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Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1‘Among the people of Miao, they did not use the power of goodness, but the restraint of punishments. They made the five punishments engines of oppression?, calling them the laws. They } Khih YQ, as has been observed in the Introduction, p. 27, is the most ancient name mentioned in the Shf, and carries us back, . according to the Chinese chronologists, nearly to the beginning of the twenty-seventh century s.c. P. Gaubil translates the characters which appear in the English text here as ‘According to the teachings of ancient times’ by ‘Selon les anciens documents,’ which is more than the Chinese text says.—It is remarkable that at the commencement of Chinese history, Chinese tradition placed a period of innocence, a season when order and virtue ruled in men’s affairs. * 1 do not think it is intended to say here that ‘the five punishments’ were invented by the chiefs of. the Miao; but only that 256 THE SHO KING. PART V. slaughtered the innocent, and were the first also to go to excess in cutting off the nose, cutting off the ears, castration, and branding. All who became liable to those punishments were dealt with without distinction, no difference being made in favour of those who could offer some excuse. The people were gradually affected by this state of things, and became dark and disorderly. Their hearts were no more set on good faith, but they violated their oaths and covenants. The multitudes who suffered from the oppressive terrors, and were (in danger of) being murdered, declared their innocence to Heaven. God — surveyed the people, and there was no fragrance of virtue arising from them, but the rank odour of their (cruel) punishments.* ‘The great Tt? compassionated the innocent multitudes that were (in danger of) being murdered, and made the oppressors feel the terrors of his majesty. He restrained and (finally) extinguished the people of Mido, so that they should not con- these used them excessively and barbarously. From two passages in the Canon of Shun, we conclude that that monarch was acquainted with ‘the five great inflictions or punishments,’ and gave instructions to his minister K&o-y4o as to their use. 1 Here is the name—Hwang Ti—by which the sovereigns of China have been styled from s.c. 221, since the emperor of X;/in, on his extinction of the feudal states, enacted that it should be borne by himself and his descendants. I have spoken of the meaning of Tf and of the title Hwang Ti in the note on the translation of the Shi appended to the Preface. There can be no doubt that it was Shun whom king Mf intended by the name. A few sentences further on, the mention of Po-! and Yi leads us to the time subsequent to Y4o, and there does not appear to be any change of subject in the paragraph. We get from this Book a higher idea of the power of the Mifo than from the Books of Part II. BOOK XXVII. MARQUIS OF LU ON PUNISHMENTS. 257
2and Yi leads us to the time subsequent to Y4o, and there does not appear to be any change of subject in the paragraph. We get from this Book a higher idea of the power of the Mifo than from the Books of Part II. BOOK XXVII. MARQUIS OF LU ON PUNISHMENTS. 257 tinue to future generations. Then he commissioned Khung and Lt! to make an end of the communications between earth and heaven; and the descents (of spirits) ceased’. From the princes down to the ? Khung and Li are nowhere met with in the previous parts of the ShQ, nor in any other reliable documents of history, as officers of Shun. 3h4i An and others would identify them with the Hsf and Ho of the Canon of Y4o, and -hold those to have been descended from a Khung and a Li, supposed to belong to the time of Shao Ho in the twenty-sixth century B.c. Whoever they were, the duty with which they were charged was remarkable. In the Narratives of the States (a book of the Aau dynasty), we find a conversation on it, during the lifetime of Confucius, between king Khao of KAQ (B.c. 515-489) and one of his ministers, called Kwan Yi-ff. ‘What is meant,’ asked the king, ‘by what is said in one of the Books of Kéu about Kung and Lf, that they really brought it about that there was no intercourse between heaven and earth? If they had not done so, would people have been able to ‘ascend to heaven?’ The minister replied that that was not the meaning at all, and gave his own view of it at great length, to the following effect— Anciently, the people attended to the discharge of their duties to one another, and left the worship of spiritual beings— the seeking intercourse with them, and invoking and effecting their descent on earth—to the officers who were appointed for that purpose. In this way things proceeded with great regularity. The people minded their own affairs, and the spirits minded theirs. Tranquillity and prosperity were the consequence. But in the time of Shao Hao, through the lawlessness of Xi(-If, a change took place. The people intruded into the functions of the regulators of the spirits and their worship. They abandoned their duties to their fellow men, and tried to bring down spirits from above. The spirits themselves, no longer kept in check and subjected to rule, made their appearance irregularly and disastrously. All was confusion and calamity, when Awan Hsii (B.C. 2510-2433) took the case in hand. He appointed Aung, the Minister of the South, to the superintendency of heavenly things, to prescribe the laws for the spirits, and Lf, the Minister of Fire, to the superintendency of earthly things, to prescribe the rules for the people. In this way both spirits and people were (t] 8 258 THE SHO KING. PART V.
3In this way both spirits and people were (t] 8 258 THE SHO KING. PART V. inferior officers, all helped with clear intelligence (the spread of) the regular principles of duty, and the solitary and widows were no longer overlooked. The great Tt with an unprejudiced mind carried his enquiries low down among the people, and the solitary and widows laid before him their complaints against the Mido. He awed the people by the majesty of his virtue, and enlightened them by its brightness. He thereupon charged the three princely (ministers)' to labour with compassionate anxiety in the people’s behalf. Po-t delivered his statutes to prevent the people from rendering themselves obnoxious to punishment; Yii reduced to order the water and the land, and presided over the naming of the hills and rivers; t spread abroad a knowledge of agriculture, and (the people) extensively cultivated the admirable grains. When the three princes had accomplished their work, it was abundantly well with the people. The Minister of Crime? exercised among them the restraint of brought ‘back to their former regular courses, and there was no unhallowed interference of the one with the other. This was the work described in the text. But subsequently the chief of Sanmiso showed himself a Xif-li redivivus, till Y4o called forth the descendants of Afung and Lf, who had not forgotten the virtue and functions of their fathers, and made them take the case in hand again. According to Yi-f(’s statements K/ung’s functions were those of the Minister of Religion, and Li’s those of the Minister of Instruction ; but Hs? and Ho were simply Ministers of Astronomy and the Calendar, and their descendants continue to appear as such in the Shi to the reign of Kung Khang, long after we know that men of other families were appointed to the important ministries of Khung and Lf. 1 Those immediately mentioned,—Po-f, Yi, and Ai. See the Canon of Shun and other Books of Part II. * K4o-y4o, —e | i \ . NS BOOK XXVII. MARQUIS OF LU ON PUNISHMENTS. 259 punishment in exact adaptation to each offence, and taught them to reverence virtue, The greatest gravity and harmony in the sovereign, and the greatest intelligence in those below him, thus shining forth to all quarters (of the land), all were rendered diligent in cultivating their virtue. Hence, (if anything more were wanted), the clear adjudication of punishments effected the regulation of the people, and helped them to observe the regular duties of life. The officers who presided over criminal cases executed the law (fearlessly) against the powerful, and (faithfully) against the wealthy, They were reverent and cautious. They had no occasion to make choice of words to vindicate their conduct. The virtue of Heaven was attained to by them ; from them was the determination of so great a matter as the lives (of men). In their low sphere they yet corresponded (to Heaven) and enjoyed (its favour).’ *
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1‘Among the people of Miao, they did not use the power of goodness, but the restraint of punishments. They made the five punishments engines of oppression?, calling them the laws. They } Khih YQ, as has been observed in the Introduction, p. 27, is the most ancient name mentioned in the Shf, and carries us back, . according to the Chinese chronologists, nearly to the beginning of the twenty-seventh century s.c. P. Gaubil translates the characters which appear in the English text here as ‘According to the teachings of ancient times’ by ‘Selon les anciens documents,’ which is more than the Chinese text says.—It is remarkable that at the commencement of Chinese history, Chinese tradition placed a period of innocence, a season when order and virtue ruled in men’s affairs. * 1 do not think it is intended to say here that ‘the five punishments’ were invented by the chiefs of. the Miao; but only that 256 THE SHO KING. PART V. slaughtered the innocent, and were the first also to go to excess in cutting off the nose, cutting off the ears, castration, and branding. All who became liable to those punishments were dealt with without distinction, no difference being made in favour of those who could offer some excuse. The people were gradually affected by this state of things, and became dark and disorderly. Their hearts were no more set on good faith, but they violated their oaths and covenants. The multitudes who suffered from the oppressive terrors, and were (in danger of) being murdered, declared their innocence to Heaven. God — surveyed the people, and there was no fragrance of virtue arising from them, but the rank odour of their (cruel) punishments.* ‘The great Tt? compassionated the innocent multitudes that were (in danger of) being murdered, and made the oppressors feel the terrors of his majesty. He restrained and (finally) extinguished the people of Mido, so that they should not con- these used them excessively and barbarously. From two passages in the Canon of Shun, we conclude that that monarch was acquainted with ‘the five great inflictions or punishments,’ and gave instructions to his minister K&o-y4o as to their use. 1 Here is the name—Hwang Ti—by which the sovereigns of China have been styled from s.c. 221, since the emperor of X;/in, on his extinction of the feudal states, enacted that it should be borne by himself and his descendants. I have spoken of the meaning of Tf and of the title Hwang Ti in the note on the translation of the Shi appended to the Preface. There can be no doubt that it was Shun whom king Mf intended by the name. A few sentences further on, the mention of Po-! and Yi leads us to the time subsequent to Y4o, and there does not appear to be any change of subject in the paragraph. We get from this Book a higher idea of the power of the Mifo than from the Books of Part II. BOOK XXVII. MARQUIS OF LU ON PUNISHMENTS. 257
2and Yi leads us to the time subsequent to Y4o, and there does not appear to be any change of subject in the paragraph. We get from this Book a higher idea of the power of the Mifo than from the Books of Part II. BOOK XXVII. MARQUIS OF LU ON PUNISHMENTS. 257 tinue to future generations. Then he commissioned Khung and Lt! to make an end of the communications between earth and heaven; and the descents (of spirits) ceased’. From the princes down to the ? Khung and Li are nowhere met with in the previous parts of the ShQ, nor in any other reliable documents of history, as officers of Shun. 3h4i An and others would identify them with the Hsf and Ho of the Canon of Y4o, and -hold those to have been descended from a Khung and a Li, supposed to belong to the time of Shao Ho in the twenty-sixth century B.c. Whoever they were, the duty with which they were charged was remarkable. In the Narratives of the States (a book of the Aau dynasty), we find a conversation on it, during the lifetime of Confucius, between king Khao of KAQ (B.c. 515-489) and one of his ministers, called Kwan Yi-ff. ‘What is meant,’ asked the king, ‘by what is said in one of the Books of Kéu about Kung and Lf, that they really brought it about that there was no intercourse between heaven and earth? If they had not done so, would people have been able to ‘ascend to heaven?’ The minister replied that that was not the meaning at all, and gave his own view of it at great length, to the following effect— Anciently, the people attended to the discharge of their duties to one another, and left the worship of spiritual beings— the seeking intercourse with them, and invoking and effecting their descent on earth—to the officers who were appointed for that purpose. In this way things proceeded with great regularity. The people minded their own affairs, and the spirits minded theirs. Tranquillity and prosperity were the consequence. But in the time of Shao Hao, through the lawlessness of Xi(-If, a change took place. The people intruded into the functions of the regulators of the spirits and their worship. They abandoned their duties to their fellow men, and tried to bring down spirits from above. The spirits themselves, no longer kept in check and subjected to rule, made their appearance irregularly and disastrously. All was confusion and calamity, when Awan Hsii (B.C. 2510-2433) took the case in hand. He appointed Aung, the Minister of the South, to the superintendency of heavenly things, to prescribe the laws for the spirits, and Lf, the Minister of Fire, to the superintendency of earthly things, to prescribe the rules for the people. In this way both spirits and people were (t] 8 258 THE SHO KING. PART V.
3In this way both spirits and people were (t] 8 258 THE SHO KING. PART V. inferior officers, all helped with clear intelligence (the spread of) the regular principles of duty, and the solitary and widows were no longer overlooked. The great Tt with an unprejudiced mind carried his enquiries low down among the people, and the solitary and widows laid before him their complaints against the Mido. He awed the people by the majesty of his virtue, and enlightened them by its brightness. He thereupon charged the three princely (ministers)' to labour with compassionate anxiety in the people’s behalf. Po-t delivered his statutes to prevent the people from rendering themselves obnoxious to punishment; Yii reduced to order the water and the land, and presided over the naming of the hills and rivers; t spread abroad a knowledge of agriculture, and (the people) extensively cultivated the admirable grains. When the three princes had accomplished their work, it was abundantly well with the people. The Minister of Crime? exercised among them the restraint of brought ‘back to their former regular courses, and there was no unhallowed interference of the one with the other. This was the work described in the text. But subsequently the chief of Sanmiso showed himself a Xif-li redivivus, till Y4o called forth the descendants of Afung and Lf, who had not forgotten the virtue and functions of their fathers, and made them take the case in hand again. According to Yi-f(’s statements K/ung’s functions were those of the Minister of Religion, and Li’s those of the Minister of Instruction ; but Hs? and Ho were simply Ministers of Astronomy and the Calendar, and their descendants continue to appear as such in the Shi to the reign of Kung Khang, long after we know that men of other families were appointed to the important ministries of Khung and Lf. 1 Those immediately mentioned,—Po-f, Yi, and Ai. See the Canon of Shun and other Books of Part II. * K4o-y4o, —e | i \ . NS BOOK XXVII. MARQUIS OF LU ON PUNISHMENTS. 259 punishment in exact adaptation to each offence, and taught them to reverence virtue, The greatest gravity and harmony in the sovereign, and the greatest intelligence in those below him, thus shining forth to all quarters (of the land), all were rendered diligent in cultivating their virtue. Hence, (if anything more were wanted), the clear adjudication of punishments effected the regulation of the people, and helped them to observe the regular duties of life. The officers who presided over criminal cases executed the law (fearlessly) against the powerful, and (faithfully) against the wealthy, They were reverent and cautious. They had no occasion to make choice of words to vindicate their conduct. The virtue of Heaven was attained to by them ; from them was the determination of so great a matter as the lives (of men). In their low sphere they yet corresponded (to Heaven) and enjoyed (its favour).’ *
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
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