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Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1It is in fact the only Smrtti, completely preserved 1 See e. g. Appendix 26 (p. 227) and Manu VIII, 320; Appendix 34 (p. 228) and Manu VIII, 334; Appendix 36, 37 (p. 228) and Manu VIII, 124, 125. INTRODUCTION. , xv in MSS., in which law, properly so-called, is treated by itself, without any reference to rules of penance, diet, and other religious subjects; and it throws a new and an important light on the political and social institutions of ancient India at the time of its composition. Several of the doctrines propounded by Narada are decidedly opposed to, and cannot be viewed in the light of developments from, the teaching of Manu. Thus e.g. N&rada advocates the practice of Niyoga, or appointment of a widow to raise offspring to her deceased husband ; he declares gambling ~ to be a lawful amusement, when carried on in public gaming-houses; he allows the remarriage of widows; he virtually abrogates the right of primogeniture by declaring that even the youngest son may undertake the management of the family property, if specially qualified for the task ; he ordains that, in a partition of the family property, the father may reserve two shares for himself, and that, in the case of a partition after his death, the mother shall divide equally with the sons, and an unmarried sister take the same share as a younger son; he lays down a different gradation of fines from those laid down by Manu, &c.? It may be argued that Narada would not have ventured Their probable tO differ from the Code of Manu on such ongin. essential points as these, unless he had found good authority for doing so in other early works or dicta attributed to the primeval legislator of India, and that this fact furnishes another reason for attaching some credit to what Narada relates of the original Code in 100,000 verses, and of its successive abridgment. Thus much is certain, that a great many floating proverbs and authoritative enunciations of Manu and of Vriddha or Brihan-Manu must have existed by the side of the Code of Manu in the times of Narada as well as before and after his period, when they were quoted in the Mahabh4rata® and in the Com- 1 See the foot-notes, passim. 2 See Narada XII, 80-88, and Manu IX, 65-68; Narada XVII, 1-8, and Manu IX, 221-228; Narada XII, 97, and Manu V, 162; Narada XIII, 5, and Manu IX, 105-109; Narada XIII, 13, 14, and Manu IX, 104, 131; Narada, Appendix 30, 31, and Manu VIII, 138. XVI NARADA. °-
22 See Narada XII, 80-88, and Manu IX, 65-68; Narada XVII, 1-8, and Manu IX, 221-228; Narada XII, 97, and Manu V, 162; Narada XIII, 5, and Manu IX, 105-109; Narada XIII, 13, 14, and Manu IX, 104, 131; Narada, Appendix 30, 31, and Manu VIII, 138. XVI NARADA. °- mentaries and Dharmanibandhas from Medhatithi’s Manubhashya down to Gagann&tha’s Digest, translated by Colebrooke. The compiler of the N&arada-smriti may have incorporated a number of these dicta in his own composition. At the same time, it is far from improbable that a work on law, called the Code of Manu in the version of Narada, may have exjsted by the side of the celebrated Code of Manu in the version of Bhvigu, and that the unknown compiler of the Narada-smriti may have utilised that work for his own composition, and enhanced the value and authority of the latter by referring to, and arranging in his own way, the reports current with regard to Manu and Narada. The precise nature of the origin of such a work as the Ndrada-smrzti must needs remain a matter for speculation ; but it certainly was an established practice with Sanskrit writers to graft their own compositions on earlier works attributed to fabulous personages of the heroic age of India, and indeed to fabricate an authority of this kind for the productions of their own pen. The probable date of the Code of Manu may be turned | Date ofthe tO account for determining the date of the Narada-smriti. N4&rada-smriti; just as the presumable date of the latter work has been used in its turn for fixing the chronological position of Manu. The composition of the two works is separated, apparently, by a considerable interval of time. If, therefore, the date of Manu has been rightly placed between the second centuries B.c. and A.D. by Professor Biihler!, it would seem to follow that the Narada-smrzti can hardly belong to an earlier period than the fourth or fifth century A.D. The same conclusion may be arrived at by other, and independent considerations. Thus the N§arada-smriti agrees on many important Compared with Points, especially in the law of evidence, other Smritis, with the Dharmasdstras or Smritis of YAg#avalkya, Vishzu, Brzhaspati, KatyAyana, and Vydsa. It may be a little older than the three last-named works, 1 Loc. cit. p. xcvii. INTRODUCTION. XVii which belong to the latest productions of the Smrzti epoch of Hindu Law, but its legal rules and judicial theories have a decidedly more advanced character than either Vishzu’s or Yaguavalkya’s. The Smrtti of Vishzu cannot belong to an earlier period than the third century A.D.1, and the Yaghavalkya Smriti is not likely to be anterior to it in date?. Again, the judicial trial which is described in the welland with the drama known drama Mrikkhakatika corresponds
3The Smrtti of Vishzu cannot belong to an earlier period than the third century A.D.1, and the Yaghavalkya Smriti is not likely to be anterior to it in date?. Again, the judicial trial which is described in the welland with the drama known drama Mrikkhakatika corresponds Mrikkhakatika. jin all essential features to the rules laid down in Narada’s chapter on ‘The Plaint*’ If, then, the Naradiya Dharmasdstra and the Mrikkhakatika are contemporaneous productions, we have a further reason for assigning the composition of the former work to the fifth or sixth century A.D. It may also be noted that Narada (XII, 74) regards sexual intercourse with a female ascetic, pravragité, as a kind of incest. In the earlier Indian dramas likewise, such as K4lid4sa’s Malavikagnimitra and Sddraka’s MrikkhakatikA, the position of nuns and monks is highly dignified. Last, not least, the European term Dinara, i. e. denarius or dnvdpiov, which is so important for the purposes of Indian chronology, occurs repeatedly in the Ndrada-smriti. In the first passage (Introd. II, 34, p. 32), Dindras are mentioned among other objects made of gold, and it would seem that a gold coin used as an ornament is meant, such as e. g. the necklaces made of gold mohurs, which are being worn in India at the present day. ‘A string of Dindras’ (dindra-malaya) used as a necklace occurs in a well-known Jain work, the Kalpa-sitra of Bhadrabahu‘. It is, however, possible that the ‘Dinaras or other golden things’ may be gold coins simply, and that Narada means to refer to forged or otherwise counterfeit coins. The second passage (Appendix v. 60, P-. 232) is specially valuable, because it contains an exact The term Dfnfra. 1 Sacred Books of the East, vol. vii, p. xxxii. * Tagore Law Lectures, p. 49. 3 See, particularly, p. 27, note on 18. * See Dr. Jacobi’s edition, par. 36 (p. 44), and the same scholar's translation of the Kalpa-s(tra, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxii, p. 232. [33] Xviii NARADA.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1It is in fact the only Smrtti, completely preserved 1 See e. g. Appendix 26 (p. 227) and Manu VIII, 320; Appendix 34 (p. 228) and Manu VIII, 334; Appendix 36, 37 (p. 228) and Manu VIII, 124, 125. INTRODUCTION. , xv in MSS., in which law, properly so-called, is treated by itself, without any reference to rules of penance, diet, and other religious subjects; and it throws a new and an important light on the political and social institutions of ancient India at the time of its composition. Several of the doctrines propounded by Narada are decidedly opposed to, and cannot be viewed in the light of developments from, the teaching of Manu. Thus e.g. N&rada advocates the practice of Niyoga, or appointment of a widow to raise offspring to her deceased husband ; he declares gambling ~ to be a lawful amusement, when carried on in public gaming-houses; he allows the remarriage of widows; he virtually abrogates the right of primogeniture by declaring that even the youngest son may undertake the management of the family property, if specially qualified for the task ; he ordains that, in a partition of the family property, the father may reserve two shares for himself, and that, in the case of a partition after his death, the mother shall divide equally with the sons, and an unmarried sister take the same share as a younger son; he lays down a different gradation of fines from those laid down by Manu, &c.? It may be argued that Narada would not have ventured Their probable tO differ from the Code of Manu on such ongin. essential points as these, unless he had found good authority for doing so in other early works or dicta attributed to the primeval legislator of India, and that this fact furnishes another reason for attaching some credit to what Narada relates of the original Code in 100,000 verses, and of its successive abridgment. Thus much is certain, that a great many floating proverbs and authoritative enunciations of Manu and of Vriddha or Brihan-Manu must have existed by the side of the Code of Manu in the times of Narada as well as before and after his period, when they were quoted in the Mahabh4rata® and in the Com- 1 See the foot-notes, passim. 2 See Narada XII, 80-88, and Manu IX, 65-68; Narada XVII, 1-8, and Manu IX, 221-228; Narada XII, 97, and Manu V, 162; Narada XIII, 5, and Manu IX, 105-109; Narada XIII, 13, 14, and Manu IX, 104, 131; Narada, Appendix 30, 31, and Manu VIII, 138. XVI NARADA. °-
22 See Narada XII, 80-88, and Manu IX, 65-68; Narada XVII, 1-8, and Manu IX, 221-228; Narada XII, 97, and Manu V, 162; Narada XIII, 5, and Manu IX, 105-109; Narada XIII, 13, 14, and Manu IX, 104, 131; Narada, Appendix 30, 31, and Manu VIII, 138. XVI NARADA. °- mentaries and Dharmanibandhas from Medhatithi’s Manubhashya down to Gagann&tha’s Digest, translated by Colebrooke. The compiler of the N&arada-smriti may have incorporated a number of these dicta in his own composition. At the same time, it is far from improbable that a work on law, called the Code of Manu in the version of Narada, may have exjsted by the side of the celebrated Code of Manu in the version of Bhvigu, and that the unknown compiler of the Narada-smriti may have utilised that work for his own composition, and enhanced the value and authority of the latter by referring to, and arranging in his own way, the reports current with regard to Manu and Narada. The precise nature of the origin of such a work as the Ndrada-smrzti must needs remain a matter for speculation ; but it certainly was an established practice with Sanskrit writers to graft their own compositions on earlier works attributed to fabulous personages of the heroic age of India, and indeed to fabricate an authority of this kind for the productions of their own pen. The probable date of the Code of Manu may be turned | Date ofthe tO account for determining the date of the Narada-smriti. N4&rada-smriti; just as the presumable date of the latter work has been used in its turn for fixing the chronological position of Manu. The composition of the two works is separated, apparently, by a considerable interval of time. If, therefore, the date of Manu has been rightly placed between the second centuries B.c. and A.D. by Professor Biihler!, it would seem to follow that the Narada-smrzti can hardly belong to an earlier period than the fourth or fifth century A.D. The same conclusion may be arrived at by other, and independent considerations. Thus the N§arada-smriti agrees on many important Compared with Points, especially in the law of evidence, other Smritis, with the Dharmasdstras or Smritis of YAg#avalkya, Vishzu, Brzhaspati, KatyAyana, and Vydsa. It may be a little older than the three last-named works, 1 Loc. cit. p. xcvii. INTRODUCTION. XVii which belong to the latest productions of the Smrzti epoch of Hindu Law, but its legal rules and judicial theories have a decidedly more advanced character than either Vishzu’s or Yaguavalkya’s. The Smrtti of Vishzu cannot belong to an earlier period than the third century A.D.1, and the Yaghavalkya Smriti is not likely to be anterior to it in date?. Again, the judicial trial which is described in the welland with the drama known drama Mrikkhakatika corresponds
3The Smrtti of Vishzu cannot belong to an earlier period than the third century A.D.1, and the Yaghavalkya Smriti is not likely to be anterior to it in date?. Again, the judicial trial which is described in the welland with the drama known drama Mrikkhakatika corresponds Mrikkhakatika. jin all essential features to the rules laid down in Narada’s chapter on ‘The Plaint*’ If, then, the Naradiya Dharmasdstra and the Mrikkhakatika are contemporaneous productions, we have a further reason for assigning the composition of the former work to the fifth or sixth century A.D. It may also be noted that Narada (XII, 74) regards sexual intercourse with a female ascetic, pravragité, as a kind of incest. In the earlier Indian dramas likewise, such as K4lid4sa’s Malavikagnimitra and Sddraka’s MrikkhakatikA, the position of nuns and monks is highly dignified. Last, not least, the European term Dinara, i. e. denarius or dnvdpiov, which is so important for the purposes of Indian chronology, occurs repeatedly in the Ndrada-smriti. In the first passage (Introd. II, 34, p. 32), Dindras are mentioned among other objects made of gold, and it would seem that a gold coin used as an ornament is meant, such as e. g. the necklaces made of gold mohurs, which are being worn in India at the present day. ‘A string of Dindras’ (dindra-malaya) used as a necklace occurs in a well-known Jain work, the Kalpa-sitra of Bhadrabahu‘. It is, however, possible that the ‘Dinaras or other golden things’ may be gold coins simply, and that Narada means to refer to forged or otherwise counterfeit coins. The second passage (Appendix v. 60, P-. 232) is specially valuable, because it contains an exact The term Dfnfra. 1 Sacred Books of the East, vol. vii, p. xxxii. * Tagore Law Lectures, p. 49. 3 See, particularly, p. 27, note on 18. * See Dr. Jacobi’s edition, par. 36 (p. 44), and the same scholar's translation of the Kalpa-s(tra, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxii, p. 232. [33] Xviii NARADA.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
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