Fetching
One moment.
Fetching
One moment.
Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1The explanations appended to the lines and the completed figures tell how the contemplation of them affected (the makers). The strong and the weak lines appear mixed in them, and (thus) the good and the evil (which they indicate) can be seen. 71. The changes and movements (which take place in the manipulation of the stalks and the formation of the diagrams) speak as from the standpoint of what is advantageous. The (intimations of) good and evil vary according to the place and nature (of the lines). Thus they may indicate a mutual influence (in any two of them) of love or hatred, and good or evil is the result; or that mutual influence may be affected by the nearness of the lines to, or their distance from, each other, and then repentance or regret is the result ; or the influence may be that of truth or of hypocrisy, and then the result is what is advantageous, or what is injurious. In all these relations of the (lines in the) Y1, if two are near and do not blend harmoniously, there may be (all these results),—evil, or what is injurious, or occasion for repentance and regret. 72. The language of him who is meditating a 406 THE APPENDIXES. SECT. If. revolt (from the right) betrays his inward shame ; that of him whose inward heart doubts about it diverges to other topics. The words of a good man are few; those of a coarse man are many. The words of one who slanders what is good are un- Chapter XII, paragraphs 66-72, is generally divided into three sections ;—the first, embracing 66-68, and treating of the sages, the makers of the Y1, as themselves independent of it, knowing all that it enables us to know, and able to accomplish all that it enables us to accomplish ; the second, embracing 69—71, and telling how the sages formed the Yi, and made all men, by means of it, partakers of their now unlimited knowledge and power; the third, comprised in paragraph 72, and saying, if it be genuine and in its proper place, that the ordinary speech of men is as mysterious and indicative of what is in them, as the explanations of the Yi are, when we consider who were its authors.
2‘The sages,’ who are the subject of 65-68, are not mentioned in the text ; but 67 makes it plain that the subject must be some personal being or beings. Neither zien nor Khwan can ‘rejoice in heart, and weigh carefully matters occasioning anxiety.’ The commentators generally interpolate ‘the sages ;’ even Ying-t4 of the Thang dynasty, who does not introduce the sages in his exposition, yet makes the subject to be ‘the disposer and nourisher of all things.’ He gets to his view by an unnatural interpretation of two characters in 67, which are now thrown out of the text by all critics as not genuine. That ‘the sages’ is really the subject in the mind of the writer appears from the express mention of them in 69, when also ‘heaven and earth’ take the place of Ahien and Khw&n. It is absurd, not to say blasphemous, to assume that the sages who made the Yi had the knowledge and ability here ascribed to them; but the theory of the Yf as containing a scheme for the discovery of the future necessitated the ascribing such attributes to them. Compare with the whole Section, and especially with paragraph 68, what is said in ‘the Doctrine of the Mean,’ chapter 24. The first Section shows how the sages were themselves independent of the Yf, and had no need of it; the second goes on to tell how they devised and constructed it, to make all men equal to themselves in a knowledge of phenomena and human events, and of their indications of, and issues in, the future. Summing up its CHAP. 12. APPENDIX III. 407 substantial; those of him who is losing what he ought to keep are crooked. lessons, the editors of the imperial edition say, ‘There is no passage in the Appendix more full and clear than this on the five points in regard to the lines which the student of the Yi has to attend to. Those points are :—their time, position, quality, mutual nearness, and responsive relation. It is by a consideration of the two latter points, moreover, that he must form his judgment on their appropriateness or inappropriateness in the three others.’ Paragraph 72 has really no connexion with the rest of the chapter. I have stated above how the critics attempt to make out such a connexion; but I agree myself with P. Regis, who appends to his version of the paragraph this note :—‘ Quae sententiae quidem sapiunt doctrinam Confucianam, at non ordinem, utpote cum praecedentibus minime cohaerentes, sed omnino ab iis abscissae avulsaeque.’ APPENDIX IV. Supplementary to the Thwan and Y4o on the first and second Hexagrams, and showing how they may be interpreted of man’s nature and doings. Section I. A#IEN. Chapter I. 1. What is called (under Kien) ‘the great and originating’ is (in man) the first and chief quality of goodness ; what is called ‘ the penetrating’ is the assemblage of excellences ; what is called ‘the advantageous’ is the harmony of all that is right; and what is called ‘the correct and firm’ is the faculty of action. _ .
3_ . 2. The superior man, embodying benevolence, is fit to preside over men; presenting the assemblage of excellences, he is fit to show in himself the union of all propriety; benefiting (all) creatures, he is fit to exhibit the harmony of all that is right; correct and firm, he is fit to manage (all) affairs. 3. The fact that the superior man practises these four virtues justifies the application to him of the words—‘ Kien represents what is great and originating, penetrating, advantageous, correct and firm.’ The title of this Appendix is in Chinese the Wan Yen Xwan, ‘The Record of Wan Yen;’ and according to the analogy of the titles of the three Appendixes that follow, W4n should perform the part of a verb and Yen that of a substantive. So the characters are usually taken, and to W&n is given the meaning of ‘Explaining (Shih);’ and to Yen that of ‘Words or Sentences,’ meaning the Thwan of king Wan, and the Y4o of the duke of Ku on the first two hexagrams. The document treats of these, CHAP. 2. APPENDIX IV. 409 Chapter II. 4. What is the meaning of the words under the first line undivided, ‘The dragon lies hid (in the deep) ;—it is not the time for active doing ?’ The Master said :—‘ There he is, with the powers of the dragon, and yet lying hid. The influence of the world would make no change in him; he would do nothing (merely) to secure his fame. He can live, withdrawn from the world, without regret; he can experience disapproval without trouble of mind. Rejoicing (in opportunity), he carries his principles and of no others. ‘It shows the amount and depth of meaning in them,’ says AG Hsf, ‘and the other hexagrams may be treated after the analogy supplied here.’ Confucius, it is said by others, died before he was able to carry out the plan which he had formed. But, as I have shown in the Introduction (pp. 28-30), it is more than doubtful whether we have in this Appendix anything at all directly from the sage. Chapter I, paragraphs 1-3, shows how the attributes of XAien, “as explained by king W4n, are to be understood of the constituent
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1The explanations appended to the lines and the completed figures tell how the contemplation of them affected (the makers). The strong and the weak lines appear mixed in them, and (thus) the good and the evil (which they indicate) can be seen. 71. The changes and movements (which take place in the manipulation of the stalks and the formation of the diagrams) speak as from the standpoint of what is advantageous. The (intimations of) good and evil vary according to the place and nature (of the lines). Thus they may indicate a mutual influence (in any two of them) of love or hatred, and good or evil is the result; or that mutual influence may be affected by the nearness of the lines to, or their distance from, each other, and then repentance or regret is the result ; or the influence may be that of truth or of hypocrisy, and then the result is what is advantageous, or what is injurious. In all these relations of the (lines in the) Y1, if two are near and do not blend harmoniously, there may be (all these results),—evil, or what is injurious, or occasion for repentance and regret. 72. The language of him who is meditating a 406 THE APPENDIXES. SECT. If. revolt (from the right) betrays his inward shame ; that of him whose inward heart doubts about it diverges to other topics. The words of a good man are few; those of a coarse man are many. The words of one who slanders what is good are un- Chapter XII, paragraphs 66-72, is generally divided into three sections ;—the first, embracing 66-68, and treating of the sages, the makers of the Y1, as themselves independent of it, knowing all that it enables us to know, and able to accomplish all that it enables us to accomplish ; the second, embracing 69—71, and telling how the sages formed the Yi, and made all men, by means of it, partakers of their now unlimited knowledge and power; the third, comprised in paragraph 72, and saying, if it be genuine and in its proper place, that the ordinary speech of men is as mysterious and indicative of what is in them, as the explanations of the Yi are, when we consider who were its authors.
2‘The sages,’ who are the subject of 65-68, are not mentioned in the text ; but 67 makes it plain that the subject must be some personal being or beings. Neither zien nor Khwan can ‘rejoice in heart, and weigh carefully matters occasioning anxiety.’ The commentators generally interpolate ‘the sages ;’ even Ying-t4 of the Thang dynasty, who does not introduce the sages in his exposition, yet makes the subject to be ‘the disposer and nourisher of all things.’ He gets to his view by an unnatural interpretation of two characters in 67, which are now thrown out of the text by all critics as not genuine. That ‘the sages’ is really the subject in the mind of the writer appears from the express mention of them in 69, when also ‘heaven and earth’ take the place of Ahien and Khw&n. It is absurd, not to say blasphemous, to assume that the sages who made the Yi had the knowledge and ability here ascribed to them; but the theory of the Yf as containing a scheme for the discovery of the future necessitated the ascribing such attributes to them. Compare with the whole Section, and especially with paragraph 68, what is said in ‘the Doctrine of the Mean,’ chapter 24. The first Section shows how the sages were themselves independent of the Yf, and had no need of it; the second goes on to tell how they devised and constructed it, to make all men equal to themselves in a knowledge of phenomena and human events, and of their indications of, and issues in, the future. Summing up its CHAP. 12. APPENDIX III. 407 substantial; those of him who is losing what he ought to keep are crooked. lessons, the editors of the imperial edition say, ‘There is no passage in the Appendix more full and clear than this on the five points in regard to the lines which the student of the Yi has to attend to. Those points are :—their time, position, quality, mutual nearness, and responsive relation. It is by a consideration of the two latter points, moreover, that he must form his judgment on their appropriateness or inappropriateness in the three others.’ Paragraph 72 has really no connexion with the rest of the chapter. I have stated above how the critics attempt to make out such a connexion; but I agree myself with P. Regis, who appends to his version of the paragraph this note :—‘ Quae sententiae quidem sapiunt doctrinam Confucianam, at non ordinem, utpote cum praecedentibus minime cohaerentes, sed omnino ab iis abscissae avulsaeque.’ APPENDIX IV. Supplementary to the Thwan and Y4o on the first and second Hexagrams, and showing how they may be interpreted of man’s nature and doings. Section I. A#IEN. Chapter I. 1. What is called (under Kien) ‘the great and originating’ is (in man) the first and chief quality of goodness ; what is called ‘ the penetrating’ is the assemblage of excellences ; what is called ‘the advantageous’ is the harmony of all that is right; and what is called ‘the correct and firm’ is the faculty of action. _ .
3_ . 2. The superior man, embodying benevolence, is fit to preside over men; presenting the assemblage of excellences, he is fit to show in himself the union of all propriety; benefiting (all) creatures, he is fit to exhibit the harmony of all that is right; correct and firm, he is fit to manage (all) affairs. 3. The fact that the superior man practises these four virtues justifies the application to him of the words—‘ Kien represents what is great and originating, penetrating, advantageous, correct and firm.’ The title of this Appendix is in Chinese the Wan Yen Xwan, ‘The Record of Wan Yen;’ and according to the analogy of the titles of the three Appendixes that follow, W4n should perform the part of a verb and Yen that of a substantive. So the characters are usually taken, and to W&n is given the meaning of ‘Explaining (Shih);’ and to Yen that of ‘Words or Sentences,’ meaning the Thwan of king Wan, and the Y4o of the duke of Ku on the first two hexagrams. The document treats of these, CHAP. 2. APPENDIX IV. 409 Chapter II. 4. What is the meaning of the words under the first line undivided, ‘The dragon lies hid (in the deep) ;—it is not the time for active doing ?’ The Master said :—‘ There he is, with the powers of the dragon, and yet lying hid. The influence of the world would make no change in him; he would do nothing (merely) to secure his fame. He can live, withdrawn from the world, without regret; he can experience disapproval without trouble of mind. Rejoicing (in opportunity), he carries his principles and of no others. ‘It shows the amount and depth of meaning in them,’ says AG Hsf, ‘and the other hexagrams may be treated after the analogy supplied here.’ Confucius, it is said by others, died before he was able to carry out the plan which he had formed. But, as I have shown in the Introduction (pp. 28-30), it is more than doubtful whether we have in this Appendix anything at all directly from the sage. Chapter I, paragraphs 1-3, shows how the attributes of XAien, “as explained by king W4n, are to be understood of the constituent
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
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