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Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1The question then arises whether the personages were any more real than the conversations. Milinda is supposed tobe the Menander, who appears in the list of the Greek kings of Baktria, since he is described in the book as being a king of the Yonakas reigning at SAgala (the Euthydemia of the Greeks), and there is no other name in the list which comes so near to Milinda. This identification of the two names is certainly correct. For whether it was our author who deliberately made the change in adapting the Greek name to the Indian dialect in which he wrote, or whether the change is due to a natural phonetic decay, the same causes will have been of influence. Indra or Inda is a not uncommon tetmination of Indian names, and meaning king is so appropriate to a king, that a foreign king’s name ending in -ander would almost inevitably come to end in -inda. Then the sequence of the liquids of m-n-n would tend in an Indian dialect to be altered in some way by dissimilation, and Mr. Trenckner adduces seven instances in Pali of 1 taking the place of n, or n of 1, in similar circumstances}. There remains only the change of the first E in Menander to I. Now in the Indian part of the inscription, on undoubted coins of Menander, the oldest authorities read Minanda as the king’s name?, and though that interpretation has now, on the authority of better specimens, been given up, there is no doubt that Milinda runs more easily 1 «P4li Miscellany,’ part i, p. 55. 2 For instance, Wilson in his ‘ Ariana Antiqua,’ p. 283. INTRODUCTION. XIX from the tongue than Melinda, and Mil may well have seemed as appropriate a commencement for a Milakkha’s name as -inda is for the ending of a king’s name. So Men-ander became Mil-inda. It may be added here that other Greek names are mentioned by our author— Devamantiya at I, 42, and the same officer, together with Anantakaya, Mankura, and Sabbadinna, at II, 3. There is a similar effort in these other P4li forms of Greek words to make them give some approach to a meaning in the Indian dialect: but in each case the new forms remain as really unintelligible to an Indian as Mil-inda would be. Thus Deva-mantiya, which may be formed on Demetrios, looks, at first sight, Indian enough. But if it meant anything, it could only mean ‘counsellor of the gods.’ And so also both Ananta and Ka4ya are Indian words. But the compound Ananta-kaya would mean ‘having an infinite body, which is absurd as the name of a courtier. It may possibly be made up to represent Antiochos. What Mankura and Sabbadinna (called simply Dinna at p. 87) may be supposed to be intended for it is difficult to say’, But the identification of Milinda with Menander is as certain as that of Xandagutta with Sandrokottos. Very little is told us, in the Greek or Roman writers, about any of the Greek kings of Baktria. It is a significant fact that it is precisely of Menander-Milinda that they tell us most, though this most is unfortunately not much.
2Very little is told us, in the Greek or Roman writers, about any of the Greek kings of Baktria. It is a significant fact that it is precisely of Menander-Milinda that they tell us most, though this most is unfortunately not much. Strabo, in his Geography ?, mentions Menander as one of the two Baktrian kings who were instrumental in spreading the Greek dominion furthest to the East into India. He crossed the Hypanis (that is the Sutlej) and penetrated as far as the Isamos (probably the Jumna). Then in the title of the lost forty-first book of Justin’s work, Menander and Apollodotus are mentioned as ‘ Indian kings.’ Finally, Plutarch® tells us an anecdote of Menander. } Compare Mr. Trenckner’s note at p. 70 of the ‘ Pali Miscellany.’ 2 Edit. Miiller, xi, 11, 1. 3 De Repub. Ger., p. 821, b2 XX THE QUESTIONS OF KING MILINDA. He was, he says, as a ruler noted for justice, and enjoyed such popularity with his subjects, that upon his death, which took place in camp, diverse cities contended for the possession of his ashes. The dispute was only adjusted by the representatives of the cities agreeing that the relics should be divided amongst them, and that they should severally erect monuments (uvqyeia, no doubt dagabas or sthdpas) to his memory. This last statement is very curious as being precisely analogous to the statement in the ‘ Book of the Great Decease}, as to what occurred after the death of the Buddha himself. But it would be very hazardous to draw any conclusion from this coincidence. The only remaining ancient evidence about Menander- Milinda (apart from what is said by our author himself), is that of coins. And, as is usually the case, the evidence of the coins will be found to confirm, but to add very little to, what is otherwise known. As many as twenty-two? different coins have been discovered, some of them in very considerable numbers, bearing the name, and eight of them the effigy, of Menander. They have been found over a very wide extent of country, as far west as K4bul, as far east as Mathura, and one of them as far north as Kashmir. Curiously enough we find a confirmation of this wide currency of Menander-Milinda’s coins in the work of the anonymous author of the ‘ Periplus Maris Erythrzi.’ He says® that Menander’s coins, together with those of Apollodotos, were current, many years after his death, at Barygaza, the modern Baroach, on the coast of Gujarat. The portrait on the coins is very characteristic, with a long face and an intelligent expression, and is sometimes that of a young man, and at other times that of a very old man. It may be inferred therefore that his reign 1 Mahaparinibbana Suttanta VI, 58-62, translated in my ‘ Buddhist Suttas’ (vol. xi of the Sacred Books of the East), pp. 133-135. * This number would be greatly increased if the differences of the monograms were allowed for. 8 Chapter 47 of Miiller’s edition. INTRODUCTION. XXi
3xi of the Sacred Books of the East), pp. 133-135. * This number would be greatly increased if the differences of the monograms were allowed for. 8 Chapter 47 of Miiller’s edition. INTRODUCTION. XXi was as long as his power was extensive. All the coins have a legend in Greek letters on one side, and a corresponding legend in Ariano-p4li letters on the other side. On twenty-one out of the twenty-two, the inscriptions, according to the latest interpretations from a comparison of the best examples, are respectively, BASILEOS SOTEROS MENANDROU an MAHARAGASA TRADATASA MENANDRASA}?. Wilson read? the last word Minadasa. But when he wrote, in 1840, the alphabet was neither so well known as it is now, nor had such good examples come to hand. So that though the Mi- is plain enough on several coins, it is almost certainly a mere mistake for Me, from which it only differs by the centre vowel stroke being slightly prolonged. Fifteen of the coins have a figure of Pallas either on one side or the other. A ‘ victory,’ a horse jumping, a dolphin, a head (perhaps of:a god), a two-humped camel, an elephant goad, a boar, a wheel, and a palm branch are each found on one side or the other of one of the coins; and an elephant, an owl, and a bull’s head each occur twice. These are all the emblems or figures on the coins. None of them are distinctively Buddhist, though the wheel might be claimed as the Buddhist wheel, and the palm branch and the elephant would be quite in place on Buddhist coins. It may be said, therefore, that the bulk of the coins are clearly pagan, and not Buddhist ; and that though two or three are doubtful, even they are probably not Buddhist. One coin, however, a very rare one, differs, as to its inscription, from all the rest that have the legend. It has on one side BASILEOS DIKAIOU MENANDROU, © and on the other, ' MAHARAGASA DHARMIKASA? MENANDRASA. 1 See Alfred Von Sallet, ‘ Die Nachfolger Alexander’s des Grossen in Baktrien und Indien,’ Berlin, 1879; and Professor Percy Gardiner’s ‘ Catalogue of the ~ Coins of the Greek and Scythic Kings of Baktria and India,’ London, 1886. 3 In his ‘ Ariana Antiqua,’ p. 283, London, 1841. * The r is a little doubtful and is written, if at all, after the dh, though intended to be pronounced before the m. “xXil THE QUESTIONS OF KING MILINDA.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1The question then arises whether the personages were any more real than the conversations. Milinda is supposed tobe the Menander, who appears in the list of the Greek kings of Baktria, since he is described in the book as being a king of the Yonakas reigning at SAgala (the Euthydemia of the Greeks), and there is no other name in the list which comes so near to Milinda. This identification of the two names is certainly correct. For whether it was our author who deliberately made the change in adapting the Greek name to the Indian dialect in which he wrote, or whether the change is due to a natural phonetic decay, the same causes will have been of influence. Indra or Inda is a not uncommon tetmination of Indian names, and meaning king is so appropriate to a king, that a foreign king’s name ending in -ander would almost inevitably come to end in -inda. Then the sequence of the liquids of m-n-n would tend in an Indian dialect to be altered in some way by dissimilation, and Mr. Trenckner adduces seven instances in Pali of 1 taking the place of n, or n of 1, in similar circumstances}. There remains only the change of the first E in Menander to I. Now in the Indian part of the inscription, on undoubted coins of Menander, the oldest authorities read Minanda as the king’s name?, and though that interpretation has now, on the authority of better specimens, been given up, there is no doubt that Milinda runs more easily 1 «P4li Miscellany,’ part i, p. 55. 2 For instance, Wilson in his ‘ Ariana Antiqua,’ p. 283. INTRODUCTION. XIX from the tongue than Melinda, and Mil may well have seemed as appropriate a commencement for a Milakkha’s name as -inda is for the ending of a king’s name. So Men-ander became Mil-inda. It may be added here that other Greek names are mentioned by our author— Devamantiya at I, 42, and the same officer, together with Anantakaya, Mankura, and Sabbadinna, at II, 3. There is a similar effort in these other P4li forms of Greek words to make them give some approach to a meaning in the Indian dialect: but in each case the new forms remain as really unintelligible to an Indian as Mil-inda would be. Thus Deva-mantiya, which may be formed on Demetrios, looks, at first sight, Indian enough. But if it meant anything, it could only mean ‘counsellor of the gods.’ And so also both Ananta and Ka4ya are Indian words. But the compound Ananta-kaya would mean ‘having an infinite body, which is absurd as the name of a courtier. It may possibly be made up to represent Antiochos. What Mankura and Sabbadinna (called simply Dinna at p. 87) may be supposed to be intended for it is difficult to say’, But the identification of Milinda with Menander is as certain as that of Xandagutta with Sandrokottos. Very little is told us, in the Greek or Roman writers, about any of the Greek kings of Baktria. It is a significant fact that it is precisely of Menander-Milinda that they tell us most, though this most is unfortunately not much.
2Very little is told us, in the Greek or Roman writers, about any of the Greek kings of Baktria. It is a significant fact that it is precisely of Menander-Milinda that they tell us most, though this most is unfortunately not much. Strabo, in his Geography ?, mentions Menander as one of the two Baktrian kings who were instrumental in spreading the Greek dominion furthest to the East into India. He crossed the Hypanis (that is the Sutlej) and penetrated as far as the Isamos (probably the Jumna). Then in the title of the lost forty-first book of Justin’s work, Menander and Apollodotus are mentioned as ‘ Indian kings.’ Finally, Plutarch® tells us an anecdote of Menander. } Compare Mr. Trenckner’s note at p. 70 of the ‘ Pali Miscellany.’ 2 Edit. Miiller, xi, 11, 1. 3 De Repub. Ger., p. 821, b2 XX THE QUESTIONS OF KING MILINDA. He was, he says, as a ruler noted for justice, and enjoyed such popularity with his subjects, that upon his death, which took place in camp, diverse cities contended for the possession of his ashes. The dispute was only adjusted by the representatives of the cities agreeing that the relics should be divided amongst them, and that they should severally erect monuments (uvqyeia, no doubt dagabas or sthdpas) to his memory. This last statement is very curious as being precisely analogous to the statement in the ‘ Book of the Great Decease}, as to what occurred after the death of the Buddha himself. But it would be very hazardous to draw any conclusion from this coincidence. The only remaining ancient evidence about Menander- Milinda (apart from what is said by our author himself), is that of coins. And, as is usually the case, the evidence of the coins will be found to confirm, but to add very little to, what is otherwise known. As many as twenty-two? different coins have been discovered, some of them in very considerable numbers, bearing the name, and eight of them the effigy, of Menander. They have been found over a very wide extent of country, as far west as K4bul, as far east as Mathura, and one of them as far north as Kashmir. Curiously enough we find a confirmation of this wide currency of Menander-Milinda’s coins in the work of the anonymous author of the ‘ Periplus Maris Erythrzi.’ He says® that Menander’s coins, together with those of Apollodotos, were current, many years after his death, at Barygaza, the modern Baroach, on the coast of Gujarat. The portrait on the coins is very characteristic, with a long face and an intelligent expression, and is sometimes that of a young man, and at other times that of a very old man. It may be inferred therefore that his reign 1 Mahaparinibbana Suttanta VI, 58-62, translated in my ‘ Buddhist Suttas’ (vol. xi of the Sacred Books of the East), pp. 133-135. * This number would be greatly increased if the differences of the monograms were allowed for. 8 Chapter 47 of Miiller’s edition. INTRODUCTION. XXi
3xi of the Sacred Books of the East), pp. 133-135. * This number would be greatly increased if the differences of the monograms were allowed for. 8 Chapter 47 of Miiller’s edition. INTRODUCTION. XXi was as long as his power was extensive. All the coins have a legend in Greek letters on one side, and a corresponding legend in Ariano-p4li letters on the other side. On twenty-one out of the twenty-two, the inscriptions, according to the latest interpretations from a comparison of the best examples, are respectively, BASILEOS SOTEROS MENANDROU an MAHARAGASA TRADATASA MENANDRASA}?. Wilson read? the last word Minadasa. But when he wrote, in 1840, the alphabet was neither so well known as it is now, nor had such good examples come to hand. So that though the Mi- is plain enough on several coins, it is almost certainly a mere mistake for Me, from which it only differs by the centre vowel stroke being slightly prolonged. Fifteen of the coins have a figure of Pallas either on one side or the other. A ‘ victory,’ a horse jumping, a dolphin, a head (perhaps of:a god), a two-humped camel, an elephant goad, a boar, a wheel, and a palm branch are each found on one side or the other of one of the coins; and an elephant, an owl, and a bull’s head each occur twice. These are all the emblems or figures on the coins. None of them are distinctively Buddhist, though the wheel might be claimed as the Buddhist wheel, and the palm branch and the elephant would be quite in place on Buddhist coins. It may be said, therefore, that the bulk of the coins are clearly pagan, and not Buddhist ; and that though two or three are doubtful, even they are probably not Buddhist. One coin, however, a very rare one, differs, as to its inscription, from all the rest that have the legend. It has on one side BASILEOS DIKAIOU MENANDROU, © and on the other, ' MAHARAGASA DHARMIKASA? MENANDRASA. 1 See Alfred Von Sallet, ‘ Die Nachfolger Alexander’s des Grossen in Baktrien und Indien,’ Berlin, 1879; and Professor Percy Gardiner’s ‘ Catalogue of the ~ Coins of the Greek and Scythic Kings of Baktria and India,’ London, 1886. 3 In his ‘ Ariana Antiqua,’ p. 283, London, 1841. * The r is a little doubtful and is written, if at all, after the dh, though intended to be pronounced before the m. “xXil THE QUESTIONS OF KING MILINDA.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
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