Fetching
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Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1S.E. E. N.E. S.W. Ww N.W N 3 u a xs) : 3 ed on S was 2 gs. #2 | ¢s8 | g¢ | 38 | 28 2 | 32 | ge og | 723 | £8 oo | 3s € 3 23 Se | 282 | oP | SP | ge | S | Be | 83 B 1™3a) a 3] eR | £ | $5 | FS 2 ou Ou fo 1S) CH. III. INTRODUCTION. 33 The natural objects and phenomena thus represented are found up and down in the Appendixes. It is impossible to believe that the several objects were assigned to the several figures on any principles of science, for there is , no indication of science in the matter: it is difficult even, to suppose that they were assigned on any comprehensive scheme of thought. Why are tui and kh4n used to represent water in different conditions, while kh4n, moreover, represents the moon? How is sun set apart to represent things so different as wind and wood? Ata very early time the Chinese spoke of ‘the five elements,’ meaning water, fire, wood, metal, and earth; but the trigrams were not made to indicate them,and it is the general opinion that there is no reference to them in the Yi?. Again, the attributes assigned to the trigrams are learned mainly from this Appendix and the fifth. We do not readily get familiar with them, nor easily accept them all. It is impossible for us to tell whether they were a part of the jargon of divination before king Wan, or had grown up between his time and that of the author of the Appendixes. King Wan altered the arrangement of the trigrams so that not one of them should stand at the same point of the compass as in the ancient plan. He made them also representative of certain relations among themselves, as if they composed a family of parents and children. It will be sufficient at present to give a table of his scheme. KING WAN’S TRIGRAMS. I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 lf sun kin kan han khien | tui khwan gi] gf | & | $ § #3 | $ | °3 | 2 ] & F H | ee | 8 S. S.E. E. N.E N. N.W. WwW S.W. ! See Kao Y1's Hai Vii Shung Kho, Book I, art. 3 (1790). [16] D 34 THE Yf KING. CH, IIT. There is thus before us the apparatus with which the writer of the Appendix accomplishes his task. Let me select one of the shortest instances of his work. The fourteenth hexagram is ===, called Ta YO, and meaning ‘Possessing in great abundance.’ King Wé4n saw in it the symbol of a government prosperous and realising all its proper objects; but all that he wrote on it was ‘T4 Ya (indicates) great progress and success. Unfolding that view of its significance, the Appendix says :— ‘In TA YQ the weak (line) has the place of honour, is grandly central, and (the strong lines) above and below respond to it. Hence comes its name of “Possession of what is great.” The attributes (of its constituent trigrams, £ien and li) are strength and vigour, elegance and brightness. (The ruling line in it) responds to (the ruling line in the symbol of) heaven, and its actings are (consequently all) at the proper times. Thus it is that it is said to indicate great progress and success.’
2(The ruling line in it) responds to (the ruling line in the symbol of) heaven, and its actings are (consequently all) at the proper times. Thus it is that it is said to indicate great progress and success.’ In a similar way the paragraphs on all the other 63 hexagrams are gone through; and, for the most part, with success. The conviction grows upon the student that the writer has on the whole apprehended the mind of king Wan. I stated, on p. 32, that the name kwei-sh&n occurs Thename in this Appendix. It has not yet, however, Kwei-shan. received the semi-physical, semi-metaphysical signification which the comparatively modern scholars of the Sung dynasty give to it. There are two passages where it is found ;—the second paragraph on Khien, the fifteenth hexagram, and the third on Fang, the fifty-fifth. By consulting them the reader will be able to form an opinion for himself. The term kwei denotes specially the human spirit disembodied, and sh4n is used for spirits whose seat is in heaven. I do not see my way to translate them, when used binomially together, otherwise than by spiritual beings or spiritual agents. K0 Hst once had the following question suggested by the second of these passages put to him :— K wei-shan is a name for the traces of making and transformation; but when it is said that (the interaction of) heaven and earth CH. IN. INTRODUCTION. 35 is now vigorous and abundant, and now dull and void, growing and diminishing according to the seasons, that constitutes the traces of making and transformation; why should the writer further speak of the Kwei-shin?’ He replied, ‘When he uses the style of “heaven and earth,” he is speaking of the result generally; but in ascribing it to the Kwei-shan, he is representing the traces of their effective interaction, as if there were men (that is, some personal agency) bringing it about!’ This solution merely explains the language away. When we come to the fifth Appendix, we shall understand better the views of the period when these treatises were produced. The single character sh4n is used in explaining thethwan on K w4n, the twentieth hexagram, where we read :— ‘In Kwan we see the spirit-like way of heaven, through which the four seasons proceed without error. The sages, in accordance with (this) spirit-like way, laid down their instructions, and all under heaven yield submission to them,’ The author of the Appendix delights to dwell on the changing phenomena taking place between heaven and earth, and which he attributes to their interaction; and he was penetrated evidently with a sense of the harmony between the natural and spiritual worlds. It is this sense, indeed, which vivifies both the thwan and the explanation of them. 5. We proceed to the second Appendix, which professes to do for the duke of X4u’s symbolical exposition of the several lines what the Thwan A wan does for the entire The second figures. The work here, however, is accom-
35. We proceed to the second Appendix, which professes to do for the duke of X4u’s symbolical exposition of the several lines what the Thwan A wan does for the entire The second figures. The work here, however, is accom- Appendix. plished w'th less trouble and more briefly. The whole bears the name of Hsiang K wan, ‘Treatise on the Symbols’ or ‘ Treatise on the Symbolism (of the Yi).’ 4 See the ‘Collected Comments’ on hexagram 55 in the Khang-hst edition of the Yf (App. I). ‘The traces of making and transformation’ mean the everchanging phenomena of growth and decay. Our phrase ‘Vestiges of Creation’ might be used to translate the Chinese characters. See the remarks of the late Dr. Medhurst on the hexagrams 15 and §5 in his ‘ Dissertation on the Theology of the Chinese,’ pp. 107-112. In hexagram 15, Canon McClatchie for k weishan gives ‘gods and demons ;’ in hexagram 55, ‘the Demon-gods,’ b2 36 THE Y{ KING. CH. If. If there were reason to think that it came in any way from Confucius, I should fancy that I saw him sitting with a select class of his disciples around him. They read the duke’s Text column after column, and the master drops now a word or two, and now a sentence or two, that illuminate the meaning. The disciples take notes on their tablets, or store his remarks in their memories, and by and by they write them out with the whole of the Text or only so much of it as is necessary. Whoever was the original lecturer, the Appendix, I think, must have grown up in this way. It would not be necessary to speak of it at greater length, if it were not that the six paragraphs on the symbols of the duke of K4u are always preceded by one which is called ‘the Great Symbolism,’ and treats of the trigrams composing the hexagram, how they go together to form the six-lined figure, and how their blended meaning appears in the institutions and proceedings of the great men and kings of former days, and of the superior men of all time. The paragraph is for the most part, but by no means always, in harmony with the explanation of the hexagram by king W4n, and a place in the Thwan Awan would be more appropriate to it. I suppose that, because it always begins with the mention of the two symbolical trigrams, it is made, for the sake of the symmetry, to form a part of the treatise on the Symbolism of the Yi. I will give a few examples of the paragraphs of the Great Symbolism. The first hexagram is formed The Great bya repetition of the trigram K Zien =S= Symbolism. ’ representing heaven, and it is said on it:— ‘Heaven in its motion (gives) the idea of strength. The superior man, in accordance with this, nerves himself to ceaseless activity.’ = is formed by a repetition The second hexagram of the trigram Khwan = =, representing the earth, and it is said on it:—‘The capacious receptivity of the earth is what is denoted by Khwan. The superior man, in accordance with this, with his large virtue, supports men and things.’ CH. III. INTRODUCTION. 37
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1S.E. E. N.E. S.W. Ww N.W N 3 u a xs) : 3 ed on S was 2 gs. #2 | ¢s8 | g¢ | 38 | 28 2 | 32 | ge og | 723 | £8 oo | 3s € 3 23 Se | 282 | oP | SP | ge | S | Be | 83 B 1™3a) a 3] eR | £ | $5 | FS 2 ou Ou fo 1S) CH. III. INTRODUCTION. 33 The natural objects and phenomena thus represented are found up and down in the Appendixes. It is impossible to believe that the several objects were assigned to the several figures on any principles of science, for there is , no indication of science in the matter: it is difficult even, to suppose that they were assigned on any comprehensive scheme of thought. Why are tui and kh4n used to represent water in different conditions, while kh4n, moreover, represents the moon? How is sun set apart to represent things so different as wind and wood? Ata very early time the Chinese spoke of ‘the five elements,’ meaning water, fire, wood, metal, and earth; but the trigrams were not made to indicate them,and it is the general opinion that there is no reference to them in the Yi?. Again, the attributes assigned to the trigrams are learned mainly from this Appendix and the fifth. We do not readily get familiar with them, nor easily accept them all. It is impossible for us to tell whether they were a part of the jargon of divination before king Wan, or had grown up between his time and that of the author of the Appendixes. King Wan altered the arrangement of the trigrams so that not one of them should stand at the same point of the compass as in the ancient plan. He made them also representative of certain relations among themselves, as if they composed a family of parents and children. It will be sufficient at present to give a table of his scheme. KING WAN’S TRIGRAMS. I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 lf sun kin kan han khien | tui khwan gi] gf | & | $ § #3 | $ | °3 | 2 ] & F H | ee | 8 S. S.E. E. N.E N. N.W. WwW S.W. ! See Kao Y1's Hai Vii Shung Kho, Book I, art. 3 (1790). [16] D 34 THE Yf KING. CH, IIT. There is thus before us the apparatus with which the writer of the Appendix accomplishes his task. Let me select one of the shortest instances of his work. The fourteenth hexagram is ===, called Ta YO, and meaning ‘Possessing in great abundance.’ King Wé4n saw in it the symbol of a government prosperous and realising all its proper objects; but all that he wrote on it was ‘T4 Ya (indicates) great progress and success. Unfolding that view of its significance, the Appendix says :— ‘In TA YQ the weak (line) has the place of honour, is grandly central, and (the strong lines) above and below respond to it. Hence comes its name of “Possession of what is great.” The attributes (of its constituent trigrams, £ien and li) are strength and vigour, elegance and brightness. (The ruling line in it) responds to (the ruling line in the symbol of) heaven, and its actings are (consequently all) at the proper times. Thus it is that it is said to indicate great progress and success.’
2(The ruling line in it) responds to (the ruling line in the symbol of) heaven, and its actings are (consequently all) at the proper times. Thus it is that it is said to indicate great progress and success.’ In a similar way the paragraphs on all the other 63 hexagrams are gone through; and, for the most part, with success. The conviction grows upon the student that the writer has on the whole apprehended the mind of king Wan. I stated, on p. 32, that the name kwei-sh&n occurs Thename in this Appendix. It has not yet, however, Kwei-shan. received the semi-physical, semi-metaphysical signification which the comparatively modern scholars of the Sung dynasty give to it. There are two passages where it is found ;—the second paragraph on Khien, the fifteenth hexagram, and the third on Fang, the fifty-fifth. By consulting them the reader will be able to form an opinion for himself. The term kwei denotes specially the human spirit disembodied, and sh4n is used for spirits whose seat is in heaven. I do not see my way to translate them, when used binomially together, otherwise than by spiritual beings or spiritual agents. K0 Hst once had the following question suggested by the second of these passages put to him :— K wei-shan is a name for the traces of making and transformation; but when it is said that (the interaction of) heaven and earth CH. IN. INTRODUCTION. 35 is now vigorous and abundant, and now dull and void, growing and diminishing according to the seasons, that constitutes the traces of making and transformation; why should the writer further speak of the Kwei-shin?’ He replied, ‘When he uses the style of “heaven and earth,” he is speaking of the result generally; but in ascribing it to the Kwei-shan, he is representing the traces of their effective interaction, as if there were men (that is, some personal agency) bringing it about!’ This solution merely explains the language away. When we come to the fifth Appendix, we shall understand better the views of the period when these treatises were produced. The single character sh4n is used in explaining thethwan on K w4n, the twentieth hexagram, where we read :— ‘In Kwan we see the spirit-like way of heaven, through which the four seasons proceed without error. The sages, in accordance with (this) spirit-like way, laid down their instructions, and all under heaven yield submission to them,’ The author of the Appendix delights to dwell on the changing phenomena taking place between heaven and earth, and which he attributes to their interaction; and he was penetrated evidently with a sense of the harmony between the natural and spiritual worlds. It is this sense, indeed, which vivifies both the thwan and the explanation of them. 5. We proceed to the second Appendix, which professes to do for the duke of X4u’s symbolical exposition of the several lines what the Thwan A wan does for the entire The second figures. The work here, however, is accom-
35. We proceed to the second Appendix, which professes to do for the duke of X4u’s symbolical exposition of the several lines what the Thwan A wan does for the entire The second figures. The work here, however, is accom- Appendix. plished w'th less trouble and more briefly. The whole bears the name of Hsiang K wan, ‘Treatise on the Symbols’ or ‘ Treatise on the Symbolism (of the Yi).’ 4 See the ‘Collected Comments’ on hexagram 55 in the Khang-hst edition of the Yf (App. I). ‘The traces of making and transformation’ mean the everchanging phenomena of growth and decay. Our phrase ‘Vestiges of Creation’ might be used to translate the Chinese characters. See the remarks of the late Dr. Medhurst on the hexagrams 15 and §5 in his ‘ Dissertation on the Theology of the Chinese,’ pp. 107-112. In hexagram 15, Canon McClatchie for k weishan gives ‘gods and demons ;’ in hexagram 55, ‘the Demon-gods,’ b2 36 THE Y{ KING. CH. If. If there were reason to think that it came in any way from Confucius, I should fancy that I saw him sitting with a select class of his disciples around him. They read the duke’s Text column after column, and the master drops now a word or two, and now a sentence or two, that illuminate the meaning. The disciples take notes on their tablets, or store his remarks in their memories, and by and by they write them out with the whole of the Text or only so much of it as is necessary. Whoever was the original lecturer, the Appendix, I think, must have grown up in this way. It would not be necessary to speak of it at greater length, if it were not that the six paragraphs on the symbols of the duke of K4u are always preceded by one which is called ‘the Great Symbolism,’ and treats of the trigrams composing the hexagram, how they go together to form the six-lined figure, and how their blended meaning appears in the institutions and proceedings of the great men and kings of former days, and of the superior men of all time. The paragraph is for the most part, but by no means always, in harmony with the explanation of the hexagram by king W4n, and a place in the Thwan Awan would be more appropriate to it. I suppose that, because it always begins with the mention of the two symbolical trigrams, it is made, for the sake of the symmetry, to form a part of the treatise on the Symbolism of the Yi. I will give a few examples of the paragraphs of the Great Symbolism. The first hexagram is formed The Great bya repetition of the trigram K Zien =S= Symbolism. ’ representing heaven, and it is said on it:— ‘Heaven in its motion (gives) the idea of strength. The superior man, in accordance with this, nerves himself to ceaseless activity.’ = is formed by a repetition The second hexagram of the trigram Khwan = =, representing the earth, and it is said on it:—‘The capacious receptivity of the earth is what is denoted by Khwan. The superior man, in accordance with this, with his large virtue, supports men and things.’ CH. III. INTRODUCTION. 37
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
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