinik and the Epistles of M4ndskihar; though its date has been lost with its last folios. But this date can be recovered from an old copy of this codex existing in India (here called BK) and still containing a colophon, probably copied from K35', which states that the manuscript was 1 One reason for supposing that this colophon was so copied is that K35 does not seem older than the date mentioned in it. Another reason is that the loss of the end of this colophon in BK allows us to assume that it was followed by another colophon, as is often the case in copies of old MSS. A colophon that extends to the end of the last folio of a manuscript can never be safely assumed to belong to that manuscript, because it may have been followed by others on further folios, Xvi PAHLAVI TEXTS. completed by Marzapan Frédiin Vahrém Rist&ém Béndér MalkA-mardan Din-ay4r, on the day Asm4n of the month Amerédad A.Y. 941 (19th March, 1572), in the district of the Dahikan in the land of Kirman. The end of this colophon is lost with the last folio of BK, which renders it possible that the last folio contained the further colophon of this copy. That BK is descended from K35 is proved by its containing several false readings, which are clearly due to mis-shapen letters and accidental marks inK35. And that it was copied direct from that codex is proved by the last words of thirty-two of its pages being marked with interlined circles in K35, which circles must have been the copyist’s marks for finding his place, when beginning a fresh page after turning over his folios. This copy of K35 has lost many of its folios, in various parts, but most of the missing text has been recently restored from the modern manuscript J, mentioned below; there are still, however, eleven folios of text missing, near the end of the codex, part of which can be hereafter recovered from TK, described below. The independent value of BK is that it supplies the contents of the seventy-one folios lost at the beginning of K35, and of about nineteen of the folios missing at the end of that codex.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
11. GENERAL REMARKS. THE Pahlavi texts selected for translation in this volume are distinguished from all others by the peculiarity that both the name and station of their author and the time in which he lived are distinctly recorded. His name, Mandskihar, son of YQdan-Yim (or Gdsndam), is mentioned in each of the headings and colophons to the Dadistan-t Dinik and the three Epistles attributed to him. He is styled simply aérpat, or ‘priest,’ in the headings of Eps. I and II, and aérpat kh di, or ‘priestly lordship,’ in that of Ep. III; but he is called the rad, ‘pontiff, or executive high-priest,’ of Pars and Kirm4n, and the farm4d4r, ‘director,’ of the profession of priests, in the colophons to Dd. and Ep. II; and we learn from Dd. XLV, 5 that the farm4d4r was also the pesfp4i, or ‘leader’ of the religion, the supreme high-priest of the Mazda-worshipping faith. Regarding his family we learn, from Ep. I, iii, 10, vii, 5, that his father, YOd4n-Yim, son of Shahpdhar, had been the leader of the religion before him; and his own succession to this dignity indicates that he was the eldest surviving son of his father, who, in his declining years, seems to have been assisted by his advice (Ep. I, iii, 11). We also learn, from the heading of his second epistle, that Z4d-sparam was his brother, and this is confirmed by the language used in Ep. II, vi, 1, ix, 6, and by Zad-sparam being a son of the same father (Eps. I, heading, III, 2); that he was a younger brother appears from the general tone of authority over him adopted by M4ndséihar in his epistles. Shortly before these epistles were written, Zadsparam appears to have been at Sarakhs (Ep. II, v, 3), in xiv PAHLAVI TEXTS. the extreme north-east of Khurasdn, where he probably came in contact with the Tughazghuz (Ep. II, i, 12) and adopted some of their heretical opinions, and whence he may have travelled through Nivshahpdhar (Ep. II, i, 2, note) and Shiraz (Ep. II, v, 3, 4) on his way to Sirkén to take up his appointment as high-priest of the south (Eps. I, heading, II, i, 4, v, 9, vii, 1, viii, 1, Zs. I, 0). Soon after his arrival at Sirkan he issued a decree, regarding the ceremonies of purification, which led to complaints from the people of that place, and compelled his brother to interfere by writing epistles, threatening him with deprivation of office (Ep. I, xi, 7) and the fate of a heretic (Eps. II, viii, 2, 3, III, 17-19). That Zad-sparam finally submitted, so far as not to be deprived of his office, appears from his still retaining his position in the south while writing his Selections (Zs. I, 0), which must have been compiled at some later period, free from the excitement of active and, hazardous controversy.
2That Zad-sparam finally submitted, so far as not to be deprived of his office, appears from his still retaining his position in the south while writing his Selections (Zs. I, 0), which must have been compiled at some later period, free from the excitement of active and, hazardous controversy. The age in which MAnds&thar lived is decided by the date attached to his third epistle, or public notification, to the Mazda-worshippers of Iran; which date is the third month of the year 250 of Yazdakard (Ep. III, 21), corresponding to the interval between the 14th June and 13th July A.D. 881; at which time, we learn, he was an old man (Ep. II, ix, 1), but not too old to travel (Eps. I, iii, 13, xi, 4, II, v, 5, vi, 4, 6, vii, 3, viii, 4, 5). His writings, therefore, represent the state of the Zoroastrian religion a thousand years ago; and it may be presumed, from the importance and influentialness of his position, that his representations can be implicitly relied upon. To detect any differences there may be between the tenets and religious customs he describes, and those upheld by Zoroastrians of the present time, would require all the learning and experience of a Parsi priest; but, so far as a European can judge, from these writings and his own limited knowledge of existing religious customs among the Parsis, the change has been less than in any other form of religion during the same period. The manuscripts containing the writings of MAnds#ihar INTRODUCTION. XV are of two classes, one represented in Europe by the codex No. 35 of the collection of Avesta and Pahlavi manuscripts in the University Library at Kopenhagen, the other represented by No. 14 of the Haug Collection of similar manuscripts in the State Library at Munich, which two manuscripts are called K35 and M14, respectively, in this volume. In the former of these classes, represented by K35, the Dadistan-f Dinik occupies the central third of the codex ; being preceded by a nearly equal extent of other miscellaneous religious writings of rather later date, resembling a Pahlavi Rivayat; and being followed by a third series of similar writings of about the same age and extent as the Dadistan-i Dinik, which includes the Epistles of Mandséihar and the Selections of Zad-sparam. In the latter class of manuscripts, from which M14 is descended, the text of the D4distan-i Dinik contains many variations from that in the former class, as if it had been revised by some one whose knowledge of Pahlavi was insufficient to decipher difficult passages, and who had freely exercised his editorial license in altering and mutilating the text to suit his own limited comprehension of it.
3The codex K35, which was brought from Persia by the late Professor Westergaard in 1843, is one of the most important manuscripts of the former class, and now consists of 181 folios; but it is incomplete at both ends, having lost seventy-one folios at the beginning and about thirty-five at the end. It still includes, however, the whole of the Dadistan-i Dinik and the Epistles of M4ndskihar; though its date has been lost with its last folios. But this date can be recovered from an old copy of this codex existing in India (here called BK) and still containing a colophon, probably copied from K35', which states that the manuscript was 1 One reason for supposing that this colophon was so copied is that K35 does not seem older than the date mentioned in it. Another reason is that the loss of the end of this colophon in BK allows us to assume that it was followed by another colophon, as is often the case in copies of old MSS. A colophon that extends to the end of the last folio of a manuscript can never be safely assumed to belong to that manuscript, because it may have been followed by others on further folios, Xvi PAHLAVI TEXTS. completed by Marzapan Frédiin Vahrém Rist&ém Béndér MalkA-mardan Din-ay4r, on the day Asm4n of the month Amerédad A.Y. 941 (19th March, 1572), in the district of the Dahikan in the land of Kirman. The end of this colophon is lost with the last folio of BK, which renders it possible that the last folio contained the further colophon of this copy. That BK is descended from K35 is proved by its containing several false readings, which are clearly due to mis-shapen letters and accidental marks inK35. And that it was copied direct from that codex is proved by the last words of thirty-two of its pages being marked with interlined circles in K35, which circles must have been the copyist’s marks for finding his place, when beginning a fresh page after turning over his folios. This copy of K35 has lost many of its folios, in various parts, but most of the missing text has been recently restored from the modern manuscript J, mentioned below; there are still, however, eleven folios of text missing, near the end of the codex, part of which can be hereafter recovered from TK, described below. The independent value of BK is that it supplies the contents of the seventy-one folios lost at the beginning of K35, and of about nineteen of the folios missing at the end of that codex.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
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