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Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1THE Axzt YUE. DESCRIBING LIFE IN PIN IN THE OLDEN TIME } THE PROVIDENT ARRANGE- MENTS THERE TO SECURE THE CONSTANT SUPPLY OF FOOD AND RAIMENT,— WHATEVER WAS NECESSARY FOR THE SUPPORT AND CON- FORT OF THE PEOPLE. If the piece was made, as the Chinese critics all suppose, by the duke of Kau, we must still suppose that he writes in the person of an old farmer or yeoman of Pin. The picture which it gives of the manners of the Chinese people, their thrifty, provident ways, their agriculture and weaving,,nearly 3,700 years ago, is 1 This appeal to Heaven is like what we met with in the first of the Odes of the Royal Domain, and the eighth of those of Thang. ODE I. LESSONS FROM THE STATES. 445 full of interest ; but it is not till we come to the concluding stanza that we find anything bearing on their religious practices. In the days of (our) second month, they hew out the ice with harmonious blows!; And in those of (our) third month, they convey it to the ice-houses, (Which they open) in those of (our) fourth, early in the morning A lamb having been offered in sacrifice with scallions*. In the ninth month, it is cold, with frost. In the tenth month, they sweep clean their stack-sites. (Taking) the two bottles of spirits to be offered to their ruler, And having killed their lambs and sheep, They go to his hall, And raising * They went for the ice to the deep recesses of the hills, and wherever it was to be found in the best condition. * It is said in the last chapter of ‘the Great Learning,’ that ‘ the family which keeps its stores of ice does not rear cattle or sheep,’ meaning that the possessor of an ice-house must be supposed to be very wealthy, and above the necessity of increasing his means in the way described. Probably, the having ice-houses by high ministers and heads of clans was an innovation on the earlier custom, according to which such a distinction was proper only to the king, or the princes of states, on whom it devolved as ‘the fathers of the people,’ to impart from their stores in the hot season as might be necessary. The third and fourth lines of this stanza are to be understood of what was done by the orders of the ruler of the tribe of Kau in Pin. In the Official Book of Kau, Part I, ch. 5, we have a description of the duties of ‘the Providers of Ice,’ and the same subject is treated in the sixth Book of ‘the Record of Rites,’ sections 2 and 6. The ice having been collected and stored in winter, the ice-houses were solemnly opened in the spring. A sacrifice was offered to ‘the Ruler of Cold, the Spirit of the Ice,’ and of the first ice brought forth an offering was set out in the apartment behind the principal hall of the ancestral temple. “A sacrifice to the same Ruler of Cold, it is said, had also been offered when the ice began to be collected. The ceremony may be taken as an illustration of the manner in which religious services entered into the life of the ancient Chinese. 446 THE SHIH KING. BOOK Xv.
2“A sacrifice to the same Ruler of Cold, it is said, had also been offered when the ice began to be collected. The ceremony may be taken as an illustration of the manner in which religious services entered into the life of the ancient Chinese. 446 THE SHIH KING. BOOK Xv. the cup of rhinoceros horn, Wish him long life,— that he may live for ever’. 1 The custom described in the five concluding lines is mentioned to show the good and loyal feeling of the people of Pin towards their chief. Having finished all the agricultural labours of the year, and being now prepared to enjoy the results of their industry, the first thing they do is to hasten to the hall of their ruler, and ask him to share in their joy, and express their loyal wishes for his happiness. THE HSIAO KING OR CLASSIC OF FILIAL PIETY. Digitized by G oogle THE HSIAO KING OR CLASSIC OF FILIAL PIETY. INTRODUCTION. CHAPTER I. THE NAME OF THE CLASSIC; ITS EXISTENCE BEFORE THE HAN DYNASTY; ITS CONTENTS, AND BY WHOM IT WAS WRITTEN. 1. The Chinese character pronounced Hsi4o, which we translate by ‘ Filial Piety,’ and which may also perform the part of an adjective, ‘ filial,’ of a verb, ‘to be filial,’ or of Meaning of the 22 adverb, ‘ filially,’ is one of the composite character § characters whose meaning is suggested by the Hsiao. meanings of their constituent parts combined together. It is made up of two others,—one signifying ‘an old man’ or ‘old age,’ and beneath it the character signifying ‘a son.’ It thus, according to the Shwo W4n, the oldest Chinese dictionary (A.D. 100), presents to the eye ‘a son bearing up an old man,’ that is, a child supporting his parent. Hsi4o also enters as their phonetical element into at least twenty other characters, so that it must be put down as of very early formation. The character King has been explained in the Introduction to the Shad King, p. 2; and the title, Hsido King, means ‘the Classic of Filial Piety.’ 2. Many Chinese critics contend that this brief treatise was thus designated by Confucius himself, and that it received the distinction of being styled a King before [1] Gs 450 THE HSIAO KING.
32; and the title, Hsido King, means ‘the Classic of Filial Piety.’ 2. Many Chinese critics contend that this brief treatise was thus designated by Confucius himself, and that it received the distinction of being styled a King before [1] Gs 450 THE HSIAO KING. any of the older and more important classics. For the Was the treatise preservation of the text as we now have it, we . called the Hsiao are indebted to Hsiian Sung (A. D. 713-755), King by Son one of the emperors of the Thang dynasty. In the preface to his commentary on it there occurs this sentence :—‘ The Master said, “‘ My aim is seen in the Khun Khid; my (rule of) conduct is in the Hsiao King.”’ The imperial author quotes the saying, as if it were universally acknowledged to have come from the sage. It is found at a much earlier date in the preface of Ho Hsif (A.D. 129-182) to his commentary on the Kun Khid as transmitted and annotated by Kung-yang. The industry of scholars has traced it still farther back, and in a more extended form, to a work called Hsiao King Kii-ming Kiieh,—a production, probably, of the first century of our era, or of the century before it. It was one of a class of writings on the classical books, full of mysterious and useless speculations, that never took rank among the acknowledged expositions. Most of them soon disappeared, but this subsisted down to the Sui dynasty (A.D. 581-618), for there was a copy of it then in the Imperial Library. It is now lost, but a few passages of it have been collected from quotations in the Han writers. Among them is this :— ‘ Confucius said, “If you wish to see my aim in dispensing praise or blame to the feudal lords, it is to be found in the Khun Khid; the courses by which I would exalt the social relations are in the Hsiao King.”’ The words thus ascribed to Confucius were condensed, it is supposed, into the form in which we have them,—first from Ho Hsid, and afterwards from the emperor Hsiian 3ung. Whether they were really used by the sage or not, they were attributed to him as early as the beginning of our Christian era, and it was then believed that he had given to our classic the honourable name of a King. 3. But the existence of the Hsiao King can be traced several hundred years farther back ;—to within less than a The Hsifo King Century after the death of Confucius. Sze-ma ; hte! before Khien, in his history of the House of Wei, "one of the three marquisates into which the INTRODUCTION. 451 great state of Kin was broken up in the fifth century B.C.,, tells us that the marquis Wan received, in B.C. 407, the classical books from Pf 3ze-hsia, and mentions the names of two other disciples of Confucius, with whom he was on intimate terms of friendship. There remains the title of a commentary on the Hsidéo King by this marquis Wan ; and the book was existing in the time of 3hai Yung (A. D. 133-192), who gives a short extract from it in one of his treatises.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1THE Axzt YUE. DESCRIBING LIFE IN PIN IN THE OLDEN TIME } THE PROVIDENT ARRANGE- MENTS THERE TO SECURE THE CONSTANT SUPPLY OF FOOD AND RAIMENT,— WHATEVER WAS NECESSARY FOR THE SUPPORT AND CON- FORT OF THE PEOPLE. If the piece was made, as the Chinese critics all suppose, by the duke of Kau, we must still suppose that he writes in the person of an old farmer or yeoman of Pin. The picture which it gives of the manners of the Chinese people, their thrifty, provident ways, their agriculture and weaving,,nearly 3,700 years ago, is 1 This appeal to Heaven is like what we met with in the first of the Odes of the Royal Domain, and the eighth of those of Thang. ODE I. LESSONS FROM THE STATES. 445 full of interest ; but it is not till we come to the concluding stanza that we find anything bearing on their religious practices. In the days of (our) second month, they hew out the ice with harmonious blows!; And in those of (our) third month, they convey it to the ice-houses, (Which they open) in those of (our) fourth, early in the morning A lamb having been offered in sacrifice with scallions*. In the ninth month, it is cold, with frost. In the tenth month, they sweep clean their stack-sites. (Taking) the two bottles of spirits to be offered to their ruler, And having killed their lambs and sheep, They go to his hall, And raising * They went for the ice to the deep recesses of the hills, and wherever it was to be found in the best condition. * It is said in the last chapter of ‘the Great Learning,’ that ‘ the family which keeps its stores of ice does not rear cattle or sheep,’ meaning that the possessor of an ice-house must be supposed to be very wealthy, and above the necessity of increasing his means in the way described. Probably, the having ice-houses by high ministers and heads of clans was an innovation on the earlier custom, according to which such a distinction was proper only to the king, or the princes of states, on whom it devolved as ‘the fathers of the people,’ to impart from their stores in the hot season as might be necessary. The third and fourth lines of this stanza are to be understood of what was done by the orders of the ruler of the tribe of Kau in Pin. In the Official Book of Kau, Part I, ch. 5, we have a description of the duties of ‘the Providers of Ice,’ and the same subject is treated in the sixth Book of ‘the Record of Rites,’ sections 2 and 6. The ice having been collected and stored in winter, the ice-houses were solemnly opened in the spring. A sacrifice was offered to ‘the Ruler of Cold, the Spirit of the Ice,’ and of the first ice brought forth an offering was set out in the apartment behind the principal hall of the ancestral temple. “A sacrifice to the same Ruler of Cold, it is said, had also been offered when the ice began to be collected. The ceremony may be taken as an illustration of the manner in which religious services entered into the life of the ancient Chinese. 446 THE SHIH KING. BOOK Xv.
2“A sacrifice to the same Ruler of Cold, it is said, had also been offered when the ice began to be collected. The ceremony may be taken as an illustration of the manner in which religious services entered into the life of the ancient Chinese. 446 THE SHIH KING. BOOK Xv. the cup of rhinoceros horn, Wish him long life,— that he may live for ever’. 1 The custom described in the five concluding lines is mentioned to show the good and loyal feeling of the people of Pin towards their chief. Having finished all the agricultural labours of the year, and being now prepared to enjoy the results of their industry, the first thing they do is to hasten to the hall of their ruler, and ask him to share in their joy, and express their loyal wishes for his happiness. THE HSIAO KING OR CLASSIC OF FILIAL PIETY. Digitized by G oogle THE HSIAO KING OR CLASSIC OF FILIAL PIETY. INTRODUCTION. CHAPTER I. THE NAME OF THE CLASSIC; ITS EXISTENCE BEFORE THE HAN DYNASTY; ITS CONTENTS, AND BY WHOM IT WAS WRITTEN. 1. The Chinese character pronounced Hsi4o, which we translate by ‘ Filial Piety,’ and which may also perform the part of an adjective, ‘ filial,’ of a verb, ‘to be filial,’ or of Meaning of the 22 adverb, ‘ filially,’ is one of the composite character § characters whose meaning is suggested by the Hsiao. meanings of their constituent parts combined together. It is made up of two others,—one signifying ‘an old man’ or ‘old age,’ and beneath it the character signifying ‘a son.’ It thus, according to the Shwo W4n, the oldest Chinese dictionary (A.D. 100), presents to the eye ‘a son bearing up an old man,’ that is, a child supporting his parent. Hsi4o also enters as their phonetical element into at least twenty other characters, so that it must be put down as of very early formation. The character King has been explained in the Introduction to the Shad King, p. 2; and the title, Hsido King, means ‘the Classic of Filial Piety.’ 2. Many Chinese critics contend that this brief treatise was thus designated by Confucius himself, and that it received the distinction of being styled a King before [1] Gs 450 THE HSIAO KING.
32; and the title, Hsido King, means ‘the Classic of Filial Piety.’ 2. Many Chinese critics contend that this brief treatise was thus designated by Confucius himself, and that it received the distinction of being styled a King before [1] Gs 450 THE HSIAO KING. any of the older and more important classics. For the Was the treatise preservation of the text as we now have it, we . called the Hsiao are indebted to Hsiian Sung (A. D. 713-755), King by Son one of the emperors of the Thang dynasty. In the preface to his commentary on it there occurs this sentence :—‘ The Master said, “‘ My aim is seen in the Khun Khid; my (rule of) conduct is in the Hsiao King.”’ The imperial author quotes the saying, as if it were universally acknowledged to have come from the sage. It is found at a much earlier date in the preface of Ho Hsif (A.D. 129-182) to his commentary on the Kun Khid as transmitted and annotated by Kung-yang. The industry of scholars has traced it still farther back, and in a more extended form, to a work called Hsiao King Kii-ming Kiieh,—a production, probably, of the first century of our era, or of the century before it. It was one of a class of writings on the classical books, full of mysterious and useless speculations, that never took rank among the acknowledged expositions. Most of them soon disappeared, but this subsisted down to the Sui dynasty (A.D. 581-618), for there was a copy of it then in the Imperial Library. It is now lost, but a few passages of it have been collected from quotations in the Han writers. Among them is this :— ‘ Confucius said, “If you wish to see my aim in dispensing praise or blame to the feudal lords, it is to be found in the Khun Khid; the courses by which I would exalt the social relations are in the Hsiao King.”’ The words thus ascribed to Confucius were condensed, it is supposed, into the form in which we have them,—first from Ho Hsid, and afterwards from the emperor Hsiian 3ung. Whether they were really used by the sage or not, they were attributed to him as early as the beginning of our Christian era, and it was then believed that he had given to our classic the honourable name of a King. 3. But the existence of the Hsiao King can be traced several hundred years farther back ;—to within less than a The Hsifo King Century after the death of Confucius. Sze-ma ; hte! before Khien, in his history of the House of Wei, "one of the three marquisates into which the INTRODUCTION. 451 great state of Kin was broken up in the fifth century B.C.,, tells us that the marquis Wan received, in B.C. 407, the classical books from Pf 3ze-hsia, and mentions the names of two other disciples of Confucius, with whom he was on intimate terms of friendship. There remains the title of a commentary on the Hsidéo King by this marquis Wan ; and the book was existing in the time of 3hai Yung (A. D. 133-192), who gives a short extract from it in one of his treatises.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
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