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VOL. XLIV
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THE
SATAPATHA-BRAHMA/VA
ACCORDING TO THE TEXT OF THE
MADHYANDINA SCHOOL
TRANSLATED BY
JULIUS EGGELING
PART V
BOOKS XI, XII, XIII, AND XIV
@rford AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
p. 1900
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CONTENTS.
PAGE INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . xiii
ELEVENTH KANDA. The Full and New-Moon Sacrifice (Supplementary Remarks).
Time of Sacrifice. . . I Additional oblations to Indra Vimridh and Aditi . 5 Expiatory oblations (to Agni, Indra, Vishnu) at New Moon 7 Birth of Pragapati from golden egg . . 12 He creates Gods (Agni, Indra, Soma, Paramesh/fin)
and Asuras . . . . . » 13
Sacrifice representing universe and man. . - 18 Brahman (n.), the origin and immortal element,
of gods and universe. . . . + 27
Sacrifice, the Year . . . . . - 38
The Agnihotra (esoteric doctrines) . . rr (:)
The Brahmaférin . . . . . . 48
Udd4laka Aruni and Svaidayana. =. =. Sw so550
Saulvayana and Ayasthfiza . . . . 61
_ The Mitravinda Sacrifice. . . . . . 62
Srt dismembered . . . : . . - 62
Purdravas and Urvasf . . : . . . 68
The Seasonal Sacrifices (Katurm4sya) . . 14 Saukeya Prakinayogya and Uddalaka Aruni o on the
Agnihotra . . - 79
The Upanayana, or Initiation of the Brahmasical Student . 86
The S4vitrt formula. . . . . . 87
The Sat&tiratra Sattra . . gi
The Morning-Litany (prataranuvaka) of the Atirdtra 92
The Svadhy4ya, or Daily Study of the Veda . . . 95
‘The three Vedas, or triple science . ee 102 viii CONTENTS.
PAGE
The Adabhya Cup of Soma . 105 Varuza and his son Bhrigu (on “future states of existence). . . . . 108 Ganaka of Videha on the Agnihotra . 112 Yagifavalkya and Sakalya (on the "Bods and the supreme deity) . . . . . IIS - The Animal Sacrifice, of two kinds . . . . 118 The Sacrificial stake (y@pa) . . . . . 123 The Victim and its deity. . . . 127
The King of the Kesin and his Samrag-cow : - 31
TWELFTH KANDA.
The Sacrificial Session (Sattra) . . . . . . 135 Man, the Year . . . . . . . 144 The TApaséita Sattra . . . . 171
. . . 118 The Sacrificial stake (y@pa) . . . . . 123 The Victim and its deity. . . . 127
The King of the Kesin and his Samrag-cow : - 31
TWELFTH KANDA.
The Sacrificial Session (Sattra) . . . . . . 135 Man, the Year . . . . . . . 144 The TApaséita Sattra . . . . 171
Expiatory Ceremonies of the Agnihotra. . . . 178 The going out of one of the fires. . . . 187 The death of the Agnihotrin . . . . . 197 The burying of the dead body . . . . . 200
Expiatory Oblations of Soma-sacrifice . . . » 205
The Sautramant . . . Lo. . . - 213 NamuAi slain by Indra. . . . . 216, 222 Preparation of the Sur4-liquor . . . . . 223 Oblations of milk and Sur4. . . . - 231 Oblations to the Fathers . . . . . 234 The Asvina, S4rasvata, and Aindra cups . . 245 Indra assisted and healed by the Asvins and Sarasvat? . . . . . . 223, 249 Consecration of Sacrificer . . . : . 249 Cakes to Indra, Savitri, and Varusa . - 247, 260 The Avabhritha, or purificatory bath . . 264
The Asvamedha, or Horse-sacrifice . . . . . 274 Fettering and sprinkling of Horse . . . . 276 Stokfya oblations . . . . . . . 280 a
CONTENTS. ix
PAGE
Prakrama oblations . . . . . 282 Three cake-offerings to Savitr? 284 Dhriti oblations . 285 Lute-playing by Brahmana and Réganya . 285 Diksha, or Initiation . . . . 289 Vaisvadeva oblations 289 Audgrabhaza oblations . . . 2g1 First Soma-day (Agnish/oma) . . . . 295 Annahomas (food oblations) . . . . 296 Second Soma-day (Ukthya) . 298 Fettering of victims . 298 Bahishpavamana-stotra . : . . 304 Setting free of the wild victims « 307 Sacrificer drives with Horse to pond of water er and back gir Horse anointed and adorned by Sacrificer’s wives 3l2 Brahmodya of Hotr? and Brahman . . 314 Sprinkling of Horse by Adhvaryu (and Sacrificer) 316 Killing of Horse on cloths and plate of gold. 320 Wives led up to circumambulate and fan the Horse . 322 Mahishf addresses the Horse . . 323 Priests’ colloquy with wives . . . . 324 The Knife-paths made with needles . . . - 326 The two Mahiman Cups of Soma _ . . . . 327 The Chanting of the Xatushfoma . . 329 Aranye =n@fya oblations . . . . 336 Svishfakrit oblations of blood . 337 Oblations to the Deaths . . . . 340 Asvastomfy oblations . . . . . - 34 Dvipad4 oblations . . . . . . + 342 Expiatory Offerings . . + 345 Right time for performing the Asvamedha . - 347 Preliminary Ceremonies :—the mess of rice 348 Sacrificer and wives pass the night in the sacrificial ‘ hall . . 349 Offering to Agni Pathikrit—the mouth of the Sacrifice 350 Offering to Pashan. . 352 Leading up of the Horse, assisted by i its noble keepers . 353 Three S4vitra offerings (performed daily for a year) . 355 Brahman lute-player sings three gath4s 356 Horse and keepers sent to range the quarters . 359
CONTENTS.
The P4riplava Akhy4na, or revolving legend
Prakrama and Dhriti oblations
353 Three S4vitra offerings (performed daily for a year) . 355 Brahman lute-player sings three gath4s 356 Horse and keepers sent to range the quarters . 359
CONTENTS.
The P4riplava Akhy4na, or revolving legend
Prakrama and Dhriti oblations
Raganya lute-player sings three gath4s DikshA, or Initiation cs end of year) Sutya-days .
The set of twenty-one sacrificial stakes
The chanting of Gotama’s Katushfoma
.
PAGE
301-370
The Sastras and Stotras of the Central (Bkavines)
day . . . The animal sacrifices of that day The Adhrigu litany . .
The Mahishi and the Horse
Colloquy of priests, chamberlain and women
Brahmodya of priests
The first Mahiman Cup of Soma
The offering of the omenta (vap4) . The second Mahiman Cup of Soma The Stotras of the third (Atirftra) day
Various Arrangements of the Asvamedha Chants .
Offering of barren cows . . .
Animal sacrifices performed in following year .
The Purushamedha, or Human Sacrifice Animal sacrifices . The (symbolical) human victims .
Purusha-Nfrayama litany (Parusha-stia).
Traidhatavt offering . . Uttara-Nfrdyana litany . . Enumeration of the human victims . The Sarvamedha, or All-Sacrifice . . The ten Suty4-days thereof. . Funeral Ceremonies . . .
Burial-ground (smasina) . . Locality of the tomb. : . Form and size of the tomb. .
Preparation (sweeping, ploughing, sowing) of the site
Depositing of charred bones . . Arranging of bones limb by limb
Body completed by bricks, like bird-shaped altar
Height of sepulchral mound . . Driving in of pins marking site of mound
Depositing of clod midway between grave “and village 440
FOURTEENTH KAWDA.
The Pravargya. . . 441 Sacrificial session performed by the gods at Kurukshetra . . . . . . - 441 Vishnu excels and becomes overweening . . - 442 Bowstring, gnawed by ants, cuts off his head. . 442 The names ‘Gharma, Pravargya, Mahavira, Samrag’ explained . . . . - 442 Vishmu’s body divided between the gods . . 443 Dadhya#é Atharvana warned by Indra not to teach the sweet doctrine. . 444
His head cut off by Indra, and restored by the Asvins 445 Rule of abstinence observed when teaching the
Pravargya . . 446 Collecting materials for making the Mahdvira pot . 447 Pragfpati, as the boar Emfisha, raises the Earth . 451 The making of the Mahfvira vessels in shed. + 453 The fumigating and baking of the vessels . - 456 Depositing of vessels and implements in front of
. 446 Collecting materials for making the Mahdvira pot . 447 Pragfpati, as the boar Emfisha, raises the Earth . 451 The making of the Mahfvira vessels in shed. + 453 The fumigating and baking of the vessels . - 456 Depositing of vessels and implements in front of
Garhapatya .. ‘ . ee - 458 The Hotr#’s recitation . . 7 . - 459 Sprinkling of pot with lustral water . . 460 The Mah4vira’s (imperial) Throne-seat south of Ahavantya . . . . - 461 The pot anointed with ghee : eee 462 The pot set down on mound upon buming reedsheaths. . . 463
The Sacrificer invoking blessings upon the earth - 464 Pieces of Vikankata wood laid round, and a gold plant upon the pot. . . . . - 466 xii
CONTENTS.
Fanning of the fire with three pieces of antelope’ skin till aglow . . . ‘ Revering of the heated pot with the Avakésa verses . Offering of the first Rauhiza cake. . . . Samrag-cow tied and milked . The pot lifted from the fire and placed on the tray . Cooling of pot with goat’s milk ; and pouring in of cow’s milk . . Oblations made by (muttering) the (twelve) wind-names Pouring of spilt milk and ghee from tray into pot Oblation to Asvins . . ee ee Anumantraza to the rising milk . . . . Mahfvira pot placed on mound sy. Offering ofthe steeped Vikankata chips (to Pdshan, &e. ) Pouring of remaining milk from pot into tray . Offering of the second Rauhiza cake . . . Sacrificer drinks the remaining Gharma . . .
Cleansing, and performance of Upasad_. . . Rules for priests as to how and for whom to perform the Pravargya . . . .
PravargyotsAdana, or ‘ setting out” of the implements Kindling of bundles of faggots, and offering thereon . Procession led by Prastotr? singing a Saman . . Arrangement of apparatus in form of human body . Singing of Varshahara-siman and departure . Mode of performance at continued Soma-sacrifices . Dakshin&s, or sacrificial fees. . . . Expiatory ceremonies in case of breaking of Pot Laudation of Pravargya . . . .
Invex To Parts III, IV, anp V (Vots. XLI, XLII, anp XLIV) Additions and Corrections .
Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Translations of the Sacred Books of the East . : .
PAGE
467 469 472 474 476
477 478 481 482 484 485 486 488 489 489 490
490 493 494 496 498 501 502 503 504 507
Bit 59!
p. 593
INTRODUCTION.
Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Translations of the Sacred Books of the East . : .
PAGE
467 469 472 474 476
477 478 481 482 484 485 486 488 489 489 490
490 493 494 496 498 501 502 503 504 507
Bit 59!
p. 593
INTRODUCTION.
THE present volume completes the theoretic exposition of the sacrificial ceremonial, and thus brings us to the end of our task. The remaining six chapters of the last book of the Brahmava form the so-called Brzhad-drazyaka, or great forest-treatise, which, as one of the ten primitive Upanishads, is included in Professor F. Max Miiller’s translation of those old theosophic treatises, published in the present series. The portion of the work contained in this volume forms practically a continuation of the first five kaxdas, the intervening five books being devoted to the consideration of the Agni#ayana, or construction of the sacred brick-altar, which had come to be recognised as an important preliminary to the Soma-sacrifice. The circumstances which seem to have led to this somewhat peculiar distribution of the different sections of the work have been explained in the introduction to the first volume of the translation. As was there shown, the inclusion of the Agnizayana in the sacrificial system of the Vagasaneyins, or theologians of the White Yagus, appears to have resulted in a definite settlement of the sacrificial texts of the ordinary ritual, as contained in the first eighteen adhy4yas of the Vagasaneyisamhita, as well as of the dogmatic explanation of that ritual as given in the first nine kAzdas of the Satapathabrahmaza. Considerable portions of the remaining sections of both works may have been, and very likely were, already in existence at the time of that settlement, but, being excluded from the regular ceremonial, they were naturally more liable to subsequent modifications and additions than
Xiv SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
those earlier sections which remained in constant use. Whilst the tenth k4da, included in the preceding volume of the translation, consisted of speculations on the sacred fire-altar, as representing Purusha-Pragapati and the divine body of the Sacrificer—whence that book is called the Agnirahasya, or mystery of the fire-altar—the present volume contains the supplementary sections connected with the sacrificial ceremonial proper.
The eleventh and twelfth kazdas are mainly taken up with additional remarks and directions on most of the sacrifices treated of in the first four kazdas, especially with expiatory ceremonies and oblations in cases of mishaps or mistakes occurring during the performance, or with esoteric speculations regarding the significance and mystic effect of certain rites. In this way the eleventh book deals with the New and Full-moon sacrifices; the Seasonal offerings (XI, 5, 2), the Agnihotra (XI, 5, 3; 6, 2), the Soma-sacrifice (XI, 5, 53 9), and the Animal-sacrifice (XI, 7, 2-8, 4); whilst the twelfth kazda treats of the ‘Gavam ayanam ’— or most common sacrificial session lasting for a year, thus offering a convenient subject for dilating upon the nature of Pragapati, as the Year, or Father Time ;—of additional expiatory rites for Soma-sacrifices (XII, 6), and of the Sautramazi, consisting of oblations of milk and spirituous liquor, supposed to obviate or remove the unpleasant effects of any excess in the consumption of Soma-juice (XII, 7-9). Though supplementary notes and speculations on such ceremonial topics cannot but be of a somewhat desultory and heterogeneous character, they nevertheless offer welcome opportunities for the introduction of much valuable and interesting matter. It is here that we find the famous myth of Purdravas and Urvasi (XI, 5, 1); and that of Bhrigu, the son of Varuaa, vividly illustrating the notions prevalent at the time regarding retribution after death (XI, 6,1); as also the important cosmogonic legend of the golden egg from which Pragdpati is born at the beginning of the evolution of the universe (XI, 1,6). Of considerable interest also are the chapters treating of the way in which
INTRODUCTION. XV
Of considerable interest also are the chapters treating of the way in which
INTRODUCTION. XV
the dead body of the pious performer of the Agnihotra, or daily milk-offering, is to be dealt with (XII, 5, 1-2); of the initiation and the duties of the Brahmazical student (XI, 3,33 5» 4); and, last not least, of the study of the Vedas (XI, 5, 6-7) and their subsidiary texts amongst which we meet, for the first time, with the AtharvAngiras as a special collection of texts recommended for systematic study. With the commencement of the thirteenth kaxda, we enter once more upon a regular exposition of a series of great sacrifices like those discussed in the early books; the first and most important of them being the Asvamedha, or Horse-sacrifice. Like the Ragasdya, or inauguration of a king, the Asvamedha is not a mere sacrifice or series of offerings, but it is rather a great state function in which the religious and sacrificial element is closely and deftly interwoven with a varied programme of secular ceremonies. But whilst the Ragasiya was a state ceremonial to which any petty ruler might fairly think himself entitled, the Asvamedha, on the contrary, involved an assertion of power and a display of political authority such as only a monarch of undisputed supremacy could have ventured upon without courting humiliation!; and its celebration must therefore have been an event of comparatively rare occurrence. Perhaps, indeed, it is owing to this exceptional character of the Asvamedha rather than to the later origin of its ritual and dogmatic treatment that this ceremony was separated from the Ragasiya which one would naturally have expected it to succeed. It is worthy of remark, in this respect, that, in Katydyana’s Anukramanit to the Vagasaneyi-samhit4, the term ‘ khila,’ or supplement, is not applied to the Asvamedha section? (Adhy. XXII-XXV), while the subsequent sections are distinctly characterised as such. As a matter of fact, however, the Asvamedha has
' Cf. Taitt. Br. III, 8, 9, 4,—para va esha sizyate yosbalo xssvamedhena yagate :—‘ Verily, poured away (dislodged) is he who, being weak, performs the Asvamedha;’ Ap, Sr. XX, 1, 1,‘ a king ruling the whole land (sarvabhauma) may perform the Asvamedha ;—also one not ruling the whole land.’
* Cf. Weber, History of Indian Literature, p. 107; Max Miiller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 358.
Xvi SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
XX, 1, 1,‘ a king ruling the whole land (sarvabhauma) may perform the Asvamedha ;—also one not ruling the whole land.’
* Cf. Weber, History of Indian Literature, p. 107; Max Miiller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 358.
Xvi SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
received a very unequal treatment in the different rituals. Of the two recensions of the Brahmaza of the Azg-veda priests, the Aitareya-brahmawa takes no account whatever of the Horse-sacrifice, whilst its last two books (VII, VIII}— generally regarded as a later supplement, though probably already attached to the work in P4zini’s time—are mainly taken up with the discussion of the Ragashya. The Kaushitaki-brahmama, on the other hand, passes over both ceremonies, their explanation being only supplied by the Sankhayana-sdtra, along with that of some other sacrifices, in two of its chapters (15 and 36), composed in Brahmaza style, and said to be extracted from the Mah4-Kaushitaki-brahmavzal, In the principal Brahmaza of the Saman priests, the Pa#kavimsa-brahmama, the Asvamedha, as a triratra, or triduum, is dealt with in its proper place (XXI, 4), among the Ahinas, or several days’ performances. As regards the Black Yagus, both the K4¢saka and the Maitrayazit Samhita give merely the mantras of the Asvamedha 2, to which they assign pretty much the same place in the ritual as is done in the White Yagus. In the Taittiriya-sashita, on the other hand, the mantras are scattered piecemeal over the last four kandas; whilst, with the exception of a short introductory vidhi-passage, likewise given in the Samhita (V, 3, 12), the whole of the exegetic matter connected with this ceremony is contained, in a continuous form, in the Taittiriya-brahmaza (VIII and IX). Lastly, in the Vaitana-sitra of the Atharva-veda—doubtless a comparatively late work, though probably older than the Gopatha-
1 Besides the two chapters referred to, nothing more than quotations are known of this work. Possibly, however, the difference between it and the Kaushitaki-brahmama consisted merely of such supplements which would thus be very much of the same character as the last two pa#ikds of the Aitareyabrahmavza, except that they never became so generally recognised.
2 Though this circumstance seems to favour the supposition of the more recent ritualistic treatment of the Asvamedha, it may not be out of place to notice that, in the Maitrayamt Samhita, the Asvamedha section is followed by several Brabmama sections; amongst them that of the Ragas(lya which is not found in the K&skaka at all. Sat. Br. XIII, 3, 3, 6, calls the Asvamedha an ‘ utsannayagita’; but it is not quite clear what is meant thereby, seeing that the same term is applied to the AAturmAsy4ni, or Seasonal offerings (II, 5, 2, 48).
INTRODUCTION. XVii
brahmaza '—the Asvamedha is treated immediately after the Ragasiya, and followed by the Purushamedha and Sarvamedha; these four ceremonies being characterised at the end as the Kshatriya’s sacrifices ? (medha).
INTRODUCTION. XVii
brahmaza '—the Asvamedha is treated immediately after the Ragasiya, and followed by the Purushamedha and Sarvamedha; these four ceremonies being characterised at the end as the Kshatriya’s sacrifices ? (medha).
With regard to the earliest phase of Vedic religion, there is no direct evidence to show that the horse-sacrifice was already at that time a recognised institution. Two hymns of the Rzg-veda (I, 162; 163), it is true, relate to that sacrifice *, but they evidently belong to the latest productions* of that collection, though still sufficiently far removed from the time of the oldest of the ritual works just referred to. Seeing, however, that animal sacrifices generally are not alluded to in the Azksamhita ®, whilst there is every reason to believe that they were commonly practised from remote antiquity, this absence of earlier positive evidence regarding the horse-sacrifice cannot be taken as proving the later origin of that institution. As will be seen further on, there are sufficient indications to show that even human sacrifices were at one time practised amongst the Aryans of India, as they were amongst their
1 See Professor M. Bloomfield’s paper on ‘ The Position of the Gopathabrahmaaa in Vedic Literature,’ Journ. Am. Or. Soc., vol. xix.
2 Cf. Mah&bh. XIV, 48, where these four sacrifices are specially recommended by Vy&sa to YudhishéAira as worthy of being performed by him as King. * Possibly also, the hymn Rig-veda I, 164 (Ath.-v. IX, 9, 10)—on which see P. Deussen, Allg. Geschichte der Philosophie, I, 1, p. 105 seq.—may have been placed after the two Asvamedha hymns to supply topics for the priests’ colloquy (brahmodya) at the Asvamedha. Cf. XIII, 2, 6, 9 seqq.; 5, 2,11 seqq. The fact that the Asvamedha is not treated of in the Aitareya-brahmama cannot, of course, be taken to prove the later origin of the hymns referred to, though it might, no doubt, fairly be used as an argument in favour of assuming that those parts of the Asvamedha ceremonial in which the Hotr# takes a prominent part were probably not introduced till a later time.
* Haug, Ait. Br. I, introd., p. 12 seqq., argues against the assumption of a comparatively late origin of the hymn I, 162; but his argument meets with serious lexical and other difficulties,
5 We may lcave out of account here one or two vague allusions, such as X, 155, 5 ‘ these have Jed around the cow (or bull) and have carried around the fire; with the gods they have gained for themselves glory: who dares to attack them?’ The question also as to whether the so-called Aprt-hymns, used at the fore-offerings of the animal sacrifice, were from the very beginning composed for this purpose, cannot be discussed here.
(44) b
XVili SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
(44) b
XVili SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
European kinsmen. The fundamental idea which underlay this practice doubtless was the notion that man, as the highest attainable living being, could not but be the most acceptable gift that could be offered to the gods, and, at the same time, the most appropriate substitute for the human Sacrificer himself. For the same reason no doubt only domesticated animals were considered suitable for sacrifice ; and amongst these the horse was naturally looked upon as ranking next to man (Sat. Br. VI, 2, 1, 2), although considerations of practical expediency and even of social distinction might prevent its use for ordinary sacrificial purposes. In the speculations of the Brahmamas, a deep mystic significance is attached to the Horse-sacrifice. In the last two chapters of the ‘ Mystery of the Fire-altar’ (Sat. Br. X, 6, 4,1; 4), the Asvamedha—i.e. the sacrificial horse itself—is coupled with the Arka, the mysterious name of the sacred fire, as the representative of Agni-PragApati, the Sun. The horse-sacrifice is called the bull (XIII, 1, 2, 2), and the king (XIII, 2, 2, 1), of sacrifices, just as the horse itself is the highest and most perfect of animals? (XIII, 3, 3, 1; Taitt. Br. III, 8, 7; 8,9, 1); the horse selected for sacrifice, in particular, being said to be worth a thousand cows (XIII, 4, 2,1). The connection of the sacrificial horse with ‘the lord of creatures’ is, of course, fully accounted for by the theory of the identity of the sacrifice generally with Purusha-Prag4pati, discussed in the introduction to part iv ofthis translation. The sacrificial horse accordingly belongs to Pragapati, or rather is of Pragapati’s nature (pragdpatya) ; nay, as the Taitt. Br. (III, 9, 17, 4) puts it, it is a form of Pragapati himself (pragapate rdpam asvaf), and is, of all animals, the one most conformable (anuripatama%) to PragApati. Hence also, in the cosmogonic account at the commencement of the Agnizayana section (VI, 1, 1, 11), the horse is represented as having originated, immediately after the Brahman (sacred lore) and Agni, directly from the
1 ‘They (the Massagetae) worship the sun only of all the gods, and sacrifice horses to him; and the reason for this custom is that they think it right to offer the swiftest of all animals to the swiftest of all the gods.’ Herod. I, 216.
INTRODUCTION, xix
egg produced by Pragapati from the cosmic waters ; whilst, according to other accounts (VII, 5, 2, 6; XIII, 3, 1, 1), the horse originated from Pragdpati’s eye. But, since the offering also represents the offerer himself, or rather his divine self awaiting him in the other world (XI, 1, 8, 6; 2, 2,6), the sacrificial horse is also identified with the Sacrificer (yagamano va asvaA, Taitt. Br. III, 9,17, 4) who thereby obtains the fellowship of the Lord of creatures and a place in his world (ib. ITI, 9, 20, 2).
Br. III, 9,17, 4) who thereby obtains the fellowship of the Lord of creatures and a place in his world (ib. ITI, 9, 20, 2).
Besides Pragapati, there is, however, another deity who lays claim to the possession of the sacred steed; for the horse is Varuma’s sacrificial animal (Sat. Br. V, 3,1,5; VI, 2,1, 5; Taitt. Br. III, 9, 16,1); nay, Varusa is even the lord of all one-hoofed cattle (Vag. S. XIV, 30; Sat. Br. VIII, 4, 3, 13). This connection of the horse with Varuza seems natural enough, seeing that this god, as the king of heaven and the upholder of the law, is the divine representative of the earthly king ; whence the Ragasdya, or coronation-ceremony, is called Varuza’s consecration (Sat. Br. V, 4, 3,21; cf. II, 2, 3,1). For this reason the barley also is sacred to Varuaa ' (XIII, 3, 8, 5); and accordingly, during the same ceremony, the king offers a barley-mash to Varuna, in the house of his Sata, or charioteer and herald ; a horse being the sacrificial fee for this offering (V, 3, 1, 5). In the Vedic hymns, this association of the god Varuza with the noble quadruped finds a ready, if rather commonplace, explanation in a common natural phenomenon: Varuna’s horse is none other than the fiery racer who pursues his diurnal course across the all-encompassing arch of heaven, the sphere of Varuaa?, the all-ruler. It is ih the
Dr. Hillebrandt, ‘ Varuva und Mitra,’ p. 65, is inclined to refer this connection to Varuma’s character as the god of waters and the rains, as favouring the crops and fertility generally.
3 Whilst it may be a matter of opinion whether, with Professor Brugmann (Grundr, IT, p. 154), we have to take the original form of this name to be ‘vorvanos,’ or whether the ‘u’ of the Sanskrit word is merely due to the dulling influence of the preceding r (cf. taruza, dhérusa, karuza), the etymological identity of ‘varuzas’ and odpayés is now probably questioned by few scholars. The ethical attributes of this mythological conception seem to b2
XX SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.,
taruza, dhérusa, karuza), the etymological identity of ‘varuzas’ and odpayés is now probably questioned by few scholars. The ethical attributes of this mythological conception seem to b2
XX SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.,
form of the horse that the Sun is thus lauded in the hymn Rig-v. I, 163, recited by the Hotvz on the second Somaday of the Asvamedha, after the horse has been led up to the sacrificial stake, and to the slaughtering-place? :—1. ‘When, first born (just born), thou didst neigh, uprising from the sea, or from the vapoury region, the falcon’s wings and the deer’s feet—praiseworthy greatness was innate in thee, O steed!’... 4. ‘ Three fetterings?, they say, are thine in the sky, three in the waters, three within the sea ; and like unto Varuza, O steed, dost thou appear to me, where, they say, thy highest birth-place is.’ And since, as in these verses, the upper regions commonly present themselves to the eye of the Vedic singer under the semblance of a heavenly sea, Varuza also comes to be looked upon as the divine representative of the waters ; whilst the horse, for the same reason, is supposed to have sprung from the waters. Of any connection of the sacrificial horse with Pragapati, on the other hand, as of the Pragdpati theory of the sacrifice generally, clearly shadowed forth in the Purusha-sOkta, and so decidedly dominant during the Brahmaza period, no trace is to be found in the earlier hymns. Indeed, if we have any right to assume that the horse-sacrifice was known and practised in the earlier times, it can scarcely be doubted that King Varuza must have been the deity to whom this victim was chiefly consecrated.
The close and natural relations between the sun and the heavens find their hallowed expression in the divine duad Mitra and Varuza. Though, judged by the number of me to find a sufficiently intelligible explanation without resorting to outside influence to account for them. Indeed, Dr. Hillebrandt’s ‘ Varuna und Mitra’ gives a fairly complete and satisfactory account of this figure of the Indian pantheon in all its relations.
» See Sat. Br. XIII, 5, 1, 17, 18.
* That is, probably, three halting-places (? the points of rising, culminating, and setting). Perhaps also the three statements are merely meant as an emphatic repetition of one and the same locality—the sky, the sea of waters; though, possibly, three different strata of the upper region may be intended. Professor Ludwig, on the other hand, takes ‘tri#i bandhan&ni’ in the sense of ‘ three fetters,’ and Professor Hillebrandt, l.c., in that of ‘three relations (or connections, Beziehungen).’
INTRODUCTION. xxi
Professor Ludwig, on the other hand, takes ‘tri#i bandhan&ni’ in the sense of ‘ three fetters,’ and Professor Hillebrandt, l.c., in that of ‘three relations (or connections, Beziehungen).’
INTRODUCTION. xxi
hymns addressed to them, singly or jointly, this pair of deities occupies a somewhat subordinate position in the Vedic pantheon, there is reason to believe that it formed a more prominent feature of a phase of belief lying beyond the period reflected in the hymns of the Rig-veda. Judging from the peculiar character of these deities, one might indeed be inclined to claim for the people that formed religious conceptions such as these a long period of peaceful dwelling and normal intellectual growth. If such was the case, the occupation of the land of the seven rivers and the gradual eastward drift certainly proved a turning-point in the development of this Aryan people. But, in any case, the decided change of climate’, and the close contact with aboriginal tribes of inferior culture, could hardly fail, along with the changed conditions of life, to influence considerably the character of the people, and to modify their religious notions and intellectual tendencies. As, in their struggles against hostile tribes, the people would naturally look to leaders of deed and daring rather than to mild and just rulers, so the violent war of elements, periodically convulsing the heavens in these regions, after long and anxious seasons of heat and drought, and striking awe and terror into the minds of men, might seem to them to call for a heavenly champion of a different stamp than the evenheaded and even-tempered Varuza,—it would need a divine leader of dauntless, and even ferocious, spirit to fight the worshipper’s battle against his earthly and unearthly foes. Such a champion the Vedic Aryans indeed created for themselves in the person of Indra, the divine representative, as it were, of their warlike kings, and the favourite subject of their song. And side by side with him, and sharing with him the highest honours—nay, even taking precedence of him—we find the divine priest, Agni, the deified fire of sacrifice, as representing the all-pervading, all-supporting
4 Whilst the climate of Baluchistan is regulated, as in Europe, by the succession of four seasons, the climate of the districts east of the Indus, as of India generally, shows the characteristic threefold division of rainy, cool, and hot seasons (S. Pottinger, Beloochistan, p. 319 seqq.).
Xxii SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
Pottinger, Beloochistan, p. 319 seqq.).
Xxii SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
light of heaven ; just as we found Mitra, the sun, by the side of Varuna, the god of the all-encompassing heaven. Not as if Agni and Indra had ever entirely superseded Mitra and Varuza. On the contrary, all these gods continue to share, in a greater or less degree, the affections of the Vedic singers; and as regards Varuvza and Indra in particular, their relations are well expressed by Vasishtha when he says (Rig-v. VII, 82, 2; 5), that the one (Varuza) is ‘samrag’ (universal ruler, overlord) ; and the other (Indra) ‘svarag’ (self-ruler, independent lord) ;—and that, ever since the time when these two, by their power, created all the beings in the world, Mitra serves Varuza in peace, whilst the mighty (Indra) goes forth with the Maruts in quest of glory. Even in the sacrificial ritual, Mitra and Varuza continue to play an important part, seeing that one of the priests—the Maitravaruza—is named after them, that they receive various oblations, and that at the end of every Somasacrifice at least one sterile cow is offered to them,apparently as an expiatory victim, for shortcomings in the sacrifice}, thus accentuating once more the ethical character of these deities. It is thus not to be wondered at that, whilst Agni and Indra are most commonly referred to in the Brahmanas as the divine representatives of the Brahman and Kshatra, or the spiritual and the political powers—the high priest and king—respectively, the very same is the case as regards Mitra and Varuva*; and the Maruts, representing the common people, are accordingly associated with Varuza,
' Taitt. S. VI, 6, 7, 4, explains this offering as symbolically smoothing down the sacrifice torn up by recited verses and chanted hymns, even as a field, torn up by the plough, is levelled by a roller (‘matya,’ taken however by Sfy. in the sense of ‘cow-dung’). The Sat. Br. does not allude to the expiatory character of the offering, but there can be no doubt that it is of an essentially piacular significance. It need scarcely be mentioned that the ‘ avabhvztha,’ or lustral bath, at the end of Soma- and other sacrifices, is distinctly explained (IT, 5, 2, 46; IV, 4, 5, 10) as intended to clear the Sacrificer of all guilt for which he is liable to Varama. Cf. Taitt. Br. III, 9, 15, ‘At the lustral bath he offers the last oblation with ‘To Gumbaka hail!” for Gumbaka is Varuna : he thus finally frees himself from Varuma by offering.’
* See, for instance, Sat. Br. IV, 1, 4, 2; V, 3, 2, 43 IX, 4, 2, 16; Maitr. S. IV, 5,8; Taitt. Br. III, 1, 2, 7 (kshatrasya raga Varuxo sdhirfigat).
INTRODUCTION. Xxiii
Br. IV, 1, 4, 2; V, 3, 2, 43 IX, 4, 2, 16; Maitr. S. IV, 5,8; Taitt. Br. III, 1, 2, 7 (kshatrasya raga Varuxo sdhirfigat).
INTRODUCTION. Xxiii
as their king or ruler (Sat. Br. II, 5, 2, 34), just as they are with Indra (II, 5, 2, 27). One might thus expect that Indra would claim the same special connection} with the sacrificial horse as that which is conceded to Varuaa. The reason why this is not the case probably is that, in the Brahmaza period, the notion of the horse having, like the sun, originated from the cosmic waters had become as firmly established as was the traditional connection— nay, even identity *—of Varusa with the element of water generally.
As regards Varuma’s and PragApati’s joint connection with the sacrificial horse, the Taitt. S. (II, 3, 12, 1) records the following legend which may perhaps have some bearing on this point :—Pragdpatir Varuz4yasvam anayat, sa svaom devat4m 4rAat, sa pary adiryata, sa etam varuzam katushkap4lam apasyat, tam nir avapat, tato vai sa varunapasad amufyata, Varuvo v4 etam grihnati yorsvam pratigrzhnati, yAvatossv4n pratigrzhviyat tavato varuz4# katushkapalan nir vaped, Varuzam eva svena bhagadheyenopa dhavati, sa evainam varuzapas4n mufkati :—‘ Pragdpati led up the horse to Varuxa: he (thereby) impaired his own godhead, and became racked all over with dropsy. He beheld that four-kap4la (cake) sacred to Varuna, and offered it, and thereupon was freed from Varuma’s noose; for Varuna seizes him who takes (receives) a horse,—as many horses as one takes so many four-kapdla (cakes) one ought to offer to Varuna: one (thereby) hastens up to Varuza with his (V.’s) own share, and he (V.) frees him from Varuza’s noose.’
The interpretation of this legend presents, however, some difficulties. Dr. Hillebrandt, ‘Varuza und Mitra’ (p. 64), translates the first sentence by—‘ Pragapati fiihrte dem
1 Since all the gods are concerned in the Asvamedha—whence the horse is called ‘vaisvadeva’—Indra would of course have a general interest in it. Indra is also associated with the horse in so far as he is said to have first mounted it, Rig-veda I, 163, 2,9. Indra’s two bays (hart) of course belong to a different conception.
* Apo vai Varunas, Maitr. S, IV, 8, 5.
XXiV SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
Indra is also associated with the horse in so far as he is said to have first mounted it, Rig-veda I, 163, 2,9. Indra’s two bays (hart) of course belong to a different conception.
* Apo vai Varunas, Maitr. S, IV, 8, 5.
XXiV SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
Varuza das Ross fort !’—‘ PragApati led the horse away from Varuza’: this would undoubtedly make better sense, but, unfortunately, the construction of ‘ni’ with the dative in this sense would involve a decided solecism. SAyama, on the other hand, takes it in the same sense as we have done, and he explains that it is just by giving away the horse whose deity he himself is that Pragdpati forfeits his godhead?. He feels, however, afterwards constrained to assign to ‘ pratigréhvati’ the causal force of ‘he causes it to be taken, he gives it away,’ which is clearly impossible. But whatever the correct interpretation of the opening clause may be, it seems at all events clear that the sacrificial horse is represented in the legend as undergoing a change of ownership from the one deity to the other. When one compares the ceremonial of the Asvamedha, as expounded in the Brahmaaa, with the ritual indications contained in the two hymns already referred to, one is struck by the very marked contrast between the two. For whilst, on the central day of the Asvamedha alone, the ritual requires the immolation of not less than 349 victims bound to twenty-one stakes (p. 311, n. 1)—not counting two sets of eleven Savaniya victims (p. 383, n. 3) subsequently added thereto—the hymns (I, 162, 2-4; 163, 12) seem only to mention two victims, viz. the horse itself, and a he-goat. This latter animal which is to precede the horse when led to the sacrificial ground (and stake), and to
' This, no doubt, might possibly be taken to mean ‘ Pragfpati led away the horse for Varusa,’ but Dr. Hillebrandt could hardly have meant it in this sense, since his argument apparently is that the horse (like Varuza himself) represents the aqueous element, and that thus, by taking to himself the horse, Pragapati incurs dropsy. The exact point which interests us here, viz. the ‘relation between Pragdpati and Varuma as regards the sacrificial horse, lies outside Dr. Hillebrandt’s inquiry.
? In Dr. Hillebrandt’s interpretation, it is also not quite easy to see in what way Pragipati, by carrying off Varuza’s horse, impaired— griff an,’ attacked, assailed—his own godhead. One might possibly refer ‘ sv4m’ to the horse, but this would make the construction rather harsh. The verb ‘nt’ here would seem to refer to the leading up of the sacrificial horse to the offering-ground, either for being set free for a year’s roaming, or for sacrifice, for both of which acts the verb ‘ud-4-ni’—i.e. to lead up the horse from the water where it was washed—is used (Sat. Br. XIII, 4, 3, 1; 5,1, 16).
INTRODUCTION. XXV
to lead up the horse from the water where it was washed—is used (Sat. Br. XIII, 4, 3, 1; 5,1, 16).
INTRODUCTION. XXV
be slaughtered first in order to carry the welcome news of the sacrifice to the gods, is in one place referred to as Pdshan’s share, and in another as going forward to the dear seat of Indra and Pdshan?. Sankhdyana (Srautas. XVI, 3, 27-30), however, takes these statements of the Rishi to refer to two different he-goats, both of which he includes amongst the victims tied to the horse’s limbs, viz. one, sacred to Pishan, tied to the forehead, and another, sacred to Indra and Pdshan, fastened to the navel, of the horse*, The corresponding ‘paryangya’ victims recognised by the Maitrayawi Samhita (III, 13) and the White Yagus (Vag. S. XXIV, 1), on the other hand, are a black-necked he-goat for Agni, tied to the forehead, and a black or grey (syama) one, bound to the navel, and consecrated by the one authority to Pishan, and by the other to Soma and Pashan. But, curiously enough, the Taittiriya school (Taitt. Br. III, 8, 23; Ap. Sr. XX, 13, 12) recognises not only Sankhdyana’s two victims, but also the one for Agni; whilst in regard to the other victims also it differs considerably from the other schools of the Yagur-veda. Seeing, then, that there is so little agreement on these points even amongst different branches of the same Veda, one can hardly escape the inference that, in this respect at least, there was no continuity of ritual practice since the time of those two hymns. As regards the other points therein alluded to, the he-goat and horse are referred to
' Rig-veda S. I, 162, 2. ‘When, held by the mouth (by the bridle), they lead round the offering of the (horse) covered with rich. trappings, the allcoloured he-goat goes bleating in front right eastwards to the dear seat of Indra and Pishan. 3. This he-goat, fit for all the gods, is led in front of the swift horse as Pfishan’s share; like (?) the welcome cake, Tvash/r? promotes it, along with the steed, to great glory. 4. When thrice the men duly lead around the horse meet for offering along the way to the gods, then the he-goat walks first, announcing the sacrifice to the gods... . 16. The cloth which they spread (for the horse to lie upon) and the upper cloth and the gold, the halter, the steed, the shackle—these they bring up as acceptable to the gods.’—I, 163, 12. ‘ Forth came the swift steed to the slaughter, musing with reverent mind ; his mate, the he-goat, is led in front ; and behind go the wise singers.’
2 According to the Taittirfyas, this second he-goat is tied to the cord surrounding the horse’s limbs somewhere above the neck of the horse.
xxvi SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
xxvi SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
as being led round thrice in accordance with the sacred ordinance. Now, this ceremony is quite foreign to the later practice in animal sacrifices. SAyava accordingly takes it to refer to the rite of ‘ paryagnikarava,’ or carrying fire round the victims!; but the text of the passage evidently does not admit of such an interpretation ; and, besides, in Rig-v. X, 155, 5, the sacrificial cow is apparently referred to as first being led round, and then fire being carried round it. It is therefore more probable that the victims were in the first place made to circumambulate the fire, or the fire and stake combined.
Further, the allusion to the pasu-purodasas, or cakes offered in connection with the victims, as well as to the two cloths and the piece of gold placed on the ground, as they are in the later practice, for the dead horse to lie upon, might seem to suggest that even then this sacrifice was not performed in quite so simple a manner, but somewhat more in accordance with the later ceremonial than the scanty allusions in the hymns might lead one to suppose. At all events, however, we shall probably not be far wrong in assuming that, from the very beginning, the performance of the horse-sacrifice must have had connected with it a certain amount of ceremonial of a purely secular and popular character. Even at the time of the fully developed ritual this was almost certainly the case to a larger extent than would appear from the exposition of it given in the Brahmazas and Sdtras which, indeed, are mainly concerned with the religious side of the ceremonial. For this reason considerable interest attaches to the description of the horse-sacrifice given in the Asvamedhika-parvan of the Mahabhérata in which much greater stress is laid on the popular and chivalrous aspect of this religious observance. Though this epic account manifestly emanates from a much later period’, it seems, upon the whole, to present the
1 See p. 307, note 5.
3 It has even been supposed to be merely a condensed version of a comparatively modern work ascribed to Gaimini, the (Asvamedha-parvan of the) Gaimini-Bhfrata.
INTRODUCTION. XXVIlI
traditional features of this royal ceremony, embellished no doubt by all the exercise of that poetic fancy to which the occasion so readily lends itself.
INTRODUCTION. XXVIlI
traditional features of this royal ceremony, embellished no doubt by all the exercise of that poetic fancy to which the occasion so readily lends itself.
On the completion of the great war between the Pazdava and Kaurava princes, Yudhish¢fira, having reascended the throne of his fathers, resolves on _performing the horse-sacrifice, as calculated to cleanse him of all guilt! incurred by the slaughter of his Kaurava kinsmen. Having been initiated on the day of the Kaitra full-moon (beginning of spring), ‘the king, clad in a linen (? silk) garment and the skin of a black antelope, bearing a staff in his hand, and wearing a gold wreath, and a round gold plate? round his neck, shone like a second Pragdpati at the holy cult.’ The chosen steed 8, of black and white colour like the black buck, is then led up, and is set free by the sage Vy4sa himself; and that model of knightly perfection, Arguna, the king’s second brother, is appointed to guard the priceless victim during its year’s roaming. He accordingly starts after it on his chariot yoked with white steeds, attended by a picked body-guard ¢, amidst the rejoicings and fervent blessings of all Hastinapura—men, women, and children. Thus followed by its martial escort, the noble steed roams at will over the lands
* ‘Vyasa remarks to Yudhish¢Aira (XIV, 2071), ‘ For the Asvamedha, O king of kings, cleanses away all ill-deeds: by performing it thou wilt without doubt become free from sin.’ Cf. Sat. Br. XIII, 3, 1, 1, ‘Thereby the gods redeem all sin, yea, even the slaying of a Brahman they thereby redeem; and he who performs the Asvamedha redeems all sin, he redeems even the slaying of a Brahman.’ As a rule, however, greater stress is laid in the Brahmana on the efficacy of the ceremonial in ensuring supreme sway to the king, and security of life and Property to his subjects.
® The ‘rukma’ is borne by the Agniéit, or builder of a fire-altar, which is required for the Asvamedha ; cf. VI, 7, 1, 1.
> It is carefully selected by charioteers and priests, Mahabh. XIV, 2087,
* Whilst, aecording to the Brahmana (XIII, 4, 2, 5), the body of ‘ keepers’ is to consist of 100 royal princes clad in armour, 100 noblemen armed with swords, 100 sons of heralds and headmen bearing quivers and arrows, and 100 sons of attendants and charioteers bearing staves; the epic gives no details, except that it states that ‘a disciple of YaeAavalkya, skilled in sacrificial rites, and well-versed in the Veda, went along with the son of Pritha to perform the propitiatory rites,’ and that ‘many Brahmamas conversant with the Veda, and many Kshatriyas followed him at the king’s behest.’
XXVIli SATAPATHA-BKAHMANA.
over which sovereign sway is claimed by the P4zdava king—to wit, the whole of India from sea to sea—first pressing eastwards towards the sea, then turning southwards along the eastern shore as far as the extreme point of the peninsula, and finally northwards again, on its homeward way, along the western coast. Time after time the determined attempts to impede its progress, or even to capture and retain it as a precious trophy and token of national independence, are successfully repelled by the dauntless son of Pritha; but, mindful of his brother's injunctions, he spares the lives of the kings and princes who oppose him, and, having obtained their submission, he invites them to attend the sacrifice of the horse at Hastinapura. On the other hand, not to take up the challenge implied in the progress of the horse was considered a sign of weakness or cowardice. Thus the king of Mawzipura is censured severely by Arguna for receiving him meekly, accompanied only by Brahmans and with presents to offer to the intruder, being told that he had lamentably fallen away from the status of a Kshatriya, and acted the part of awoman. At length tidings of the approach of the horse reach the king, and forthwith preparations are made for getting ready the sacrificial ground, and to provide accommodation, on a right royal scale, for the numerous guests expected to witness the ceremonial. Specimens of all available species of animals are brought together to serve as victims! along with the sacred horse; and dialecticians,
1 That is, real or symbolic, only the domesticated animals being offered, whilst the wild ones are set free after the ceremony of ‘ paryagnikaraza.’ Amongst these animals the poet curiously enough also mentions (XIV, 2542) ‘ vr¢ddhastriyak,’ which Pratépa Chandra Riy translates by ‘old women.’ This is of course impossible ; if it is not a wrong reading, it has doubtless to be taken in the sense of ‘old female (kine),’ probably the (21) barren cows offered at the end of the Asvamedha to Mitra-Varuza, the Visve Devs, and Brthaspati (XIII, 5, 4, 25) being intended. In its enumeration of the victims, the Taitt. Samhita (V, 6, 21) indeed mentions ‘ vairdg? purushf,’ taken by the commentator to mean ‘two human females consecrated to Virfg.’ If it be for this or a similar purpose that the ‘ vr¢ddha-strsyak’ were intended, we may refer to Taitt. Br. 1II, 9, 8, where it is distinctly stated that ‘the man’ and the wild animals are to be released as soon as the ‘paryagnikarazam’ has been performed on them. But no ‘man’ being mentioned amongst the victims, Sdyana
INTRODUCTION. XXix
Br. 1II, 9, 8, where it is distinctly stated that ‘the man’ and the wild animals are to be released as soon as the ‘paryagnikarazam’ has been performed on them. But no ‘man’ being mentioned amongst the victims, Sdyana
INTRODUCTION. XXix
eager to vanquish one another, foregather to discuss the nature and origin of things. At last Arguna arrives, and, having met with an enthusiastic welcome, he ‘ takes repose like a seafaring man who has reached the shore after crossing the ocean. Then commences the performance of the sacrifice, the general outline of which, as sketched in the epic'!, fairly corresponds to the ordinary ceremonial ; the chief points of difference being the form and material of the altar, which is described as three-cornered, like the heavenly bird Garuda, and as being composed of a ‘trunk,’ measuring eighteen cubits, and made, like the wings, of gold bricks,— the structure thus shining like the altar of Daksha Prag4pati. The sacrifice over, a great public festival ensues for which ‘mountains of food and sweetmeats, rivers of spirituous and other beverages, and lakes of ghee’ are provided, and the feasting goes on through day and night till every one has had his fill,—a festival, indeed, of which the poet remarks people continued to talk to his day.
From the fanciful narrative of Arguna’s martial expldits whilst following his precious charge, one could not of course venture to draw any conclusion as to the kind of adventures the sacred horse might have met with, at the time of the Brahmaza, during the period of its roaming at large. As a rule, however, the closely-watched animal would probably not range very far from the place where the sacrifice was to be performed ; and though its body of guardians were not permitted at any time to force it to retrace its steps, they could have had little difficulty in keeping it within a certain range of grazing. Indeed, on the occasion of King Dasaratha’s Asvamedha?, described in the first canto of the R&mayana, no mention whatever is made of takes the ‘ purusham’ here to refer to the ‘vairdgt purushi’ mentioned in the Samhita. Perhaps, however, this passage has rather a wider sense, referring to human victims generally at any sacrifice.
1 Draupadi’s Asva-upasamvesanam is referred to, but no further particulars are mentioned.
2 The king’s object, in perfurming the sacrifice, was to obtain the birth ofason. Cf. Sat. Br. XIII, 1, 9, 9, ‘for from of old a hero was born to him who had performed the (Asvamedha) sacrifice.’ .
XXX SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
2 The king’s object, in perfurming the sacrifice, was to obtain the birth ofason. Cf. Sat. Br. XIII, 1, 9, 9, ‘for from of old a hero was born to him who had performed the (Asvamedha) sacrifice.’ .
XXX SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
anything having happened to the horse during its time of grace. The expedient mentioned in the Brahmaza (XIII, 4, 2, 5) that a hundred worn-out horses should be sent along with the horse to keep it company would doubtless, as a rule, prove a sufficient check ; but seeing that neither the Taitt. Braéhmaza nor Sankhayana alludes to this expedient, it is probably meant as a practical suggestion rather than as a positive injunction. That the horse intended for sacrifice was by no means always safe from violent assaults! is clear from the directions given in the Brahmaaas as to what should be done in the event of foes getting possession of it*. Even more pointed, in this respect, are the stanzas quoted in our Brahmaaa (XIII, 5, 4, 21. 22),—‘ Satanika Satragita seized a sacrificial horse in the neighbourhood, the sacrifice of the K4sis, even as Bharata (seized that) of the Satvats. The mighty Satanika having seized, in the neighbourhood, Dhritar4shéra’s white sacrificial horse, whilst roaming at will in its tenth month*%, the son of Satragita performed the Govinata (form of) sacrifice.’ As a rule, however, the fortunes of the roaming horse would doubtless depend largely on personal circumstances. Whilst a strong ruler who had already made his power felt amongst his neighbours would probably run little risk of having his consecrated victim kidnapped even though it were to stray beyond its master’s boundaries, a prince of greater pretensions than resources might find it very difficult to secure the safety of his horse even if it kept well within the territory over which he ruled. In any case, however, the capture of the noble beast would doubtless
1 Whilst cattle-lifting generally, such as formed the object of the invasion of the land of the Matsyas by the Trigartas (as related in the Virisa-parvan), was probably a practice pretty prevalent from ancient times, the stealing of the sacrificial horse would offer an additional temptation, from the political point of view, on account of the exceptional character of the animal as the symbol of its master’s claim to paramountcy.
* One might feel inclined to take this specification of that month as implying the existence, at the poet’s time, of the practice of confining the horse in a pen or shed (made of Asvattha palings) during the last two months, mentioned Taitt. Br. III, 8, 12, 2.
INTRODUCTION. XXXi
cause not a little bad blood, and might lead to complications and struggles not less serious than those occasioned by Vasishzha’s cow, or, in Irish legend, by the brown bull of Queen Medb (Mab) of Connaught.
Br. III, 8, 12, 2.
INTRODUCTION. XXXi
cause not a little bad blood, and might lead to complications and struggles not less serious than those occasioned by Vasishzha’s cow, or, in Irish legend, by the brown bull of Queen Medb (Mab) of Connaught.
Whilst the epic account of the Asvamedha thus presents an instructive, though extravagant, illustration of possible occurrences during the preliminary period of the sacrifice, some items of the ceremonial on which further information might have been acceptable are altogether ignored in it. Two of these at least one might have expected to find mentioned there, seeing that they are of special interest to Kshatriyas, viz. the practice of a Brahmasa and a Kshatriya lute-player singing}, morning and night, stanzas composed by themselves in honour of the king ; and the so-called ‘ revolving legend’ (XIII, 4, 3, 1 seqq.) related by the Hotr#, in a ten days’ cycle all the year round. It is especially in regard to this latter point that the statements of the ritualistic works might with advantage have been supplemented. During the ten days’ cycle a different god, or some mythic personage, is assumed, on each successive day, to be king, having some special class of beings assigned to him as his subjects, and a certain body of texts as his Veda from which a section is then recited. But from the particulars given it even remains uncertain whether any legend connected with the respective deity was actually related; whilst regarding the form and nature of some of the specified texts—such as the sarpavidya (snakescience), devaganavidya (demonology), m4yé (or asuravidy4, magic art)—we really know next to nothing. Nay, even regarding the Itihasas and Purdwas, likewise figuring. as distinct texts, additional knowledge would by no means be unwelcome. And though regarding some of the divinities referred to the Hotr? might easily have made up some kind of short tale, others would have required some
* See XIII, 1, 5, 1 seqq.; 4, 2, 8 seqq.; Taitt. Br. III, 9,14. In connection with the ‘revolving legend,’ the conductors of bands of lute-players seem to have sung additional stanzas in which the royal Sacrificer was associated with pious kings of old; see XIII, 4, 3, 3.