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Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1The language of the Chinese writer is not open to the same captious objection. Without poetic ornament, or swelling phrase of any kind, he gives emphatic testimony to God as renewing the face of the earth in spring, and not resting till He has crowned the year with His goodness. And there is in the passage another thing equally wonderful. The 10th paragraph commences:—‘ When we speak of Spirit, we mean the subtle presence (and operation of God) with all things ;’ and the writer goes on to illustrate this sentiment from the action and influences symbolised CH. IIL. INTRODUCTION. 53 by the six ‘children, or minor trigrams,—water and fire, thunder and wind, mountains and collections of water. Kd Hsi says, that there is that in the paragraph which he does not understand. Some Chinese scholars, however, have not been far from descrying the light that is in it. Let Liang Yin, of our fourteenth century, be adduced as an example of them. He says:—‘The spirit here simply means God. God is the personality (literally, the body or substantiality) of the Spirit; the Spirit is God in operation. He who is lord over and rules all things is God; the subtle presence and operation of God with all things is by His Spirit.’ The language is in fine accord with the definition of shin or spirit, given in the 3rd Appendix, Section i, 32. I wish that the Treatise on the Trigrams had ended withthe 1oth paragraph. The writer had gradually risen to a noble Concluding ¢levation of thought from which he plunges paragraphs. into a slough of nonsensical remarks which it would be difficult elsewhere to parallel. I have referred on p. 31 to the judgment of P. Regis about them. He could not receive them as from Confucius, and did not take the trouble to translate them, and transfer them to his own pages. My plan required me to translate everything published in China as a part of the Yi King; but I have given my reasons for doubting whether any portion of these Appendixes be really from Confucius. There is nothing that could better justify the supercilious disregard with which the classical literature of China is frequently treated than to insist on the concluding portion of this treatise as being from the pencil of its greatest sage. I have dwelt at some length on the 14th paragraph, because of its mythological semblance; but among the eight paragraphs that follow it, it would be difficult to award the palm for silliness. They are descriptive of the eight trigrams, and each one enumerates a dozen or more objects of which its subject is symbolical. The writer must have been fond of and familiar with horses. Aien, the symbol properly of heaven, suggests to him the idea of a. good horse ; an old horse; a lean horse; and a piebald. an, the symbol of thunder, suggests the 54 THE Yi KING. CH. IIT.
2The writer must have been fond of and familiar with horses. Aien, the symbol properly of heaven, suggests to him the idea of a. good horse ; an old horse; a lean horse; and a piebald. an, the symbol of thunder, suggests the 54 THE Yi KING. CH. IIT. idea of a good neigher; of the horse with white hind-legs ; of the prancing horse; and of one with a white star in his forehead. Khan, the symbol of water, suggests the idea of the horse with an elegant spine; of one with a high spirit ; of one with a drooping head; and of one with a shambling step. The reader will think he has had enough of these symbolisings of the trigrams. I cannot believe that the earlier portions and this concluding portion of the treatise were by the same author. If there were any evidence that paragraphs 8 to 10 were by Confucius, I should say that they were worthy, even more than worthy, of him; what follows is mere drivel. Horace’s picture faintly pourtrays the inconsistency between the parts :— ‘Desinit in piscem mulier formosa superne.’ In reviewing the second of these Appendixes, I was led to speak of the original significance of the trigrams, in opposition to the views of some Chinese who pretend that they can find in them the physical truths discovered by the researches of western science. May I not say now, after viewing the phase of them presented in these paragraphs, that they were devised simply as aids to divination, and partook of the unreasonableness and uncertainty belonging to that? g. The sixth Appendix is the Treatise on the Sequence of the Hexagrams, to which allusion has been made more The sixth than once. It is not necessary to dwell on Appendix. it at length. King W4n, it has been seen, gave a name to each hexagram, expressive of the idea— some moral, social, or political truath—which he wished to set forth by means of it; and this name enters very closely into its interpretation. The author of this treatise endeavours to explain the meaning of the name, and also the sequence of the figures, or how it is that the idea of the one leads on to that of the next. Yet the reader must not expect to find in the 64 a chain ‘of linked sweetness long drawn out.’ The connexion between any two is generally sufficiently close; but on the whole the essays, which I have said they form, resemble ‘a heap of orient pearls at random strung.’ The changeableness of human CH. III. INTRODUCTION. 55 affairs is a topic never long absent from the writer’s mind. He is firmly persuaded that ‘the fashion of the world passeth away.’ Union is sure to give place to separation, and by and by that separation will issue in re-union. There is nothing in the treatise to suggest anything about its authorship; and as the reader will see from the notes, we are perplexed occasionally by meanings given to the names that differ from the meanings in the Text. 10. The last and least Appendix is the seventh, called . The seventh 34 KwA Xwan, or ‘Treatise on the Lineal
310. The last and least Appendix is the seventh, called . The seventh 34 KwA Xwan, or ‘Treatise on the Lineal Appendix. Figures taken promiscuously,’—not with regard to any sequence, but as they approximate, or are opposed, to one another in meaning. It is in rhyme, moreover, and this, as much as the meaning, determined, no doubt, the grouping of the hexagrams. The student will learn nothing of value from it; it is more a ‘jeu d’esprit’ than anything else. THE Yi KING. TEXT. SECTION I. I. Tue Awien HExaGRamM. Explanation of the entire figure by king W&n. Khien (represents) what is great and originating, penetrating, advantageous, correct and firm. Explanation of the separate lines by the duke of Kau. 1. In the first (or lowest) line, undivided, (we see its subject as) the dragon lying hid (in the deep). It is not the time for active doing. 2. In the second line, undivided, (we see its subject as) the dragon appearing in the field. It will be advantageous to meet with the great man. 3. In the third line, undivided, (we see its subject as) the superior man active and vigilant all the day, and in the evening still careful and apprehensive. (The position is) dangerous, but there will be no mistake. 4. In the fourth line, undivided, (we see its subject as the dragon looking) as if he were leaping up, but still in the deep. There will be no mistake. 5. In the fifth line, undivided, (we see its subject as) the dragon on the wing in the sky. It will be advantageous to meet with the great man. The 10 wero nde dt 7 y fhend ‘26 Dou Gee? wn lA 3 rv Ben z yaw fads ae. . t aba tb [rot apt Freed | kath, cane we ws we / 8 THE Yi KING. m pext, ort ¥ 5 6. In the sixth (or topmost) line’ dndivided, (we see its subject as) the dragon exceeding the proper limits. There will be occasion for repentance. 7. (The lines of this hexagram are all strong and undivided, as appears from) the use of the number nine. If the host of dragons (thus) appearing were to divest themselves of their heads, there would be good fortune. The Text under each hexagram consists of one paragraph by king Wan, explaining the figure as a whole, and of six (in the case of hexagrams 1 and 2, of seven) paragraphs by the duke of Ku, explaining the individual lines. The explanatory notices introduced above to this effect will not be repeated. A double space will be used to mark off the portion of king W&n from that of his son.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1The language of the Chinese writer is not open to the same captious objection. Without poetic ornament, or swelling phrase of any kind, he gives emphatic testimony to God as renewing the face of the earth in spring, and not resting till He has crowned the year with His goodness. And there is in the passage another thing equally wonderful. The 10th paragraph commences:—‘ When we speak of Spirit, we mean the subtle presence (and operation of God) with all things ;’ and the writer goes on to illustrate this sentiment from the action and influences symbolised CH. IIL. INTRODUCTION. 53 by the six ‘children, or minor trigrams,—water and fire, thunder and wind, mountains and collections of water. Kd Hsi says, that there is that in the paragraph which he does not understand. Some Chinese scholars, however, have not been far from descrying the light that is in it. Let Liang Yin, of our fourteenth century, be adduced as an example of them. He says:—‘The spirit here simply means God. God is the personality (literally, the body or substantiality) of the Spirit; the Spirit is God in operation. He who is lord over and rules all things is God; the subtle presence and operation of God with all things is by His Spirit.’ The language is in fine accord with the definition of shin or spirit, given in the 3rd Appendix, Section i, 32. I wish that the Treatise on the Trigrams had ended withthe 1oth paragraph. The writer had gradually risen to a noble Concluding ¢levation of thought from which he plunges paragraphs. into a slough of nonsensical remarks which it would be difficult elsewhere to parallel. I have referred on p. 31 to the judgment of P. Regis about them. He could not receive them as from Confucius, and did not take the trouble to translate them, and transfer them to his own pages. My plan required me to translate everything published in China as a part of the Yi King; but I have given my reasons for doubting whether any portion of these Appendixes be really from Confucius. There is nothing that could better justify the supercilious disregard with which the classical literature of China is frequently treated than to insist on the concluding portion of this treatise as being from the pencil of its greatest sage. I have dwelt at some length on the 14th paragraph, because of its mythological semblance; but among the eight paragraphs that follow it, it would be difficult to award the palm for silliness. They are descriptive of the eight trigrams, and each one enumerates a dozen or more objects of which its subject is symbolical. The writer must have been fond of and familiar with horses. Aien, the symbol properly of heaven, suggests to him the idea of a. good horse ; an old horse; a lean horse; and a piebald. an, the symbol of thunder, suggests the 54 THE Yi KING. CH. IIT.
2The writer must have been fond of and familiar with horses. Aien, the symbol properly of heaven, suggests to him the idea of a. good horse ; an old horse; a lean horse; and a piebald. an, the symbol of thunder, suggests the 54 THE Yi KING. CH. IIT. idea of a good neigher; of the horse with white hind-legs ; of the prancing horse; and of one with a white star in his forehead. Khan, the symbol of water, suggests the idea of the horse with an elegant spine; of one with a high spirit ; of one with a drooping head; and of one with a shambling step. The reader will think he has had enough of these symbolisings of the trigrams. I cannot believe that the earlier portions and this concluding portion of the treatise were by the same author. If there were any evidence that paragraphs 8 to 10 were by Confucius, I should say that they were worthy, even more than worthy, of him; what follows is mere drivel. Horace’s picture faintly pourtrays the inconsistency between the parts :— ‘Desinit in piscem mulier formosa superne.’ In reviewing the second of these Appendixes, I was led to speak of the original significance of the trigrams, in opposition to the views of some Chinese who pretend that they can find in them the physical truths discovered by the researches of western science. May I not say now, after viewing the phase of them presented in these paragraphs, that they were devised simply as aids to divination, and partook of the unreasonableness and uncertainty belonging to that? g. The sixth Appendix is the Treatise on the Sequence of the Hexagrams, to which allusion has been made more The sixth than once. It is not necessary to dwell on Appendix. it at length. King W4n, it has been seen, gave a name to each hexagram, expressive of the idea— some moral, social, or political truath—which he wished to set forth by means of it; and this name enters very closely into its interpretation. The author of this treatise endeavours to explain the meaning of the name, and also the sequence of the figures, or how it is that the idea of the one leads on to that of the next. Yet the reader must not expect to find in the 64 a chain ‘of linked sweetness long drawn out.’ The connexion between any two is generally sufficiently close; but on the whole the essays, which I have said they form, resemble ‘a heap of orient pearls at random strung.’ The changeableness of human CH. III. INTRODUCTION. 55 affairs is a topic never long absent from the writer’s mind. He is firmly persuaded that ‘the fashion of the world passeth away.’ Union is sure to give place to separation, and by and by that separation will issue in re-union. There is nothing in the treatise to suggest anything about its authorship; and as the reader will see from the notes, we are perplexed occasionally by meanings given to the names that differ from the meanings in the Text. 10. The last and least Appendix is the seventh, called . The seventh 34 KwA Xwan, or ‘Treatise on the Lineal
310. The last and least Appendix is the seventh, called . The seventh 34 KwA Xwan, or ‘Treatise on the Lineal Appendix. Figures taken promiscuously,’—not with regard to any sequence, but as they approximate, or are opposed, to one another in meaning. It is in rhyme, moreover, and this, as much as the meaning, determined, no doubt, the grouping of the hexagrams. The student will learn nothing of value from it; it is more a ‘jeu d’esprit’ than anything else. THE Yi KING. TEXT. SECTION I. I. Tue Awien HExaGRamM. Explanation of the entire figure by king W&n. Khien (represents) what is great and originating, penetrating, advantageous, correct and firm. Explanation of the separate lines by the duke of Kau. 1. In the first (or lowest) line, undivided, (we see its subject as) the dragon lying hid (in the deep). It is not the time for active doing. 2. In the second line, undivided, (we see its subject as) the dragon appearing in the field. It will be advantageous to meet with the great man. 3. In the third line, undivided, (we see its subject as) the superior man active and vigilant all the day, and in the evening still careful and apprehensive. (The position is) dangerous, but there will be no mistake. 4. In the fourth line, undivided, (we see its subject as the dragon looking) as if he were leaping up, but still in the deep. There will be no mistake. 5. In the fifth line, undivided, (we see its subject as) the dragon on the wing in the sky. It will be advantageous to meet with the great man. The 10 wero nde dt 7 y fhend ‘26 Dou Gee? wn lA 3 rv Ben z yaw fads ae. . t aba tb [rot apt Freed | kath, cane we ws we / 8 THE Yi KING. m pext, ort ¥ 5 6. In the sixth (or topmost) line’ dndivided, (we see its subject as) the dragon exceeding the proper limits. There will be occasion for repentance. 7. (The lines of this hexagram are all strong and undivided, as appears from) the use of the number nine. If the host of dragons (thus) appearing were to divest themselves of their heads, there would be good fortune. The Text under each hexagram consists of one paragraph by king Wan, explaining the figure as a whole, and of six (in the case of hexagrams 1 and 2, of seven) paragraphs by the duke of Ku, explaining the individual lines. The explanatory notices introduced above to this effect will not be repeated. A double space will be used to mark off the portion of king W&n from that of his son.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
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