In consequence of the imperfect state of this manuscript it bears no date, but an old Sanskrit colophon has been copied by the writer of JE (one of the more modern manuscripts that are evidently derived from AK through one or
XXxIi PAHLAVI TEXTS.
more intermediate copies), and this may be fairly assumed to be the colophon of AK. This colophon may be translated as follows:—‘In the Samvat year 1625, in the current Saka year 1490, on the present day (?), the fourth day Shahrivar of the eleventh month Bahman, in the district of N4ga-mavdala’, in the royal reign of king Sul#4n Muzhaffar-shah, the book named Sikand-gdmanik Vigdr is written, for the use of Amalsh4h Kangash4h?, by the priest Asadin®, son of the priest Kak4. May it become auspicious! may it be beneficial!’
The date indicated by this colophon seems to correspond to the 23rd September 15684, but it may, of course, be doubted whether it originally belonged to AK, because the text to which it is appended in JE is incomplete. If it were attached to AK, the text in that manuscript must either have been originally incomplete, or some of the later folios must have been lost, while the last one, containing the colophon, was still preserved. If it did not belong to AK, it must have belonged to some later manuscript, because there is no doubt that JE has descended from AK, and could not, therefore, contain the colophon of an older manuscript than AK, unless it had been written in AK itself, or obtained in an irregular manner from some unrecorded source. For these reasons there seems little doubt that AK was written either in 1568, or earlier; and the general appearance of its folios favours this assumption. So far as it extends this is the best manuscript of the Sikand-gdm4nik Vigar that is known to exist, and the present translation has, therefore, been based upon its texts,
1 Probably an old name of Nausari.
4 This Kangash&h was probably a grandson of the Kangashah at whose instigation the Parsis in India carried on a correspondence with those in Persia in A.D. 1478-81, which is still preserved in the Persian Rivayats. And his father may have been the Mazekshah Kangasha4h who was the head of the Parsi laymen in Naus&ri in 1531, when he was 70 years old, as appears from the Hades& Namu (Bombay, 1831).
5 In a Gugarati memorandum, recently appended to JE, it is stated that the colophon of a Yasna Sadah, written in A.D. 1572 or 1576, gives the pedigree of this copyist as follows :—Asadin, son of K4k4, son of Dharp4l, son of Lakhmidar, son of Mébad K4mdin, son of Zaratist, son of Mébad Hormazdyar, son of Ramyéar.
4 Orit may be 1569, as the Saka date has been altered from 1491 into 1490.
INTRODUCTION. XXXiil
1572 or 1576, gives the pedigree of this copyist as follows :—Asadin, son of K4k4, son of Dharp4l, son of Lakhmidar, son of Mébad K4mdin, son of Zaratist, son of Mébad Hormazdyar, son of Ramyéar.
4 Orit may be 1569, as the Saka date has been altered from 1491 into 1490.
INTRODUCTION. XXXiil
which are, no doubt, very nearly in the same state as when edited by Néryédsang; the Sanskrit version, especially, is far more correct than in the later copies. Many of the Pazand sections in Chaps. V-VIII are written in Pahlavi only, or in Pahlavi with the Pazand written above it ; but, in all cases, this Pahlavi is as corrupt as that of the reproduced Pahlavi manuscripts.
The most complete manuscripts of the Pazand-Sanskrit _ version are JJ and JE, of which JJ is the oldest and best, but it has not yet been thoroughly examined. It is a small quarto volume of 182 folios of Indian paper, written fifteen to seventeen lines to the page, and belongs to Dastir Khurshédji Jamshédji of Nausari. From certain blunders and peculiarities, which its writer has copied, it is certain that this manuscript has descended from AK, and, also, that it has derived a few variations from some other source. Its Sanskrit text is not written inverted, as it is in AK, and it commences with Néryésang’s usual Sanskrit introduction, as translated in p. xx, but with the clause containing the names altered to the following effect :—‘ This book, named Sikand-gimanik Vig4r, is translated by me, Néryésang son of Dhaval, from the Pahlavi language into the Sanskrit language, and written from the difficult Parsi letters with the Avesta letters, for the joyful understanding of the good listeners to instruction, the true-minded.’ The texts in JJ are of the same extent as the translation in this volume, and are followed by a colophon in Persian, Sanskrit, and imperfect Pahlavi, which states that the manuscript was written by Dastir Jamshéd, son of Jam4sp, son of Asa, son
-of Frédfn, inhabitants of Nausdri, and completed on the day Srésh of the month Vohfman, A.y. 1137 (corresponding to the 28th August 1768).
The other manuscript, JE, which is as complete as the ‘translation in this volume, is a foolscap-folio volume of 132 folios, written eighteen lines to the page, and belongs to Dastir Héshangji Jam4spji of Poona. It corresponds very closely with JJ, but its Sanskrit (which is not written inverted) is rather more corrupt; and it contains the same indications of descent from AK as that manuscript does,
[24] , c
XXXIV PAHLAVI TEXTS.
It corresponds very closely with JJ, but its Sanskrit (which is not written inverted) is rather more corrupt; and it contains the same indications of descent from AK as that manuscript does,
[24] , c
XXXIV PAHLAVI TEXTS.
with the same variations derived from some other source. It commences with Néryésang’s usual Sanskrit introduction, and at the end of the text it has the old Sanskrit colophon translated above, and supposed to belong to AK. And this is followed by a Persian colophon, written on the day Hérmazd of the month Bahman, A. Y, 1211 (corresponding to the 26th July 1842), and stating that this manuscript was copied from that of Asadin, son of K4ké, in Bombay, by Jamshéd, son of Edalji, son of Bahmanji, son of the writer of JJ. From this it might be too hastily assumed that the old manuscript AK was still complete as recently as 1842; but, if such were the case, it would be difficult to understand why Dastdr Héshangji could learn nothing about its missing moiety some twenty-five years afterwards, when he made searching enquiries on the subject; and it would be still more difficult to explain the variations in JE, already mentioned as derived from some other source than AK. It is more probable that the writer of JE found the old colophon of AK copied at the end of a more recent manuscript, which led him to believe that the latter was written by Asadin, son of Kaka.
That the first folio of AK had already been lost, considerably more than a century ago, appears from PB3, No. 3 of the Burnouf Collection in the National Library at Paris, which was evidently copied from a copy of AK, and is certainly more than a century old, judging from the general appearance of the paper on which it is written. This manuscript, which was given to Burnouf by Mr. Mamzekji Khurshédji of Bombay, is a small octavo volume of 125 folios of Indian paper, written twelve to sixteen lines to the page, and contains the Pazand-Sanskrit text of Chaps. I, 5-53, and II, 5~X, 66: the Sanskrit being written upside down, as in AK. The loss of Nérydésang’s Sanskrit introduction and Chap. I, 1-4 of the text indicates that the first folio of AK was already missing when the original of PB3 was copied, and several lacunae in the earlier folios, which have been filled up in red ink from some other source, indicate the torn condition of the earlier folios of AK. The loss of Chaps. I, 54—-II, 4 is due to two folios
INTRODUCTION. XXXV
being absent between folios 11 and 12 of PB3; and after Chap. X, 66 all further folios have been lost.: In some sections in Chaps. VI and VIII, where the Pazand text is written above its Pahlavi equivalent in AK, much confusion * has been occasioned in PB3 by reading the Pazand and Pahlavi versions as two successive lines of text; and it is evident that this confusion originated in some manuscript intermediate between AK and PB3, though it has been increased by further blundering on the part of the writer of PB3 itself.
The Pazand version of Néryésang also occurs in short sentences alternating with a Gugardti translation in MH19, No. 19 of the Haug Collection in the State Library at Munich. This manuscript, which was given to Haug by Dastfir Kai-Khusré at Surat in 1864, is a small quarto of 124 folios of old Indian paper, of which the first 110 folios contain the Pazand-Gugarfti version of Chaps. I, 1-XI, 201, written thirteen to nineteen lines to the page. Towards the latter end of the manuscript blank spaces are left for the Gugarati version of many of the sections ; and several of the passages that are written only in Pahlavi in AK are similarly written in MHi9. From this and other peculiarities it is evident that MHig has descended from AK, but probably through some intermediate manuscript that must have been written when AK was more complete than it is now. Judging from the appearance of the paper of MH1g it can hardly be less than 150 years old, but it contains no date or colophon of any description.
Another manuscript, which contains a large portion of the Pazand version of Néryésang, without his Sanskrit translation, is L23, No. 23 in the India Office Library in London. It is an octavo volume of eighty folios of Indian paper,written ten to twelve lines to the page, in the same handwriting as L15 and L26 (see p. xxix), which last manuscript contains a date corresponding to A.D. 1737. 123 contains the Pazand text of Chaps. I, 34-VIII, 23, and many of the passages written in Pahlavi in AK are similarly written in L23, which indicates the descent of the latter manuscript
C2.
XXXVi . PAHLAVI TEXTS.
from the former; an indication which is confirmed by the repetition of other peculiarities.
From this account of all the manuscripts of the Sikand- " gimAnik Vig4r, that have been examined by the translator, it appears probable that no manuscript independent of AK has yet been discovered. The few variations which indicate another source can easily be explained as emendations by some later copyist, who had noticed, or imagined, some deficiencies in the text of that manuscript.
The Sikand-gim4nik Vigdr has not been hitherto translated into any European language, but an edition of its Pazand and Pahlavi texts was prepared by Dastir H6shangji about fifteen years ago, and arrangements have been made for the publication of these texts, with the Sanskrit version, at an early date.
3. Tue Sap Dar.
3. Tue Sap Dar.
As its name implies the Sad Dar is a treatise on ‘a hundred subjects’ connected with the Zoroastrian religion. The word dar, literally ‘door, or gate,’ being also applied to the ‘chapters’ of a book, and to the ‘matters, or subjects,’ of which it treats. This work is not a Pahlavi text, being written in Persian with an admixture of about four per cent. of Arabic words; it is, however, more quoted than any other work by the Parsi-compilers of the Persian Rivayats, or religious ‘traditions, in the seventeenth century. In one of its recensions it is also found written in Avesta characters, and the Avesta-Persian sentences alternate with an- old Gugar&ti translation, in imitation of the PAzand- Sanskrit versions of Pahlavi texts compiled by Néryésang. In consideration of the existence of this pseudo-P4zand recension, together with the general acceptance of the work as an important authority, and its being a convenient summary of many of the religious customs handed down by Pahlavi writers, this work may be offered as a suitable appendix to the true Pahlavi texts, connecting them with
~
INTRODUCTION. XXXVii
the Persian writings that are too modern to be accepted as authorities in religious matters.
The Sad Dar NaTHr, or prose Sad Dar, which is here translated, appears to be first mentioned in the introduction to the Sad Dar-i Ba‘hr-i Zavil 4, or long-metre Sad Dar, in which the versifier states that the prose Sad Dar was compiled by three celebrated high-priests, named Médydmah, Vardast, and Siyavakhsh, near the time of the Arab conquest of Persia. This, however, really means little more than that the prose Sad Dar was considered a very old work at the time when the long-metre Sad Dar was composed from it. It appears, from Dastir JamAspji’s preface to his Gugarati translation of the long-metre Sad Dar, that this metrical version was composed in A.D. 1531 by Mulla Rustam Isfendiyar of KhurdsAn and Mulla Behz4d Rustam?. It may, therefore, be concluded that the prose Sad Dar had the reputation of being a very old work in the early part of the sixteenth century.
Another version of the work, called the Sad Dar Nathm, or metrical Sad Dar, had already been composed in Kirman by fran-shah*, son of Malik-sh4h, as early as the 14th October, A. D. 1495. In his introduction he does not mention the source whence he drew his information, though he speaks of ‘renovating the old mysteries, but whether this phrase refers to the old prose Sad Dar, which he must undoubtedly have used, or to the original Pahlavi sources of that work, is uncertain. A Latin translation of this metrical Sad Dar was published by Hyde, in his History of the Religion of the Ancient Persians +.
The contents of the Sad Dar are of a very miscellaneous character, and are not very systematically arranged. They treat of a great variety of duties and customs, but all from a strictly religious point of view, though the work is evidently
The contents of the Sad Dar are of a very miscellaneous character, and are not very systematically arranged. They treat of a great variety of duties and customs, but all from a strictly religious point of view, though the work is evidently
1 See Sad-dare Behere Tavil, translated into Gugarati by Dastir Jamaspji Minochiharji Jamasp-As4-n4; 2nd edition; Bombay, 1881.
? Possibly a son of the preceding Mulla. In the preface to his second edition Dastfir Jamaspji calls him Rustam Behzad.
5 So stated in his introduction, but in his postscript (as printed by Hyde) he calls himself Mard-shah.
* Historia religionis veterum Persarum (Oxon. 1700), p. 433.
XXXVI PAHLAVI TEXTS.
intended rather for the guidance of the laity than for the information of the priesthood. The almost total absence of any reference to government or national life, other than complete submission to priestly control, seems to indicate a period of subjection to men of another faith, too dangerous, or too odious, to be mentioned, unless it were to forbid all voluntary social intercourse with them, as in Chap. XXXVIII. The allusions to the existing scarcity of priests in Chap. LVIII, 12, and to a rigorous levying of poll-tax in Chap. LX, 7, might also give some clue to the period when the work was compiled, if we were better acquainted with the minute details of Parsi history. Where temporal penalties for crimes are prescribed (as in Chaps. IX, LXIV) they were, no doubt, such as were recognised by the government of the time; and, in such matters, change of government has altered the law. Some other customs have also probably changed to some extent, but by far the greater part of the rules and duties prescribed in this work are still in force, though they may not be always very strictly attended to.
Of the numerous quotations from the sacred books, which the Sad Dar contains, only a few can be identified, and nearly all of these are in the form of translations which are merely paraphrases of the original texts. Avesta passages are quoted from the Vendid4d and Yasna in Chap. XIV, 3, and from an unknown section of the H4dékht Nask in XL, 4. The commentary of the Vendid4d is six times quoted by name, but only four of the passages! have been identified; and an unknown passage is quoted from the commentary of the Hadékht in Chap. XXII, 3, 4, and three others? from the commentary of the Avesta. Four statements are said to be ‘declared in the good religion,’ but have not been identified; and out of thirty quotations from ‘revelation’ only five have been identified, of which those in Chaps. LXXII, 2, 3, LXXXII, 2 belong to the Vendidad, and those in IV, 3-11, XVI, 3, XVIII, 3 belong to the Spend Nask, which is no longer extant. The large
proportion of quotations that cannot be now identified, or are no longer extant, is a strong argument in favour of the work being several centuries older than the oldest manuscripts in which it is now found.
The translation of the prose Sad Dar, published in this volume, is based upon the text of La, the oldest manuscript of the work with which the translator is acquainted. This is No. 3043 of the Persian manuscripts in the India Office Library in London, which was presented to the East India Company’s Library, on the 31st August 1837, by Mr. J. Romer, who had brought it from India, most probably from Surat. This manuscript is an octavo volume, containing 144 folios of light-brown Indian paper which may be as much as three centuries old. The volume was last bound and repaired some time subsequent to 1818, as several English foolscap fly-leaves bear that date as a water-mark. Its Persian text has the peculiarity of being written in Avesta characters, in short sentences alternating with an old Gugarati translation in Devandgart characters which, for the sake of running in a continuous line with the reversely-written Avesta-Persian, is written upside down; each page containing generally thirteen lines. This Avesta- Persian is not PAzand, either in verbal forms or syntactical arrangement, but its orthography is as irregular and uncertain as in most Pazand texts written in Avesta characters. The text commences with a Sanskrit introduction, copied verbatim from that used by Nérydsang as a preface to all his Pazand-Sanskrit texts (see p. xx), with the clause containing the names altered as follows :—‘ This book, named Sad Dar, is brought together by me, the priest Rama, son of Kanhaksha, avd translated from the Parsi language into the Gugar language, and written from the difficult Parsi letters with the Avesta letters by his son, the priest Padama.’ And this preface is followed by the P4zand invocation that commences the Persian introduction, as translated on p. 255; which introduction contains a passage (§ 6) probably interpolated in the prose Sad Dar after the composition of the metrical version.
The last chapter of the text in La is followed by two xl PAHLAVI TEXTS.
255; which introduction contains a passage (§ 6) probably interpolated in the prose Sad Dar after the composition of the metrical version.
The last chapter of the text in La is followed by two xl PAHLAVI TEXTS.
Persian couplets in Avesta characters, with their translation in Gugarati; and, after a few more verses in Sanskrit, the colophon concludes with Sanskrit to the following effect :— ‘Inthe Samvat year 1631, the ninth day in the light half of the month Gyaishtha, on Wednesday, the Uttara [Ashada ?] lunar mansion; in the Parsi Samvat year 944, the 27th day Asman, the sixth month Shahrivar [18th May 1575]?, the Uzayéirina period (the afternoon), the book Sad Dar zs completely written dy an inhabitant of Bhrigu-kakkha *. Brought together by the priest Rama, son of Kanhaksha, and written in the handwriting of the priest Padama, his son, the book Sad Dar zs completed. Written, by another, for the purpose of reading azd for the purpose of reciting by Hiréka of the good religion, son of . . .3 of the good religion, and also by Adaraka of the good religion, son of Gaya of the good religion ; may it become auspicious and beneficial!’ Followed by ‘may it be healthful! may it be excellent! so may it be! ad more so may it be!’ in Pazand.
It is possible that this colophon may have been copied from an older manuscript, but there are certainly some reasons for supposing that La is the original manuscript completed in 1575. In the first place, the appearance of the paper, on which it is written, favours such a supposition, and enquiries, made in Bombay, have not succeeded in discovering the existence of any other copy of this recension. Again, there are a few defects and inconsistencies in the Gugarati translation which are best explained by supposing that the translation was made at the time this manuscript was written. Thus, the greater part of Chap. LXXIII, after having been written on one side of a folio, is repeated by mistake on the other side of the same folio with several variations, most of which are alterations in the Gugarati translation, as if the writer were making the trans-
1 As the manuscript was written in India, the calendar used would be the Rasmf one.
2 The old name of Bhrés. .
5 This name, with one or two epithets, has to be extracted from the corrupt Sanskrit compound gnativyavyagihilda.
INTRODUCTION. xli
lation at the time when he wrote it. Also, in Chap. LX XVII, a blank having been left for some illegible word in the Avesta-Persian text, a similar blank has been left in the Gugar4ti translation, although it is hardly possible that any mere copyist would have found the same word illegible in both versions.
Also, in Chap. LX XVII, a blank having been left for some illegible word in the Avesta-Persian text, a similar blank has been left in the Gugar4ti translation, although it is hardly possible that any mere copyist would have found the same word illegible in both versions.
With regard to the source whence the Avesta-Persian text of La was derived, there can be little doubt that it was originally transliterated from a manuscript written in the Perso-Arabic character, as there are several blunders in La which can be best explained as owing to the mutual resemblance ‘of certain letters in that character. Thus, the fact that the modern Persian letters b, n, t, y differ only in the number and position of certain dots, which are sometimes omitted or misplaced, accounts for such blunders as ba and y4 for ta, kh4na for ‘Zayah. While, owing to similar resemblances, the transliterator has written kusti for géti, muluk for balkih, guza for gésh, and having been doubtful, in one place, whether to read r6z or zér, he has written both words, one above the other.
Somewhat more recent than this Avesta-Persian manuscript is Lp, No. 2506 of the Persian manuscripts in the India Office Library in London, which was presented to the Library by Mr. J. Romer at the same time as La. This manuscript is a small octavo volume, in which the prose Sad Dar occupies the first forty-six folios of Indian paper, written generally fifteen lines to the page in the Perso-Arabic character. In its present state it contains no date, the last folio of the colophon being lost, but the paper is not much newer than that of La. The colophon is written in the Avesta character, and is to the following effect :—‘ This book is the book Sad Dar, a Nask of the religion of Zarathustra, the good religion of the Mazdaworshippers. Z/ese hundred questions of the proper and improper are extracted from this good religion of the Mazda-worshippers, and fran-shah, son of Yazad-yér, . . .;’ the rest being lost.
Another important copy of the Persian text of the prose Sad Dar is contained in B29,a two-volume, quarto Rivayat,
xlii PAHLAVI TEXTS.
No. 29 in the Bombay University Library. In this Rivayat, or miscellany of traditional lore, the prose Sad Dar occupies fourteen folios (17-30) in the first volume, each page containing twenty-one closely-written lines. The Persian colophon at the end of the last chapter is to the following effect :—‘ This book of the prose Sad Dar is completed on the day Ast4d of the auspicious month Dat of the year 1048 of Yazdagard, the king of kings of happy frAn, of the race of SAsAn. And the writer of the lines am I, the servant of the good religion of the Mazda-worshippers, the priestlyborn priest DArfb, son of the priest Hormazy4r, son of Qavamu-d-din, son of Kai-Qub4d, son of Hormazyar! of the surname Sang4nd, of the family of the priest Néryésang Dhaval.’ The date mentioned in this colophon corresponds to the 28th September 1679, new style.
of the surname Sang4nd, of the family of the priest Néryésang Dhaval.’ The date mentioned in this colophon corresponds to the 28th September 1679, new style.
A third copy of the Persian text is contained in J15,a small quarto volume, No. 15 in the library of Dastdr JamA4spji Minochiharji in Bombay. In this volume the prose Sad Dar occupies the last thirty-six folios, and is written thirteen lines to the page, but is not dated. This manuscript has been consulted in only a few passages, and usually where the other copies differ considerably.
Regarding the variations in the text of these manuscripts it will be noticed, on reference to the foot-notes to the translation, that there is usually considerable agreement among the three Persian manuscripts (Lp, B29, J15*) when they differ from the Avesta-Persian text of La. In a few cases the text of La is undoubtedly defective, and then Lp or B2g may perhaps supply the original reading which has come down to them through some collateral line of descent. But, in the great majority of instances, their variations
{especially those of B29) seem to be intended either to make the text more intelligible, or to correct some statement that the copyist thought doubtful. That none of these three manuscripts is derived from La is proved by the fact that they all contain a passage (Chap. XIX, 4-6) which
1 A variation of this pedigree has already been quoted in p. xxiv. ? Allowing for the fact that this last has been only occasionally used.
INTRODUCTION. xliii
the writer of La has omitted by mistake. There is, however, more agreement with La to be found in Lp than in the other two manuscripts.
The arrangement of the chapters in La is confused by the
xxiv. ? Allowing for the fact that this last has been only occasionally used.
INTRODUCTION. xliii
the writer of La has omitted by mistake. There is, however, more agreement with La to be found in Lp than in the other two manuscripts.
The arrangement of the chapters in La is confused by the accidental combination of a portion of Chap. XLVIII with a portion of Chap. L, while Chap. XLIX, omitted in its proper place, has been subsequently added at the end of the work. In Lp Chap. XLIX follows Chap. LIII, and, Chaps. L and LV being omitted, the full number of a hundred chapters is obtained by repeating Chaps. XLIX and C at the end of the work. As this confusion in Lp occurs in the same portion of the work as that in La, though it differs somewhat in its details, and as it has been shown above that Lp cannot have been derived from La, it is reasonable to suppose that La and Lp were both derived from some older manuscript, in which some portion of the middle of the work had been omitted or lost, and that the writers of La and Lp adopted different modes of supplying the deficiency from other manuscripts. This confusion does not occur in B29 and J15, which two manuscripts agree in arranging the chapters as they are placed in this volume; they must, therefore, be derived from the original prose Sad Dar through some collateral line of descent, independent of the manuscript in which the confusion originated. _ In the metrical Sad Dar nine of the later chapters are scattered about among the earlier ones, thus the 82nd chapter occurs next after the 16th, the 83rd after the 23rd, the 84th after the 24th, the 85th after the 27th, the 86th after the 57th, the 87th after the 58th, the 88th after the 7oth, the 89th after the 72nd, and the goth after the 73rd. And, besides this variation, a chapter about the advantage of daily ceremonies in honour of the guardian spirits follows the 65th chapter, a very long chapter about the season festivals is substituted for the 93rd chapter, and the 1ooth chapter is omitted.
So far as five of the scattered chapters (85-8y) are concerned, the reason for their change of position was probably to bring them into closer connection with other chapters treating of similar subjects; but this explanation will not xliv PAHLAVI TEXTS.
So far as five of the scattered chapters (85-8y) are concerned, the reason for their change of position was probably to bring them into closer connection with other chapters treating of similar subjects; but this explanation will not xliv PAHLAVI TEXTS.
apply to the remaining four chapters (82-84, 90). It might be argued that the more methodical arrangement of the five chapters (85-89) favours the supposition that the metrical Sad Dar may be older than the prose one, but, independent of the fact that this argument does not apply to the four other chapters, it is quite as reasonable to suppose that the later editor would endeavour to improve the arrangement of his text, and to remedy whatever he thought defective. The pre-existence of the prose Sad Dar may be fairly assumed on the positive evidence afforded by the statement of the long-metre Sad Dar, mentioned in p. xxxvii, in default of any clear statement by the author of the metrical Sad Dar as to the originality of his work.
Since the above was written, the translator has had an opportunity of examining a Persian text of the prose Sad Dar, written in Persia by Rustam Gustasp Ardashir, and completed on the 19th July 1706. In this manuscript, the introductory chapter is practically the same as in La, with a few variations. Thus, the invocation in § 1 is as follows :— ‘In the name of the sacred being, administering justice. The beginning of the book Sad Dar; may it be a good gift!’ And § 6 runs as follows:—‘On this occasion I, Bahman, a servant of the religion, am confirmed by the book of the mébad of mébads fran-sh4h, son of Yazad-y4r, son of Tistar-y4r, son of Adar-b4d, so that every one who reads z¢ and orders duty ¢o de done brings a reward to the souls of those persons.’ The arrangement of the chapters is the same as in the metrical Sad Dar}, and the text differs from La in many more small details than in B2g; it often inserts additional sentences, and is generally more diffuse, without giving more information to the reader. The Avesta of the passage quoted in Chapter XL, 4 is omitted, and only the first three words of that quoted in Chapter XIV, 3 are given. Notwithstanding their numerous variations, the resemblance of Bahman’s text to that of La is too great
1 As far as the long chapter about the season festivals (see p. xliii), but this is subdivided into six chapters (one for each festival) which conclude the work. The same arrangement also occurs in the Gugarati translation of the longmetre Sad Dar.
INTRODUCTION. xlv
xliii), but this is subdivided into six chapters (one for each festival) which conclude the work. The same arrangement also occurs in the Gugarati translation of the longmetre Sad Dar.
INTRODUCTION. xlv
to permit the assumption that they are two different prose versions of fran-shah’s metrical Sad Dar. It seems more probable that Bahman merely collated the prose Sad Dar with the metrical version, and made many alterations in the former to bring it into closer correspondence with the latter. This manuscript, therefore, throws no fresh light upon the origin of the prose version in La, but, as it confirms the fact that the fran-shah whose name occurs in the introductory chapter was a son of Yazad-ydr, it raises a doubt whether this was the same person as the fran-sh4h, son of Maliksh4h (or Mard-shah), who composed the metrical version. In conclusion, it is desirable to notice that another Persian work exists, similar in form and character to the Sad Dar, but entirely distinct in its details, which is usually called the Sad Dar Bundahis. A complete copy of it is contained in Anquetil’s Old Rivayat in the National Library in Paris, and it is frequently quoted in the Bombay Rivayat (B29) mentioned in p. xli. In this latter manuscript its name is written Lis 1» > do twenty-five times, U%y2 14 9 do eighteen times, and (i2 12) 9d thrice. And the only plausible reading applicable to all these three forms is Sad Darband-i Hush (or Hash), ‘the hundred door-bolts of the understanding,’ a very possible name for a book. The Sad Dar Bundahis is, therefore, most probably a misnomer.
E. W. WEST. April, 1885.
ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THIS VOLUME.
The Sad Dar Bundahis is, therefore, most probably a misnomer.
tion; Rom. for Romans; Sam. for Samuel ; Sans. for Sanskrit ; Sd. for Sad Dar, as translated in this volume; Sg. for Sikandgimantk Vig4r, as translated in this volume; Sir. for Strézah; Sls. for Shayast-l4-shayast, as translated in vol. v of this series ; Syr. for Syriac; TD2 for Mobad Tehmuras Dinshawji’s MS. of Pahl. Mkh.; Vend. for Vendid&d; vol. for volume; Yas. for Yasna; Yt. for Yast; Zarat. for Zaratist; Zor. Stud. for Zoroastrische Studien, von Windischmann.
DINA-I MAINOG-I KHIRAD,
OPINIONS
OF THE
SPIRIT OF WISDOM.
v of this series ; Syr. for Syriac; TD2 for Mobad Tehmuras Dinshawji’s MS. of Pahl. Mkh.; Vend. for Vendid&d; vol. for volume; Yas. for Yasna; Yt. for Yast; Zarat. for Zaratist; Zor. Stud. for Zoroastrische Studien, von Windischmann.
DINA-I MAINOG-I KHIRAD,
OPINIONS
OF THE
SPIRIT OF WISDOM.
[24] B
OBSERVATIONS.
1. The division into chapters corresponds with the beginnings of the questions, and the sections are divided according to the alternating Pazand-Sanskrit text of Nérydsang.
2. Italics are used for any English words that are not expressed, or fully understood, in the original text, but are added to complete the sense of the translation.
3. Italics occurring in Oriental words, or names, represent certain peculiar Oriental letters (see the ‘ Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets’ at the end of this volume). The italic d, 2, », 7, v may be pronounced as in English; but g should be sounded like j, Av like wh, 4 like ch in ‘church,’ s like sh, and z like French j.
4. In Pahlavi words the only vowels expressed in the original text are those circumflexed, initial a, and the letter 6; italic d is written like t, 7 and / like n or the Avesta o, v and 2 like g, and ad like 4 in the Pahlavi character.
5. In the translation, words in parentheses are merely explanatory of those which precede them.
6. For the meanings of the abbreviations used in the notes, see the end of the Introduction.
4. The manuscripts mentioned are :—
K43 (written a.p. 1569) Pahlavi, No. 43 in the University Library at Kopenhagen; upon the text of which, so far as it extends, this translation is based.
Lig (written a.D. 1520) Paz.-Sans., No. 19 in the India Office Library at London.
MH (written a. p. 1809) Parsi-Pers., No. 7 of the Haug Collection in the State Library at Munich.
MHrto, a Persian Rivayat, No. 10 of the same Collection.
PAro (written a.p. 1649) Paz.-Sans., No. 10 of the Anquetil Collection in the National Library at Paris.
PB6, P4z.-Sans., No. 6 of the Burnouf Collection in the same library.
TD2, Pahlavi, belonging to Mobad Tehmuras Dinshawji Anklesaria at Bombay; upon a copy of which this translation chiefly relies in the passages (XIV, 1-XXVII, 49 and XXXIX, 31-XL, 17) missing from K43.
Liam, Oran
we Tae
DINA-I MAINOG-? KHIRAD.
THROUGH the name and power and assistance of the creator Afthaymazd, the archangels who are good rulers and good performers, and all the angels of the spiritual and the angels of the worldly exzstences, by a happy dispensation (dahisn) and wellomened we write the Opinions of the Spirit of Wisdom through the will of the sacred beings}.
CuapTer [2
[1. In the name and /or the propitiation of the allbenefiting creator Adhaymazd, (2) of all the angels of the spiritual and worldly creations, (3) and of the learning of learnings, the Mazda-worshipping
CuapTer [2
[1. In the name and /or the propitiation of the allbenefiting creator Adhaymazd, (2) of all the angels of the spiritual and worldly creations, (3) and of the learning of learnings, the Mazda-worshipping
1 This heading is prefixed to the original Pahlavi text in K 43, a facsimile of which was published by Andreas in 1882; as, however, the text which follows it, in that codex, begins in the middle of Chap. I, 28, this heading must have been composed by some copyist, after the first folio of the text had been lost from some previous copy. It is, therefore, doubtful whether the name he gives to the work, ‘Opinions (or decisions) of the Spirit of Wisdom,’ be the original title, or not; but it is, at any rate, preferable to the modern appellation, ‘the Spirit of Wisdom.’ In Pazand this title is Mainy6-i Khard; but regarding the Pahlavi word mainég, see the Introduction.
2 The beginning of this chapter, enclosed in brackets, as far as § 28 (being lost from the Pahlavi text of K43, and no copy of it from TD2 being available) is here taken from the Pazand version contained in L1g9. The division into sections, adopted throughout, is that of the alternating P4z.-Sans. text of Nérydsang.
B 2
4 pinA-t mMaitnéc-f KHIRAD,.
religion, (4) forth from which this, whzch zs such a source of wisdom, is a selector’. 5. Through the glory and will of the creator Atharmazd—who zs promoting the prosperity of the two existences’— (6) and of all the greatly powerful angels, (7) and through the completely calm repose of the sacred beings, the princely’, purpose-fulfilling sages, (8) presentations of various novelties for the appropriation of wisdom, (9) through largely acquiring reasoning thought‘, are most wholesome for the body and soul zm the two existences.
1o. As in the pure marvel of marvels, the unquestionable and well-betokened good religion of the Mazda-worshippers, by the words of the creator, Atharmazd, and Zaratfist the Spitam4n®, it is in
1 That is, this work is a selection of wisdom from the religion. The Paz. vas is a misreading of Pahl. agas, ‘from it,’ which is identical in form with Pahl. afas, the correct equivalent of Paz. vas.
2 This world and the next.
5 The angels are here compared to the vaspfharak4n, the highest class of Sasanian nobles, called barbét4n, ‘sons of the house,’ in Huzvaris (see Néldeke’s Gesch. Pers. Sas. pp. 71, 501). As these nobles ranked next to the royal house, so do the archangels and angels rank next to Aftharmazd. The title vaspfihar is evidently connected with the ancient Pers. equivalent of Av. vis6é puthra, ‘son of the village or town,’ which, as Darmesteter points out (Etudes Iraniennes, IT, p. 140), is used in Vend. VII, 114 as the title of a person who has to pay the same medical fees as the zatu-paiti, ‘tribe-ruler,’ mentioned in the earlier § 108, and who must, therefore, have been a man of equal rank.
140), is used in Vend. VII, 114 as the title of a person who has to pay the same medical fees as the zatu-paiti, ‘tribe-ruler,’ mentioned in the earlier § 108, and who must, therefore, have been a man of equal rank.
* Reading virmat, both here and in § 13, instead of the Paz. nirmad, which is a misreading of the same letters.
5 Av. Zarathustra Spitama, the great apostle of the Magdaworshippers, whose conversations with Ahura Mazda (Pahl. Afiharmazd) constitute a considerable portion of the Avesta, or scripture of the Mazda-worshippers.
CHAPTER I, 4-26, 5
many places decided, (11) that he, who is the all-good creator, created these creatures through wisdom, (12) and his maintenance of the invisible revolutions’ is through wisdom; (13) and the imperishable and undisturbed s¢a¢e, in that which is immortality for ever and everlasting, he reserves for himself by means of the most deliberative? means of wisdom. 14. For the same reason z¢ is declared, (15) that ¢here was a sage who said, (16) that ‘if this be known, that the religion of the sacred beings (yazd@4n) is truth, and z¢s law is virtue, and z¢ is desirous of welfare and compassionate as regards the creatures, (17) wherefore are ¢here mostly many sects, many beliefs, and many original evolutions? of mankind? 18. And, especially, that which is a sect, law, and belief, causing harm to the property (khél) of the sacred beings‘, and is not good? 19, 20°, And this, too, ove has to consider, that, in order to become a chooser in this matter, trouble is to be undergone; (21) and it is necessary to become acquainted with this matter, (22) because, in the end, the body is mingled with the dust, and reliance is on the soul. 23. And every one is to undergo trouble for the soul, (24) and is to become acquainted with duty and good works; (25) because that good work which a man does unwittingly is little of a good work, (26) and that sin which a man
1 Of the spheres, or firmaments, which are supposed to carry along the heavenly bodies.
2 Reading virmat-hémandtim.
5 Reading ban gast (see Sg. IV, 73n).
* It may be questioned whether this allusion to a heterodox religion injuring the property of the orthodox faith is sufficient to identify the former with Muhammadanism.
5 These two sections are improperly separated by Néryésang.
6 pinA-f matnéc-? KHIRAD.
commits unwittingly amounts to a sin in z¢s origin}. 27. And z¢ is declared by the Avesta? (28) thus :] 8“ Nothing was taken by him by whom the soul was not taken (29) hitherto, and he takes nothing who does not take the soul (30) henceforward likewise*; (31) because the spiritual and worldly existences are such-like as® two strongholds, (32) one zt is declared certain that they shall capture, and one it is not possible to capture.”’
33. After Jeng replete wzth those good actions of * which z¢ is declared certain that it is not possible to capture, (34) and when he” surveyed the incitement for this, (35) he started forth (fravaftd), in search of wisdom, into the various countries and various districts of this world; (36) and of the many® religions and beliefs of those people who are superior in their wisdom he thought and enquired, and he investigated and came upon ¢heir origin®. 37. And when he saw that they are so mutually afflicting (hanbéshin) and inimical among
1 The original text was, no doubt, vinds pavan bfin va/ yehevinéd, which would be gun4h pa bun 6 bahéd in Pazand; but Lig has omitted the p in pa, and Nér. has mistaken the preposition vad for the pronoun valman, which blunders have misled the writers of later MSS. into a variety of inconsistent readings.
2 The sacred literature of the Parsis in its original language.
5 The extant Pahlavi text of K43 commences at this point.
* By this division of §§ 28-30 Nér. found himself compelled to add another Sanskrit clause in. explanation, which would have been unnecessary if he had separated them as here pointed.
5 K43 omits ‘as.’
® Lig has ‘after those good actions of a store.’
7 The sage mentioned in § 15.
8 Lig has ‘every.’
* Lig omits ‘origin,’ having merely vagést, ‘investigated,’ instead of bun g(st6, ‘investigated the origin.’
CHAPTER I, 27-49. 4
one another, (38) he then knew that these religions and beliefs and diverse customs, which are so mutually afflicting among one another in this world, are not worthy to be from the appointment of the sacred beings; (39) because the religion of the sacred beings is truth, and 2¢s law is virtue. 40. And through this he became without doubt that, as ¢o whatever’ is not in this pure religion, ¢here is then doubtfulness for them in everything, (41) and in every cause they see distraction.
42. After that he became more diligent in the enquiry and practice of religion ; (43) and he enquired of the high-priests who have become wiser in? this religion and more acquainted wz¢h the religion, (44) thus: ‘For the maintenance of the body and preservation of the soul what thing*® is good and more perfect ?’
45. And they [spoke‘], through the statement [from revelation, (46) thus: ‘Of the® benefit which happens to men] wisdom is good; (47) because it is possible to manage the worldly exzséence through wisdom, (48) and it is possible to provide also the spiritual existence for oneself through the power of wisdom. 49. And this, too, is declared, that Afharmazd@ has produced these creatures and creation, which are in the worldly exzstence, through innate
1 Lig has ‘every one who,’ having read ko/4 mfin instead of ko/4 maman. The meaning, however, is that all details of foreign faiths that are not found in the Mazda-worshipping religion are doubtful.
2 K43 has ‘of,’ by omitting pavan, ‘in.’
8 Lig has ‘ what one thing.’
* K43 omits the words in brackets, by mistake.
The meaning, however, is that all details of foreign faiths that are not found in the Mazda-worshipping religion are doubtful.
2 K43 has ‘of,’ by omitting pavan, ‘in.’
8 Lig has ‘ what one thing.’
* K43 omits the words in brackets, by mistake.
5 Sans. has ‘this.’
° Lig has ‘through the power of wisdom.’
8 pinA-t MAtNéc-f KHIRAD.
wisdom!; (50) and the management of the worldly and spiritual ex¢stences is also through wisdom.’
51. And when, in that manner, he saw the great advantage and preciousness of wisdom, he became more thankful unto Afharymazd, the lord, and the archangels of? the spirit of wisdom; (52) and he took * the spirit of wisdom as a protection. 53. For the spirit of wisdom one is to perform more homage and service than for the remaining archangels. 54. And this, too, he knew, that it is possible to do for oneself every duty and good work and proper action through the power of wisdom; (55) and it is necessary to be diligent for the satisfaction of the spirit of wisdom. 56. And, thenceforward, he became more diligent in performing‘ the ceremonial of the spirit of wisdom.
57. After that the spirit of wisdom, on account of the thoughts and wishes of that sage, displayed fis person unto him. 58. And he spoke to him
(59) thus: ‘O friend and glorifier! good from perfect righteousness! (60) seek advancement from me, the spirit of wisdom, (61) that I may become thy guide to the satisfaction of the sacred beings and
.
1 The 4sn6 khiradd (Av. 4sné khratus) is ‘the durable or innate wisdom’ supposed to be implanted in one’s nature, as distinguished from the Av. gaoshé-srfit6 khratus, ‘the ear-heard or acquired wisdom,’ obtained by experience.
2 That is, ‘produced by’ this spirit, as mentioned in § 49 regarding the world, and here extended to the archangels. Lig omits the particle f, so as to convert this spirit into the wisdom of Afharmazd and the archangels. It is very probable, however, that we ought to read ‘and the spirit of wisdom.’
5 Lig has ‘made;’ these two verbs being written alike in Huavaris.-
* Lig has ‘to perform,’ by omitting ‘in.’
CHAPTER I, 50—II, 14. 9
the good’, and ¢o the maintenance of the body in the worldly existence and the preservation of the soul in the spiritual ove.’
Cuapter II.
1. The sage asked the spirit of wisdom (2) thus: ‘How is it possible to seek the maintenance and prosperity of the body [without injury of the soul, and the preservation of the soul without injury of the body?]?’
3. The spirit of wisdom answered (4) thus: ‘Him who is less than thee consider as an equal, and an equal as a superior, (5) and a greater than him as a chieftain®, and a chieftain as a ruler. 6, And among rulers ome is to be acquiescent, obedient, and true-speaking ; (7) azd among accusers‘ be submissive, mild, and kindly regardful.
6, And among rulers ome is to be acquiescent, obedient, and true-speaking ; (7) azd among accusers‘ be submissive, mild, and kindly regardful.
8. ‘Commit no slander; (9) so that infamy and wickedness may not happen unto thee. to. For it is said (11) that slander is more grievous than witchcraft ; (12) and in hell the rush of every fiend® is to the front, du¢ the rush of the fiend of slander, on account of the grievous sinfulness, is to the rear.
13. ‘Form no covetous desire; (14) so that the
1 Meaning, specially, the priests.
* The passage in brackets is omitted by K43, and is here supplied from Lrg.
5 In Lrg the text is corrupt, but has nearly the same meaning.
4 Lrg has ‘associates,’ which seems equally appropriate; the two words are much alike in Pahlavi writing.
5 The word drftg, ‘fiend,’ is usually supposed to mean a female demon, and is often understood so in the Avesta, perhaps because it is a feminine noun. It is usually an impersonation of some evil passion (see Chap. XLI, 11).
10 pinA-? MAiNéG-f KHIRAD.
demon of greediness may not deceive thee, (15) and the treasure of the world may not be tasteless to thee, and that of the spirit unperceived.
16. ‘Indulge in no wrathfulness; (17) for a man, when he indulges in wrath, becomes then forgetful of his duty and good works, of prayer and the service of the sacred beings, (18) and sin and crime of every kind occur unto his mind, and? until the subsiding of the wrath (19) he? is said ¢o de just like Aharman °.
20. ‘Suffer no anxiety; (21) for he who is a sufferer of anxiety becomes regardless of enjoyment of the world and the spirit, (22) and contraction happens to his body and soul.
23. ‘Commit no lustfulness; (24) so that harm and regret may not reach thee from thine own actions.
25. ‘Bear no improper envy ; (26) so that thy life may not become tasteless.
27. ‘Commit no sin on account of [disgrace]*;
(28) because happiness and adornment, celebrity (khanidih) and dominion, skill and suitability are not through the will and action of men, but through the appointment, destiny, and will of the sacred beings.
29. ‘ Practise no sloth; (30) so that the duty and good work, which it is necessary for thee to do, may not remain undone. ,
31. ‘Choose a wife who is of character; (32)
1 Lig omits ‘and.’
2 Lrg has ‘wrath ;’ making § 19 a separate sentence. 5 The evil spirit, Av. angra mainyu.
* K43 omits ‘ disgrace,’ by mistake.
® Lig omits ‘adornment.’
CHAPTER II, 15-38. TI
because that ove is good who in the end is more respected.
33. ‘Commit no unseasonable chatter!; (34) so that grievous distress way not happen unto Horvadad and Amervodad, the archangels’, through thee.
35. ‘Commit no running about uncovered’; (36) so that harm may not come upon thy bipeds and quadrupeds, and ruin upon ¢y children.
37. ‘Walk not with one boot‘; (38) so that grievous distress may not happen to thy soul.
35. ‘Commit no running about uncovered’; (36) so that harm may not come upon thy bipeds and quadrupeds, and ruin upon ¢y children.
37. ‘Walk not with one boot‘; (38) so that grievous distress may not happen to thy soul.
1 A free translation of the name of the sin which is usually called dray4n-gfiyisnth, ‘eagerness for chattering ;’ here, however, K43 omits the latter y, so that the name may be read drayangadisnth, ‘ chatteringly devouring,’ and a similar phrase is used in AV. XXIII, 6. The sin consists in talking while eating, praying, or at any other time when a murmured prayer (vag) has been taken inwardly and is not yet spoken out; the protective spell of the prayer being broken by such talking. If the prayer be not taken inwardly when it ought to be, the same sin is incurred (see Sls.V, 2, Dd. LXXIX, 8).
2 Instead of amahrvaspend, ‘the archangel,’ Lig has Marspezd, the angel of the ‘righteous liturgy;’ but this is probably a misreading, due to the fact that, when the chattering interrupts prayer, the angel of the liturgy would be as much distressed as the archangels Horvadad and Amerodad, who protect water and vegetation (see Sls. XV, 25~29), would be when it interrupts eating and drinking. These archangels are personifications of Av. haurvatad, ‘completeness or health,’ and ameret4d, ‘immortality.’
8 That is, moving about without being girded with the Kusti or sacred thread-girdle, which must not be separated from the skin by more than one thin garment, the sacred shirt (see Sls. IV, 7, 8).
* We should probably read ‘ without a boot,’ as aé-mfik6 and amfké are much alike in Pahlavi; otherwise we must suppose that walking with only a single covering for the feet, and without outer boots, is meant. At any rate, walking or standing on unconsecrated ground with bare feet is a serious sin for a Parsi, on account of the risk of pollution (see Sls, IV, 12, X, 12).
12 DINA-? MAiNGG-1 KHIRAD.
39. ‘Perform no discharge of urine (pés4r-v4r) standing on foot?; (40) so that thou mayst not become a captive by a habit of the demons, (41) and the demons may not drag thee to hell on account of that sin.
42. ‘Thou shouldst be (yehevianes) diligent and moderate, (43) and eat of thine own regular industry,
(44) and provide the share of the sacred beings and the good; (45) and, thus, the practice of this, in thy occupation, is the greatest good work.
46. ‘Do not extort from the wealth of others;
(47) so that thine own regular industry may not become unheeded. 48. For it is said (49) that: ‘He who eats anything, not from his own regular industry, but from another, is such-like as ove who holds a human head in 47s hand, and eats human brains.”
50. ‘Thou shouldst be an abstainer from the wives of others; (51) because all these three would become disregarded by thee, alike wealth, alike? body, and alike? soul.
‘Thou shouldst be an abstainer from the wives of others; (51) because all these three would become disregarded by thee, alike wealth, alike? body, and alike? soul.
52. ‘With enemies fight with equity. 53. With a friend proceed with the approval of friends. 54. With a malicious* ma’ _arry on no conflict, (55) and do not molest him in |. way whatever. 56. With a greedy man thou s ouldst not be a partner, (57) and do not trust him with the leadership. 58. With
1 Whereby an unnecessary space of ground is polluted; hence the sin. ;
2 K43 has hOmanam, ‘I am,’ the Huzvaris of am, used by mistake for ham, ‘alike, which is written exactly like am in Pahlavi.
5 K43 has ktkvar, instead of kénvar, but this is doubtless a miswriting.
CHAPTER I, 39-75. 13
a slanderous man do not go to the door of kings. 59. With an ill-famed man form no connection. 60. With an ignorant man thou shouldst not become a confederate and associate. 61. With a foolish man make no dispute. 62. With a drunken man do not walk on the road, 63. From an ill-natured man take no loan. 64. ‘In thanksgiving unto the sacred beings, and worship, praise, ceremonies, invocation, and _performing the learning of knowledge thou shouldst be energetic and life-expending. 65. For it is said (66) that: “In aid of the contingencies (gahisnd)? among men wisdom is good; (67) in seeking renown and preserving the soul liberality is good; (68) in the advancement of business and justice complete mindfulness is good; (69) and in the statements of those who confess (khfistivan)?’, with a bearing on the custom of the law’, truth is good. 70. In the progress of business energy is good, (71) for* every one to become confident therein steadfastness is good, (72) and for the coming of benefit thereto thankfulness is good. 73. In keeping oneself untroubled (anatfrang)® the discreet speaking which is in the path of* truth is good; (74) and in keeping away the disturbance of the destroyer’ from oneself employment is good. 75.
1 Lrg has zahisn, ‘issue, proceedings.’
2 Lig has read afistik4n, ‘the steadfast,’ by mistake.
5 Reading dadé-khfk-barisnéftha. Lrg has ‘conveying intercession (gidang6=d4d6-gé6k);’ this small difference in reading may be a clerical error in K43. The Sans. version omits the phrase altogether.
4 Lrg omits pavan, ‘for.’ 5 Nér. has ‘unblemished.’
* Lrg omits ‘path of;’ and it may possibly be superfluous.
7 Or it may be ‘the destroyer and adversary,’ as in L19; the last word being defective in K43.