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Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1i, p. 31 seqq., and Indian Antiquary, vol. xx, p. 414 seqq. 3 Apastambha may be a mistake for Apastamba. But the form with the aspirate occurs also in the earlier Pallava grant and in Devapala’s commentary on the Kashaka Grihya-sftra. * Ind. Ant. V, 135. INTRODUCTION. XXXVii out above that the recension of the Taittirtya Arazyaka which Apastamba recognises is that called the Andhra text or the version current in the Andhra country, by which term the districts in the south-east of India between the GodAvart and the Kvishz4 have to be understood '. Now it seems exceedingly improbable that a Vedic teacher would accept as authoritative any other version of a sacred work except that which was current in his native country. It would therefore follow, from the adoption of an Andhra text by Apastamba, that he was born in that country, or, at least, had resided there so long as to have become naturalised in it. With respect to this conclusion it must also be kept in mind that the above-quoted passage from the Maharaava particularly specifies the Andhra country (Andhradi) as the seat of the Apastambiyas. It may be that this is due to an accident. But it seems to me more probable that the author of the Maharzava wished to mark the Andhra territory as the chief and perhaps as the original residence of the Apastambiyas. This discovery has, also, a most important bearing on the question of the antiquity of the school of Apastamba. It fully confirms the result of the preceding enquiry, viz. that the Apastambiyas are one of the later Karanas. For the south of India and the nations inhabiting it, such as Kalingas, Dravidas, Andhras, Kolas, and Pandyas, do not play any important part in the ancient Brahmanical traditions and in the earliest history of India, the centre of both of which lies in the north-west or at least north of the Vindhya range. Hitherto it has not been shown that the south and the southern nations are mentioned in any of the Vedic Samhités. In the Brahmazas and in the Sidtras they do occur, though they are named rarely and in a not complimentary manner. Thus the Aitareya-brahmana gives the names of certain degraded, barbarous tribes, and among them that of the Andhras*, in whose country, as 1 See Cunningham, Geography, p. §27 seqq.; Burnell, South Ind. Pal., p. 14, note 2. 2 Aitareya-brahmama VII, 18. XXXVili APASTAMBA.
2Thus the Aitareya-brahmana gives the names of certain degraded, barbarous tribes, and among them that of the Andhras*, in whose country, as 1 See Cunningham, Geography, p. §27 seqq.; Burnell, South Ind. Pal., p. 14, note 2. 2 Aitareya-brahmama VII, 18. XXXVili APASTAMBA. has been shown, the Apastambiyas probably originated. Again, Baudhayana, in his Dharma-sitra I, 1, quotes some verses in which it is said that he who visits the Kalingas must purify himself by the performance of certain sacrifices in order to become fit for again associating with Aryans. The same author, also, mentions distinctive forbidden practices (4#4ra) prevailing in the south (loc. cit.). Further, Pazini’s grammatical Sdtras and KAatydyana’s VAarttikas thereon contain rules regarding several words which presuppose an acquaintance with the south and the kingdoms which flourished there. Thus PAzini, IV, 2, 98, teaches the formation of dakshivatya in the sense of ‘belonging to or living in the south or the Dekhan,’ and a VArttika of Katyayana on Pawini, IV, 1, 175, states that the words Kola and Pawzdya are used as names of the princes ruling over the Kola and Pazdya countries, which, as is known from history, were situated in the extreme south of India. The other southern nations and a fuller description of the south occur first in the Mahabharata’. While an acquaintance with the south can thus be proved only by a few books belonging to the later stages of Vedic literature, several of the southern kingdoms are named already in the oldest historical documents. Asoka in his edicts 2, which date from the second half of the third century B.Cc., calls the Kolas, Pazdyas, and the Keralaputra or Ketalaputra his pratyantas (prakanté) or neighbours. The same monarch informs us also that he conquered the province of Kalinga and annexed it to his kingdom’, and his. remarks on the condition of the province show that it was thoroughly imbued with the Aryan civilisation*. The same fact is attested still more clearly by the annals of the Keta king of Kalinga, whose thirteenth year fell in the 165th year of the Maurya era. or about 150 B.c.5 The early ' Lassen, Ind. Alterthumskunde, I, 684, and ed. ? Edict II, Epigraphia Indica, vol. ii, pp. 449-450, 466. * Edict XIII, op. cit., pp. 462-465, 470-472. * See also Indian Antiquary, vol. xxiii, p. 246. 5 Actes du 6®me Congrés Int. d. Orient., vol. iii, 2, 135 seqq., where, however, the beginning of the Maurya era is placed wrongly in the eighth year of Asoka. INTRODUCTION. XXXIX
3449-450, 466. * Edict XIII, op. cit., pp. 462-465, 470-472. * See also Indian Antiquary, vol. xxiii, p. 246. 5 Actes du 6®me Congrés Int. d. Orient., vol. iii, 2, 135 seqq., where, however, the beginning of the Maurya era is placed wrongly in the eighth year of Asoka. INTRODUCTION. XXXIX spread of the Aryan civilisation to the eastern coastdistricts between the Godavari and the Krishna is proved by the inscriptions on the Bha/tiprolu relic caskets, which probably belong to the period of 200 B.c.1| Numerous inscriptions in the Buddhist caves of Western India’, as well as coins, prove the existence during the last centuries before, and the first centuries after, the beginning of our era of a powerful empire of the Andhras, the capital of which was probably situated near the modern Amaravati on the lower Kréshva. The princes of the latter kingdom, though great patrons of the Buddhist monks, appear to have been Brahmanists or adherents of the ancient orthodox faith which is founded on the Vedas. For one of them is called Vedisiri (vedisri), ‘he whose glory is the Vedi, and another Yaaasiri (yag#asri), ‘he whose glory is the sacrifice, and a very remarkable inscription on the Nanaghat * contains a curious catalogue of sacrificial fees paid to priests (dakshiz4) for the performance of Srauta sacrifices. For the third and the later centuries of our era the information regarding Southern India becomes fuller and fuller. Very numerous inscriptions, the accounts of the Buddhist chroniclers of Ceylon, of the Greek geographers, and of the Chinese pilgrims, reveal the existence and give fragments, at least, of the history of many kingdoms in the south, and show that their civilisation was an advanced one, and did not differ materially from that of Northern India. There can be no doubt that the south of India has been conquered by the Aryans, and has been brought within the pale of Brahmanical civilisation much later than India north of the Vindhya range. During which century precisely that conquest took place, cannot be determined for the present. But it would seem that it happened a considerable time before the Vedic period came to an end, and it certainly was an accomplished fact, long before the 1 Epigraphia Indica, vol. ii, p. 323 seqq. 2 See Burgess, Arch. Surv. Reports, West India, vol. iv, pp. 104-114 and vol. v, p. 75 seqq. 3 Op. cit., vol. v, p. 39 seqq. Its date probably falls between 150-140 B.C. xl APASTAMBA. authentic history of India begins, about 500 B.C., with the Persian conquest of the Pa#igaband Sindh. It may be added that a not inconsiderable period must have elapsed after the conquest of the south, before the Aryan civilisation had so far taken root in the conquered territory, that, in its turn, it could become a centre of Brahmanical activity, and that it could produce new Vedic schools.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1i, p. 31 seqq., and Indian Antiquary, vol. xx, p. 414 seqq. 3 Apastambha may be a mistake for Apastamba. But the form with the aspirate occurs also in the earlier Pallava grant and in Devapala’s commentary on the Kashaka Grihya-sftra. * Ind. Ant. V, 135. INTRODUCTION. XXXVii out above that the recension of the Taittirtya Arazyaka which Apastamba recognises is that called the Andhra text or the version current in the Andhra country, by which term the districts in the south-east of India between the GodAvart and the Kvishz4 have to be understood '. Now it seems exceedingly improbable that a Vedic teacher would accept as authoritative any other version of a sacred work except that which was current in his native country. It would therefore follow, from the adoption of an Andhra text by Apastamba, that he was born in that country, or, at least, had resided there so long as to have become naturalised in it. With respect to this conclusion it must also be kept in mind that the above-quoted passage from the Maharaava particularly specifies the Andhra country (Andhradi) as the seat of the Apastambiyas. It may be that this is due to an accident. But it seems to me more probable that the author of the Maharzava wished to mark the Andhra territory as the chief and perhaps as the original residence of the Apastambiyas. This discovery has, also, a most important bearing on the question of the antiquity of the school of Apastamba. It fully confirms the result of the preceding enquiry, viz. that the Apastambiyas are one of the later Karanas. For the south of India and the nations inhabiting it, such as Kalingas, Dravidas, Andhras, Kolas, and Pandyas, do not play any important part in the ancient Brahmanical traditions and in the earliest history of India, the centre of both of which lies in the north-west or at least north of the Vindhya range. Hitherto it has not been shown that the south and the southern nations are mentioned in any of the Vedic Samhités. In the Brahmazas and in the Sidtras they do occur, though they are named rarely and in a not complimentary manner. Thus the Aitareya-brahmana gives the names of certain degraded, barbarous tribes, and among them that of the Andhras*, in whose country, as 1 See Cunningham, Geography, p. §27 seqq.; Burnell, South Ind. Pal., p. 14, note 2. 2 Aitareya-brahmama VII, 18. XXXVili APASTAMBA.
2Thus the Aitareya-brahmana gives the names of certain degraded, barbarous tribes, and among them that of the Andhras*, in whose country, as 1 See Cunningham, Geography, p. §27 seqq.; Burnell, South Ind. Pal., p. 14, note 2. 2 Aitareya-brahmama VII, 18. XXXVili APASTAMBA. has been shown, the Apastambiyas probably originated. Again, Baudhayana, in his Dharma-sitra I, 1, quotes some verses in which it is said that he who visits the Kalingas must purify himself by the performance of certain sacrifices in order to become fit for again associating with Aryans. The same author, also, mentions distinctive forbidden practices (4#4ra) prevailing in the south (loc. cit.). Further, Pazini’s grammatical Sdtras and KAatydyana’s VAarttikas thereon contain rules regarding several words which presuppose an acquaintance with the south and the kingdoms which flourished there. Thus PAzini, IV, 2, 98, teaches the formation of dakshivatya in the sense of ‘belonging to or living in the south or the Dekhan,’ and a VArttika of Katyayana on Pawini, IV, 1, 175, states that the words Kola and Pawzdya are used as names of the princes ruling over the Kola and Pazdya countries, which, as is known from history, were situated in the extreme south of India. The other southern nations and a fuller description of the south occur first in the Mahabharata’. While an acquaintance with the south can thus be proved only by a few books belonging to the later stages of Vedic literature, several of the southern kingdoms are named already in the oldest historical documents. Asoka in his edicts 2, which date from the second half of the third century B.Cc., calls the Kolas, Pazdyas, and the Keralaputra or Ketalaputra his pratyantas (prakanté) or neighbours. The same monarch informs us also that he conquered the province of Kalinga and annexed it to his kingdom’, and his. remarks on the condition of the province show that it was thoroughly imbued with the Aryan civilisation*. The same fact is attested still more clearly by the annals of the Keta king of Kalinga, whose thirteenth year fell in the 165th year of the Maurya era. or about 150 B.c.5 The early ' Lassen, Ind. Alterthumskunde, I, 684, and ed. ? Edict II, Epigraphia Indica, vol. ii, pp. 449-450, 466. * Edict XIII, op. cit., pp. 462-465, 470-472. * See also Indian Antiquary, vol. xxiii, p. 246. 5 Actes du 6®me Congrés Int. d. Orient., vol. iii, 2, 135 seqq., where, however, the beginning of the Maurya era is placed wrongly in the eighth year of Asoka. INTRODUCTION. XXXIX
3449-450, 466. * Edict XIII, op. cit., pp. 462-465, 470-472. * See also Indian Antiquary, vol. xxiii, p. 246. 5 Actes du 6®me Congrés Int. d. Orient., vol. iii, 2, 135 seqq., where, however, the beginning of the Maurya era is placed wrongly in the eighth year of Asoka. INTRODUCTION. XXXIX spread of the Aryan civilisation to the eastern coastdistricts between the Godavari and the Krishna is proved by the inscriptions on the Bha/tiprolu relic caskets, which probably belong to the period of 200 B.c.1| Numerous inscriptions in the Buddhist caves of Western India’, as well as coins, prove the existence during the last centuries before, and the first centuries after, the beginning of our era of a powerful empire of the Andhras, the capital of which was probably situated near the modern Amaravati on the lower Kréshva. The princes of the latter kingdom, though great patrons of the Buddhist monks, appear to have been Brahmanists or adherents of the ancient orthodox faith which is founded on the Vedas. For one of them is called Vedisiri (vedisri), ‘he whose glory is the Vedi, and another Yaaasiri (yag#asri), ‘he whose glory is the sacrifice, and a very remarkable inscription on the Nanaghat * contains a curious catalogue of sacrificial fees paid to priests (dakshiz4) for the performance of Srauta sacrifices. For the third and the later centuries of our era the information regarding Southern India becomes fuller and fuller. Very numerous inscriptions, the accounts of the Buddhist chroniclers of Ceylon, of the Greek geographers, and of the Chinese pilgrims, reveal the existence and give fragments, at least, of the history of many kingdoms in the south, and show that their civilisation was an advanced one, and did not differ materially from that of Northern India. There can be no doubt that the south of India has been conquered by the Aryans, and has been brought within the pale of Brahmanical civilisation much later than India north of the Vindhya range. During which century precisely that conquest took place, cannot be determined for the present. But it would seem that it happened a considerable time before the Vedic period came to an end, and it certainly was an accomplished fact, long before the 1 Epigraphia Indica, vol. ii, p. 323 seqq. 2 See Burgess, Arch. Surv. Reports, West India, vol. iv, pp. 104-114 and vol. v, p. 75 seqq. 3 Op. cit., vol. v, p. 39 seqq. Its date probably falls between 150-140 B.C. xl APASTAMBA. authentic history of India begins, about 500 B.C., with the Persian conquest of the Pa#igaband Sindh. It may be added that a not inconsiderable period must have elapsed after the conquest of the south, before the Aryan civilisation had so far taken root in the conquered territory, that, in its turn, it could become a centre of Brahmanical activity, and that it could produce new Vedic schools.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
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