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Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1318 THE TEXTS OF TAOISM. APP, VII. His stately temple fell to ruin ; His altar empty was and still; By the nine wells dryandras grew}, And the twin tablets were but heaps of stone. St. 7. But when our emperor was called to rule, All spirit-like and sage was he. Earth’s bells reverberated loud, And light fell on the heavenly mirror down. The universe in brightness shone, And portents all were swept away ; (All souls), or bright or dark?, revered, And spirits came to take from him their law. St. 8. From desert sands * and where the great trees grow®, From phoenix caves, and from the dragon woods, All different creatures came sincere ; Men of all regions gave their hearts to him. Their largest vessels brought their gifts, And kings their rarest things described ; Black clouds a thousand notes sent forth ; And in the fragrant winds were citherns heard ¢. St. 9. Through his transforming power, the tripods were made sure; And families became polite and courteous. 1 The nine wells, or bubbling springs, near the village where Lao was born, are mentioned by various writers; but I fail to see how the growth of the trees about them indicated the ruin of his temple. 3 J have introduced the ‘all souls’ in this line, because of the yi in the second character. Williams defines the first character, yao (2), as ‘the effulgence of the sun,’ and of ‘heavenly bodies generally ;’ the second (BSB) ig well known as meaning ‘the animal soul,’ and ‘the dark disk of the moon,’ The Thesaurus, however, explains the two characters together as a name for the pole star ( | Fe; see Analects I, i); and perhaps I had better have followed this meaning. * The ‘desert sands’ were, no doubt, what we call ‘the desert of Gobi.’ The trees referred to were ‘in the extreme East.’ The combination phan-m( is not described more particularly. * This and the three preceding lines are not a little dark. APP. VII. ©THE STONE TABLET TO LAO-8ZE, 319 Ever kept he in mind (the sage) beneath the Pillar’, Still emulous of the sovereigns most ancient?. So has he built this pure temple, And planned its stately structure ; Pleasant, with hills and meadows around, And lofty pavilion with its distant prospect. St. 10. Its beams are of plum-tree, its ridge-pole of cassia ; A balustrade winds round it; many are its pillars ; About them spreads and rolls the fragrant smoke ; Cool and pure are the breezes and mists. The Immortal officers come to their places * ; The Plumaged guests are found in its court‘, Numerous and at their ease, They send down blessing, bright and efficacious. St. 11. Most spirit-like, unfathomable, (T4o’s) principles abide, with their symbolism attached >. Loud is Its note, but never sound emits °, Yet always it awakes the highest echoes. From far and near men praise It ; In the shades, and in the realms of light, they look up for Its aid ; Reverently have we graven and gilt this stone And made our lasting proclamation thereby to heaven and earth.
2From far and near men praise It ; In the shades, and in the realms of light, they look up for Its aid ; Reverently have we graven and gilt this stone And made our lasting proclamation thereby to heaven and earth. ' «The (sage) beneath the Pillar’ must be Lao-gze. See above in the Introductory notice, p. 313. 2 See the note on the meaning of the epithet Ik k, vol. xxxix, p. 40. 3 ‘The smoke,’ I suppose, ‘ of the incense, and from the offerings.’ * Taoist monks are called ‘Plumaged or Feathered Scholars (A -f),’ from the idea that by their discipline and pills, they can emancipate themselves from the trammels of the material body, and ascend (fly up) to heaven. Arrived there, as Immortals or Hsien (filj). it further appears they were constituted into a hierarchy or society, of which some of them were ‘ officers,’ higher in rank than others. 5 An allusion to the text of the hexagrams of the Yi Xing, where the explanations of them by king Wan,—his th wan, are followed by the symbolism of their different lines by the duke of au,—his hsiang. 6 See the Téo Teh Xing, ch. xli, par. 2. APPENDIX VIII. RECORD FOR THE SACRIFICIAL HALL OF KWANG-8ZE. By SO SHIH}. 1. Kwang-3ze was a native (of the territory) of Mang and an officer in (the city of) K4#i-yiian. He had been dead for more than a thousand years, and no one had up to this time sacrificed to him in Mang. It was Wang King, the assistant Secretary of the Prefect, who superintended the erection of a Sacrificial Hall (to Kwang-3ze), and (when the building was finished) he applied to me for 1 The elder of two brothers, both famous as scholars, poets, and administrators in the history of their country, and sons of a father hardly less distinguished. The father (A. D. 1009-1066) was named Sf Hsiin 53 YA); with the designation of Ming-yun (BA He): and the two names of locality, Lao-2hwan (x FR) and Mei-shan ( =] ily). Of the two brothers the elder (1036-1101), author of the notice here adduced, was the more celebrated. His name was Shih (ix). and his designation 9ze-dn (-F- 2) ; but he is more frequently styled Tung-pho (HE yp), from the situation of a house which he occupied at one time. His life was marked by several vicissitudes of the imperial favour which was shown to him and of the disgrace to which he was repeatedly subjected. He was versed in all Chinese literature, but the sincerity of his Confucianism has not been called in question. His brother (1039-1112), by name Xeh (8), by designation 9ze-yi -F- Hy): and by locality Ying-pin (8 We): has left us a commentary on the Tao Teh Xing, nearly the whole of which is given by 3ido Hung, under the several chapters. It seems to have been Xeh’s object to find a substantial unity under the different forms of Confucian, Buddhistic, and Taoist thought. The short essay, for it is more an essay than ‘a record,’ which is here translated is appended by Sido Hung to his ‘Wings to Awang-3ze. It is hardly worthy of Shih’s reputation,
3The short essay, for it is more an essay than ‘a record,’ which is here translated is appended by Sido Hung to his ‘Wings to Awang-3ze. It is hardly worthy of Shih’s reputation, APP. VIII, THE SACRIFICIAL HALL OF KWANG-38ZE. 321 ‘a composition which might serve as a record of the event; (which I made as follows) :— 2. According to the Historical Records (of Sze-m4 Kien), Kwang-3ze lived in the time of the kings Hui of Liang (B. C. 370-333 [?])? and Hsiian of Ki (B.C. 332-314). There was no subject of study to which he did not direct his attention, but his preference was for the views of Lao-3ze ; and thus it was that of the books which he wrote, containing in all more than ten myriad characters, the greater part are metaphorical illustrations of those views. He made ‘The Old Fisherman, ‘The Robber Xih, and ‘The Cutting Open Satchels,’ to deride the followers of Confucius, and to set forth the principles of LAo-jze. (So writes Sze-ma Khien, but) his view is that of one who had only a superficial knowledge of Kwang-3ze. My idea is that Kwang wished to support the principles of Khung-jze, though we must not imitate him in the method which he took to do so. (I will illustrate my meaning by a case of a different kind):—A prince of XQ? was once hurrying away from the city in disguise?, when the gate-keeper refused to let him pass through. On this his servant threatened the prince with a switch, and reviled him, saying, ‘Slave, you have no strength!’ On seeing this, the gate-keeper allowed them to go out. The thing certainly took place in an irregular way, and the prince escaped by an inversion of what was right ;—he seemed openly to put himself in opposition, while he was secretly maintaining and supporting. If we think that his servant did not love the prince, our judgment will be wrong; if we think that his action was a model for imitation in serving a prince, in that also we shall be wrong. In the same way the words of Kwang-3ze are thrown out in a contradictory manner, with which the tenor of his writing does not agree. The correct interpre- ’ Compare vol. xxxix, pp. 36, 37, 39. Sze-m& zien enters king Hui’s death in this year. The ‘Bamboo Books’ place it sixteen years later, see ‘ The General Mirror of History,’ under the thirty-fifth year of king Hsien of KAu. 2 I suppose this incident is an invention of S@ Shih’s own. I have not met with it anywhere else. In 3ido’s text for the ‘in disguise’ of the transla- tion, however, there is an error. He gives tie Ak instead of Tk AR. [40] Y 322 THE TEXTS OF TAOISM. APP, VIII. tation of them shows them to be far from any wish to defame Khung-jze.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1318 THE TEXTS OF TAOISM. APP, VII. His stately temple fell to ruin ; His altar empty was and still; By the nine wells dryandras grew}, And the twin tablets were but heaps of stone. St. 7. But when our emperor was called to rule, All spirit-like and sage was he. Earth’s bells reverberated loud, And light fell on the heavenly mirror down. The universe in brightness shone, And portents all were swept away ; (All souls), or bright or dark?, revered, And spirits came to take from him their law. St. 8. From desert sands * and where the great trees grow®, From phoenix caves, and from the dragon woods, All different creatures came sincere ; Men of all regions gave their hearts to him. Their largest vessels brought their gifts, And kings their rarest things described ; Black clouds a thousand notes sent forth ; And in the fragrant winds were citherns heard ¢. St. 9. Through his transforming power, the tripods were made sure; And families became polite and courteous. 1 The nine wells, or bubbling springs, near the village where Lao was born, are mentioned by various writers; but I fail to see how the growth of the trees about them indicated the ruin of his temple. 3 J have introduced the ‘all souls’ in this line, because of the yi in the second character. Williams defines the first character, yao (2), as ‘the effulgence of the sun,’ and of ‘heavenly bodies generally ;’ the second (BSB) ig well known as meaning ‘the animal soul,’ and ‘the dark disk of the moon,’ The Thesaurus, however, explains the two characters together as a name for the pole star ( | Fe; see Analects I, i); and perhaps I had better have followed this meaning. * The ‘desert sands’ were, no doubt, what we call ‘the desert of Gobi.’ The trees referred to were ‘in the extreme East.’ The combination phan-m( is not described more particularly. * This and the three preceding lines are not a little dark. APP. VII. ©THE STONE TABLET TO LAO-8ZE, 319 Ever kept he in mind (the sage) beneath the Pillar’, Still emulous of the sovereigns most ancient?. So has he built this pure temple, And planned its stately structure ; Pleasant, with hills and meadows around, And lofty pavilion with its distant prospect. St. 10. Its beams are of plum-tree, its ridge-pole of cassia ; A balustrade winds round it; many are its pillars ; About them spreads and rolls the fragrant smoke ; Cool and pure are the breezes and mists. The Immortal officers come to their places * ; The Plumaged guests are found in its court‘, Numerous and at their ease, They send down blessing, bright and efficacious. St. 11. Most spirit-like, unfathomable, (T4o’s) principles abide, with their symbolism attached >. Loud is Its note, but never sound emits °, Yet always it awakes the highest echoes. From far and near men praise It ; In the shades, and in the realms of light, they look up for Its aid ; Reverently have we graven and gilt this stone And made our lasting proclamation thereby to heaven and earth.
2From far and near men praise It ; In the shades, and in the realms of light, they look up for Its aid ; Reverently have we graven and gilt this stone And made our lasting proclamation thereby to heaven and earth. ' «The (sage) beneath the Pillar’ must be Lao-gze. See above in the Introductory notice, p. 313. 2 See the note on the meaning of the epithet Ik k, vol. xxxix, p. 40. 3 ‘The smoke,’ I suppose, ‘ of the incense, and from the offerings.’ * Taoist monks are called ‘Plumaged or Feathered Scholars (A -f),’ from the idea that by their discipline and pills, they can emancipate themselves from the trammels of the material body, and ascend (fly up) to heaven. Arrived there, as Immortals or Hsien (filj). it further appears they were constituted into a hierarchy or society, of which some of them were ‘ officers,’ higher in rank than others. 5 An allusion to the text of the hexagrams of the Yi Xing, where the explanations of them by king Wan,—his th wan, are followed by the symbolism of their different lines by the duke of au,—his hsiang. 6 See the Téo Teh Xing, ch. xli, par. 2. APPENDIX VIII. RECORD FOR THE SACRIFICIAL HALL OF KWANG-8ZE. By SO SHIH}. 1. Kwang-3ze was a native (of the territory) of Mang and an officer in (the city of) K4#i-yiian. He had been dead for more than a thousand years, and no one had up to this time sacrificed to him in Mang. It was Wang King, the assistant Secretary of the Prefect, who superintended the erection of a Sacrificial Hall (to Kwang-3ze), and (when the building was finished) he applied to me for 1 The elder of two brothers, both famous as scholars, poets, and administrators in the history of their country, and sons of a father hardly less distinguished. The father (A. D. 1009-1066) was named Sf Hsiin 53 YA); with the designation of Ming-yun (BA He): and the two names of locality, Lao-2hwan (x FR) and Mei-shan ( =] ily). Of the two brothers the elder (1036-1101), author of the notice here adduced, was the more celebrated. His name was Shih (ix). and his designation 9ze-dn (-F- 2) ; but he is more frequently styled Tung-pho (HE yp), from the situation of a house which he occupied at one time. His life was marked by several vicissitudes of the imperial favour which was shown to him and of the disgrace to which he was repeatedly subjected. He was versed in all Chinese literature, but the sincerity of his Confucianism has not been called in question. His brother (1039-1112), by name Xeh (8), by designation 9ze-yi -F- Hy): and by locality Ying-pin (8 We): has left us a commentary on the Tao Teh Xing, nearly the whole of which is given by 3ido Hung, under the several chapters. It seems to have been Xeh’s object to find a substantial unity under the different forms of Confucian, Buddhistic, and Taoist thought. The short essay, for it is more an essay than ‘a record,’ which is here translated is appended by Sido Hung to his ‘Wings to Awang-3ze. It is hardly worthy of Shih’s reputation,
3The short essay, for it is more an essay than ‘a record,’ which is here translated is appended by Sido Hung to his ‘Wings to Awang-3ze. It is hardly worthy of Shih’s reputation, APP. VIII, THE SACRIFICIAL HALL OF KWANG-38ZE. 321 ‘a composition which might serve as a record of the event; (which I made as follows) :— 2. According to the Historical Records (of Sze-m4 Kien), Kwang-3ze lived in the time of the kings Hui of Liang (B. C. 370-333 [?])? and Hsiian of Ki (B.C. 332-314). There was no subject of study to which he did not direct his attention, but his preference was for the views of Lao-3ze ; and thus it was that of the books which he wrote, containing in all more than ten myriad characters, the greater part are metaphorical illustrations of those views. He made ‘The Old Fisherman, ‘The Robber Xih, and ‘The Cutting Open Satchels,’ to deride the followers of Confucius, and to set forth the principles of LAo-jze. (So writes Sze-ma Khien, but) his view is that of one who had only a superficial knowledge of Kwang-3ze. My idea is that Kwang wished to support the principles of Khung-jze, though we must not imitate him in the method which he took to do so. (I will illustrate my meaning by a case of a different kind):—A prince of XQ? was once hurrying away from the city in disguise?, when the gate-keeper refused to let him pass through. On this his servant threatened the prince with a switch, and reviled him, saying, ‘Slave, you have no strength!’ On seeing this, the gate-keeper allowed them to go out. The thing certainly took place in an irregular way, and the prince escaped by an inversion of what was right ;—he seemed openly to put himself in opposition, while he was secretly maintaining and supporting. If we think that his servant did not love the prince, our judgment will be wrong; if we think that his action was a model for imitation in serving a prince, in that also we shall be wrong. In the same way the words of Kwang-3ze are thrown out in a contradictory manner, with which the tenor of his writing does not agree. The correct interpre- ’ Compare vol. xxxix, pp. 36, 37, 39. Sze-m& zien enters king Hui’s death in this year. The ‘Bamboo Books’ place it sixteen years later, see ‘ The General Mirror of History,’ under the thirty-fifth year of king Hsien of KAu. 2 I suppose this incident is an invention of S@ Shih’s own. I have not met with it anywhere else. In 3ido’s text for the ‘in disguise’ of the transla- tion, however, there is an error. He gives tie Ak instead of Tk AR. [40] Y 322 THE TEXTS OF TAOISM. APP, VIII. tation of them shows them to be far from any wish to defame Khung-jze.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
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