DINA-f MAf{NOG-f KHIRAD SIKAND-GOMANIK VIGAR SAD DAR
@rford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
p. 1885
[AU rights reserved |
CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTION.
\CHAP. PAGE
1. The Dina-f Maindg-f Khirad .. . . . . xv
2. The Sikand-gimanik Vig4r . . . . . XXxv
3. The Sad Dar. . - . . . . . XXxvi Abbreviations used in this volume . . . . xlvii
TRANSLATIONS. DtnA-t Matnéc-? Kurrap. .. I 1. Introducing the sage and the spirit of wisdom 3 2. How to preserve both body and soul, including the fate of the soul after death, whether righteous or wicked 9 3. What liberality and truth, gratitude and wisdom, mindfulness and contentment are good for .. 26 4. The nine chief good works, divided into seven classes 26 5. The ten happiest lands . 27 6. The ten unhappiest lands . 28 4. The four grades of heaven and hell, with the neutral region between them, and the fate of the souls in each . 29 8. How Aftharmazd created the universe, and Aharman corrupted it for gooo years. The evil influence of the seven planets, the good influence of the twelve signs of the zodiac, and how far the good and evil can counteracteach other . . : . . - 32 g. The impossibility of going from region to region, the substance of the sky, and the mingling of the water in the earth. . 35 10. The impossibility of peace and affection between Aharman and Atharmazd . 36 11. Wisdom without goodness and skill without wisdom are useless . . . . . . . : .
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Viil CONTENTS.
CHAP.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17. 18.
19. 20. 21.
22. 23. 24.
25. 26.
24.
28.
29. 30. 31.
Worldly treasure is not allotted so truly as spiritual, on account of Aharman’s chieftains, the seven planets; but, after death, every one is judged according to his own deeds . .
Though animals’ knowledge | is instinctive, men obtain theirs only by toil, because Aharman has concealed the results of good and evil, and formed many false religions; but the only true one is that taught by Zaratfist . .
The best protection, friend, supporter of fame, helper of enjoyment, wealth, and pleasure
The poverty and opulence which are good, and the characteristics of good and bad government .
.
The best protection, friend, supporter of fame, helper of enjoyment, wealth, and pleasure
The poverty and opulence which are good, and the characteristics of good and bad government .
The best food, grain, and fruit. The effects of wine on different tempers, and when drunk in moderation and in excess. Also why silk clothing is better for the body, and cotton for the soul
The pleasure that is worse than unhappiness . .
Why people disregard the changeableness of worldly things, death, the account of the soul, and hell .
Living in fear and falsehood is worse than death
The best and worst conversation for kings
The fate of men who are worldly, scoffing, idle, malicious, lazy, false-hearted, and arrogant :
How far worldly wealth can be acquired through exertion .
The impossibility of contending with destiny .
Providence can over-rule destiny; but rarely does 50, because of Aharman’s evil doings .
The poorest of the rich, and the richest of the poor
A blind mind is worse than a blind eye, and an ill-informed is worse than an ill-tempered man .
The several advantages resulting from the actions of Géyémard, Héshang, Takhmorup, Yimshéd, Az-f Dahak, FrAsiyak, Frédin, Manfisfthar, Kai-Kavad, Sahm, K4i- Us, Siyavakhsh, Kai-Khfsréi, Kaf-Léoharasp, and Kai-
Vistisp .« . . The most forgiving, strongest, swiftest, happiest, and most miserable . . . .
What must be most regarded and protected
The worst life and most unforeseeing man
The business of the three classes—priests, warriors, and husbandmen
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39 41
p. 42
45 49 49 5° 50
51 54 54
55 55
p. 56
p. 57
66 66 67
p. 67
CONTENTS,
ix
CHAP. 32. 33-
34- 35:
36. 37- 38.
39-
40.
41.
42, 43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
«
The business of the fourth class, the artizans . ‘
The worst ruler, chieftain, friend, kinsman, wife, child, and country ‘ . . . . .
Aharman can hardly disturb a wise and contented man .
The seven kinds of men who are rich, and the seven who are poor . . . .
The thirty sins. :
The thirty-three good works .
Why worldly happiness is not allotted to } the worthy who are accepted in heaven . . . . ‘
Whose power is most seemly, wisdom most complete, disposition most faithful, speech most proper, goodness least, friendship worst, mental pleasure least, heart most seemly, endurance most approvable, and who is not faithful. What should be kept by every one and no one, and also in conversation. Who cannot give evidence, to whom obedience is due, who must be minded and praised, what must not be unrespected, who is like Afharmazd, and who like Aharman .
What is coldest, warmest, brightest, darkest, fullest, emptiest, most fruitless, without superfluity, incapable of deprival, cannot be bought, satisfies every one, and satisfies no one. What Afharmasd desires from men, and what Aharman does; and what is the end in the worldly and spiritual existences . . .
What Afharmasd desires from men, and what Aharman does; and what is the end in the worldly and spiritual existences . . .
The mightiest man, most dreadful road, most perplexing account, pleasantest tie, most regretable work, and most unprofitable gift . . . : :
The three kinds of man
The spiritual armour and weapons “requisite for attaining to heaven and escaping from hell . . .
The arrangement of the sky and earth, flow of the water, and resting-place of the clouds; where the winter demon is most predominant, and the most undisturbed country . . . . .
How Aharman deceives, whence i is “his pleasure, where he has a foundation, whom he haunts, and whence is his food , . . . ' ’
Aharman considers no injury complete, unless he seizes the soul . ‘ : . : ’ :
What is better than ‘all wealth, predominant over everything, and from which no one can escape . .
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69 yo jo 71 73
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p. 46
p. 79
81 82
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p. 84
87 88
p. 89
CONTENTS.
X CHAP, > , AGE 48. The dwelling of the understanding, intellect, seed, and wisdom in the body . : . ‘ . 89 49. The duties.and motions of the stars, “Tistar, Vanand, Hapték-ring, ‘the twelve signs of the zodiac, and the rest, the sun and the moon . - go go. The opulent person who is fortunate, and the reverse 93 51. Why a bad man sometimes succeeds, and a good one fails 93 §2. How the ceremonies and religion should be considered, and what is requisite for the renunciation of sin}. 94 53. How the homage and glorifying of the sacred beings are to be performed . . 95. 54. Why an ignorant man will not learn 96 55. Why an ill-natured man is no friend of the good, n nor an untalented man of the talented . 97 56. The uses of mountains andrivers. . . 98 57. The many advantages and uses of wisdom, - 98 58. Though an ignorant king is esteemed by man, a wise poor "man is more esteemed by the angels . 105 59. The vices of the four classes—priests, warriors, husbandmen, and artizans . . 105 60. The man most conversant with good and evil 106 61. The chiefs of men, women, horses, flying creatures, oxen, wild animals, and grains . . 107 62. Regarding Kangdez, the enclosure formed by Yim, the body of Sahm, the abode of Srésh, the three-legged ass, the Hém tree, Gépaitéshah, the Kar Ash, the griffon bird, and Xinadmrés . . . 108 63. The best good work, which requires no trouble 113 SIKAND-GOMANIK VieAR . «wl, 11g 1. Introducing the subject and the author . . 117 2. Why Aharman advanced towards the light though of a a _ different nature 122 3. Why Adharmazd did not use his omnipotence to repel Aharman .- 124 4. How the stars came to be distributors ‘both of the good produced by Aftharmaszd, and of the evil produced by Aharman . . . . . 127 5. Proof of the existence of a creator derived from the evident design in the creation . 139
CONTENTS.
xi
“6. 7
8. 9.
10.
If,
53.
14.
15.
16.
ow ATP WH
°
10.
Ii. Te.
Further proofs of a similar description .
Proof of the existence of an injurer from the provision made against him . .
Proof of the existence of a creator derived from the evident design in the creation . 139
CONTENTS.
xi
“6. 7
8. 9.
10.
If,
53.
14.
15.
16.
ow ATP WH
°
10.
Ii. Te.
Further proofs of a similar description .
Proof of the existence of an injurer from the provision made against him . .
Proofs of the same from the existence of evil .
Proof of the existence of the opponent before the creation, and of his appearance afterwards. .
Those who believe in the unity of creation, also believe i in a corrupting influence which is really another being .
The inconsistency of those who trace both good and evil to a sacred being whose attributes are incompatible with the latter; with references to various scriptures .
Other inconsistencies in the assertions of various sects regarding the sacred being .
Criticism of the Jewish account of the creation of the universe and the fall-of man, as given in the Old Testament
Other statements of the Old Testament and Jewish tradition, regarding the sacred being, that are inconsistent with his attributes.
Criticism of many statements of the Christian scriptures, showing their inconsistency, and that some of them also admit the existence of a separate originator of evil . Criticism of some of the doctrines of the Manichaeans .
Sap Dar
Introduction
. Necessity of unwavering faith i in the religion .
. Sin not to be committed .
. Advantage of perseverance in industry .
- No one should despair of the mercy of H6rmazd . . Advantage of Navaziid and Géti-kharid
The six indispensable good works
. Why. we should recite certain formulas after sneezing . Why high-priests must be obeyed . .
The sin of unnatural intercourse to be punished, by any one, by death on the spot .
Reasons for wearing the sacred thread-girdle and tying it with four knots . .
Why a household fire should be properly maintained
Why the clothing of a corpse should be scanty and old, . though many people must follow the bier.
p. 146
150 152 162
p. 166
p. 173
p. 202
p. 208
p. 221
229 243
p. 253
255 257 258 259 260 262 264 265 266
p. 267
268 270
p. 242
xii
CONTENTS.
CHAP.
13.
14. 15. 16.
17. 18,
19. 20. 21, 22. 23. 24. 25. 26.
24,
28, 29. 30. 31. 32. 33-
34.
35+ 36. 37. 38.
39:
40. 41. 42,
43. 44.
p. 146
150 152 162
p. 166
p. 173
p. 202
p. 208
p. 221
229 243
p. 253
255 257 258 259 260 262 264 265 266
p. 267
268 270
p. 242
xii
CONTENTS.
CHAP.
13.
14. 15. 16.
17. 18,
19. 20. 21, 22. 23. 24. 25. 26.
24,
28, 29. 30. 31. 32. 33-
34.
35+ 36. 37. 38.
39:
40. 41. 42,
43. 44.
Why ceremonies in honour of the souls of the departed should be properly celebrated . . Lo How nail-parings should be treated, and why . How we should salute anything agreeable, and why A pregnant woman and new-born infant require the protection ofa fire or burning lamp, with other precautions Why a toothpick must be cut free from bark ‘ People should marry early, to benefit by children’s good works; anda childless man must have an adopted son Advantage of attending to agriculture . oo. . Advantage of feeding the worthy . . . How grace must be said before and after eating, and why Advantage of performing Gadangét . ‘ Tethered animals must be restrained . . . Why and how Hém-juice must be given to anew-born child Why promises must not be broken. ‘ . Every man of fifteen years must select a patron spirit and a priestly guide whom he must obey . When it is doubtful whether an action be right or wrong a high-priest must be consulted ‘ Why the Avesta must be properly learnt and remembered Why liberality must extend only to the worthy . . Water must not be poured away, or drunk, in the dark . Dogs must be fed and well-treated . ‘ . Why a hen or cock must not be killed for crowing
Why search must be made where a corpse + is supposed ° to be buried . : . : Animals must not be often killed, ‘and some never; also certain parts should be consecrated . . Prayers to be used when washing the face . . . Necessity of the Bareshnfim for both men and women . Why the ten days of the guardian spirits must be celebrated We must not drink from the same cup as those of a different religion, until it is purified . . . The sacred fire and its attendant must be properly maintained (see Chap. 92) . . : . . Parents and priests must be obeyed and not vexed The care and prayers necessary for menstruous women . Why slander and seduction, sins producing accusers, are specially injurious. ‘ : . . Noxious creatures must be killed, especially five kinds . Walking barefoot is a sin, and why. : .
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273 275 276
277 278
278 281 282 282 285 286 286 284
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290 290 291 292 292 293
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295 296 296 298
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301 301 302
395 306
p. 307
CONTENTS.
xiii
CHAP.
45- 46, 47.
48.
49. 50. 5I. 52.
53+
54.
How repentance must be accomplished for every sin.
The proper age for tying on the sacred thread-girdle
Ceremonies must be celebrated after the death of a child of seven, to liberate its soul from those of its parents.
A cooking-pot must not be more than two-thirds full, for fear of boiling over . . . :
A fire must be cold before the ashes are removed .
How the morning ablutions must be performed
Why it is necessary to send a child to school
A cooking-pot must not be more than two-thirds full, for fear of boiling over . . . :
A fire must be cold before the ashes are removed .
How the morning ablutions must be performed
Why it is necessary to send a child to school
Why a sacred cake must be consecrated every year on the day Khurdad of the month Fravardin .
Any one travelling twelve leagues must have a sacred cake consecrated before he goes and every Bahiram day during his absence
If a man’s serving wife has a son, he may adopt it it; but if only a daughter, he must adopt a relation’s son
. When a sacred cake cannot be consecrated at a Navaz(d, bread must be eaten with the Hérmazd vag
. Precautions and prayers necessary when evacuating water . A hedgehog must not be injured, and why
. Advantages of a ceremony for the living soul . . The only Ny4yis for women is obedience to their husbands . Steadfastness in the religion leads to heaven, and helping others to be steadfast is the best good work
. Evils of falsehood .
. Advantages of truth in word and action
. Regarding the sin of adultery . .
. Penalties for theft with and without violence .
. Duties of thanksgiving and doing good : . All women must have the Dvazdah- hémast célebrated . . Why women must abstain from adultery
. Precautions to be taken by menstruous wonien
. Allowing the sun to shine on a fire, even through holes, is is sinful
. Precautions to be observed it in carrying the dead
. Punishment for eating dead matter as medicine
. Bringing dead matter to water or fire is a deadly sin
. Any cow, goat, or fowl that eats dead matter is impure, and its produce cannot be used, for a year '
» Morning ablutions . Cultivators must be careful that irrigation water i is not defiled with dead matter .
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308 399
p. 310
gir gir 3i2
p. 313
p. 314
p. 315
316 317 318 318 320
321 322 323 324 526 328 330° 331 33?
334 335 336 336
337 337
p. 338
e
Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Translations of the Sacred Books of the East xiv CONTENTS.
CHAP. PAGE
46. Period of purification after childbirth . . 339
447. Purification. and precautions after still-birth . ‘ 340
78. Why meat must not be eaten for three days after a death
CHAP. PAGE
46. Period of purification after childbirth . . 339
447. Purification. and precautions after still-birth . ‘ 340
78. Why meat must not be eaten for three days after a death
in the house . . . . . . . . 341
49. Advantages of liberality - 342
80. Different values of Ashem-vohfi on different occasions. 343
81. Hérmazd admonishes Zaratust not to postpone to-day’s duties and good works till to-morrow . 344
82. The sacred thread-girdle must be re-tied when dressing, before moving from the spot . 347 83.. Proper fasting is from sin, not from food 348
84. Prayers before sleeping and when restless . 348
85. Advice must always be asked of the wise and relations . 349
86. Beavers must not be killed. 350
84. Ceremonies to be celebrated after a death 360
88. Polluted wood must not be used or burnt 353
89. Any one eating dead matter, or polluting another with it, _ must be purified 353 go. Nothing is to be given to a sinner 384
91. How to purify articles of various materials when polated by dead matter 364
92. The sacred fire must be properly maintained, and an attendant provided (see Chap. 39) 355
93. Slander a sin, and how to atone for it 356
94. Benefits must be reciprocated . . 367
95. The merit of performing the NyAyises and the sin of neg-
; lecting them . . . 357
96. Mourning for the dead is improper . . - 358
97. Priests’ instructions must be treated with respect . 369
98. Priests must teach the Avesta to laymen correctly 359
99. Pahlavi must be taught to priests only . 360
too. Any one molesting a harmless person in this world will be delayed on his way to the other world . . 361 INDEX . 363
p. 373
INTRODUCTION.
1. THe DinA-t Matnédc-i Kurrap.
THE Pahlavi phrase Dina-t Matnédg-f Khirad, ‘ Opinions of the Spirit of Wisdom,’ is a name applied to sixty-two enquiries, or series of enquiries, on subjects connected with the religion of the Mazda-worshippers, made by an anonymous wise man and answered by the Spirit of Wisdom. But, as this name is only found prefixed to a manuscript, written in A.D. 1569, in which the first part of the work is missing’, it is doubtful whether it be thé original name of the book, or not, although it is very suitable to the general character of the work.
But, as this name is only found prefixed to a manuscript, written in A.D. 1569, in which the first part of the work is missing’, it is doubtful whether it be thé original name of the book, or not, although it is very suitable to the general character of the work.
Regarding the reading of this name, here adopted, it must * be observed that the correct pronunciation of the Pahlavi word maindg, ‘spirit,’ is uncertain; the traditional reading is madénad, which is a possible pronunciation of its letters, but is otherwise inexplicable; Haug proposed to read mainivad or minavad, but, in that case, the word ought to end with d=t, or with nd; some of the present Dastirs read mindé, but this would be written min6ék in Pahlavi; the Pazand writers have mainy 4, but this is evidently an imitation of Av. mainyavé, and does not correspond with the Pahlavi letters. As the word is mand or miné6 in the Sasanian inscriptions, and min in Persian, to which words a final k would be added in Pahlavi, it seems probable that the final letter of the Pahlavi word is not d or 6, but g, a corruption of k, and that we ought to read minédg or mainég. At the same time it should be noticed that a very old copy of the Pahlavi Farhang, in the library of Dastir JamAspji Minochiharji in Bombay, has the word written with an extra medial stroke, so that it might be
1 See p. 3, note 1.
xvi PAHLAVI TEXTS.
read minavand, as required by Haug’s hypothesis, although this copy of the Farhang gives madonezd as the traditional reading.
The subjects discussed by the Spirit of Wisdom are of a very miscellaneous character, and their discussion is evidently intended to furnish an outline of the tenets, legends, and morality of the religion with which they deal; but it forms by no means a complete, or systematic, treatise on these subjects, and it is remarkably silent with regard to all details of religious rites and ceremonies, which are only occasionally mentioned. This silence may, perhaps, be due to the fact that the author was a layman, as seems clear from the account he gives of his doubts and enquiries in Chap. I, 14-56. Any incompleteness of the treatise may also be explained by the apparent loss of the latter end of the work, as the sixty-second reply (Chap. LXIII) terminates the extant text of the treatise abruptly, and without any trace of peroration.
By the Spirit of Wisdom the author means the innate wisdom of Atharmazd (Chap. LVII, 4), the Asna khratu of Yas. XXII, 29, XXV, 18, through which the spiritual and worldly creations were produced (Chaps. I, 49, 51, LVII, 5). It was originally created by AQhaymazd (Chap. VIII, 3, 8), and is superior to the archangels (Chap. I, 53); it can appear in a personal form, and undertake to be an instructor (Chap. I, 57, 60, 61); and it can likewise be used as a defence (Chap. XLIII, 6).
I, 49, 51, LVII, 5). It was originally created by AQhaymazd (Chap. VIII, 3, 8), and is superior to the archangels (Chap. I, 53); it can appear in a personal form, and undertake to be an instructor (Chap. I, 57, 60, 61); and it can likewise be used as a defence (Chap. XLIII, 6).
With regard to the author of this treatise, and the age in which he lived, we have no further information than can be gathered from the contents of the book itself. The author was evidently a devoted Mazda-worshipper, and probably a layman, as has been already remarked, but he has given us no further hints about himself. Whether he wrote before or after the Arab conquest of Persia is doubtful. There are only two passages that might be strained into allusions to Muhammadanism: one in Chap. I, 18, which alludes to some heterodox religion injuring the property of the orthodox faith, but the author has just been talking of many sects, and the grievance here mentioned is much too
INTRODUCTION. XVvii
X common to be considered as applicable only to the Arabs ; the other passage is Chap. XVI, 37-48, which describes the advantages of ‘the moderate drinking of wine, and might be supposed to be written in indirect opposition to the Muhammadan prohibition of such indulgence. In either case the allusion is certainly far too obscure to form a fair basis for argument. On the other hand, Chap. XIII, 13, 14, speaks of the sovereignty of Vistasp existing in connection with the most powerful sect or form of devotion, which statement might be strained to imply that the government was still orthodox; and the definitions of good and bad government in Chap. XV, 12-39 could hardly have been written after the Arab conquest. The allusion to the continued conflict of the Ardmans and Tardnians with the Iranians, in Chap. XXI, 23-26, may possibly refer to some troublesome wars carried on by the Greeks and Turks against the Persians in the time of the author, and the late Dr. A. D. Mordtmann has suggested A.D. 580-590 as a probable period for such remarks, but, here again, the allusion is too obscure to be relied on.
A. D. Mordtmann has suggested A.D. 580-590 as a probable period for such remarks, but, here again, the allusion is too obscure to be relied on.
Very few of the author’s quotations can be identified, but this is no argument for a greater age than eight or ten centuries, as we know, from passages quoted in the Shayast La-sh4yast, Dadistan-t Dinik, and other works, that some of the lost Nasks must have been still extant as recently as that. The Avesta is quoted only twice by name, in Chaps. I, 27, XVI, 15; the former ‘passage has not been identified, but the latter may perhaps be from the Pazag Nask. Several quotations, however, are made from the diné or ‘revelation,’ a term which, when it refers to writings, is often applied by Pahlavi writers to the Avesta only. Of these passages Chap. XLIV, 18-23 is from the Vendidad, Chap. XXI, 24-26 may be from the Kidrast Nask, and six other quotations have not been identified. In other cases the quotations are merely prefaced by the phrase ‘zt zs declared.’ And of these the passage in Chap. LVII, 24-28 appears to be derived from the Vendidad, and that in Chap. TI, 155, 156 from the so-called Hadékht Nask, while eight other passages are unidentified. In this last class the quota-
[24] b
XVili PAHLAVI TEXTS.
tions seem to be rather paraphrases than accurate translations of the original texts.
Of the original Pahlavi text of the Din4-t Mainég-i Khirad only two manuscripts are yet known to exist; one of these (K43) is contained in No. 43 of the Iranian manuscripts in the University Library at Kopenhagen, and the other (TD2) belongs to Mr. Tehmuras Dinshawji Anklesaria of Bombay.
The manuscript K43 is a small quarto volume of 178 folios, of which the Din4 occupies fols. 2-37, written fifteen lines to the page. The first and second folios also contain the conclusion of the larger Bundahis, of which the first 129 folios are missing from this codex, as described in SBE, vol. v, introd. pp. xxxix—-xli. And the latter part of the codex contains about one-fifth of the Dinkard, in several detached fragments, and four-fifths of the Bahman Yast. This manuscript was brought from Persia by the late Professor Westergaard in 18431, and the Pahlavi text of the Din4, which it contains, was published in facsimile by Andreas in 18827.
This manuscript was brought from Persia by the late Professor Westergaard in 18431, and the Pahlavi text of the Din4, which it contains, was published in facsimile by Andreas in 18827.
In this codex the text of the Dina-i Mainég-? Khirad begins in the middle of Chap. I, 28; but, as the copyist has prefixed an introductory heading to this imperfect text; it is evident that he, or some predecessor of his, must have copied the work, in this imperfect state, from some manuscript whose first folio had been lost. Besides this deficiency, ten folios of the text have-been lost from this particular codex; nine of these were occupied by Chaps. XIV, 1- XXVII, 49, and the tenth contained Chaps. XXXIX, 31- XL, 17. At the end of the work, Chap. LXIII is followed by a colophon to the following effect :—‘ Completed in peace and pleasure and joy on the day Shatvair6é of the month Avan of the year 938 of Yasdakard, king of kings, [26th May 1569]. I, Mitvé-Apan Anéshak-riban Rdstam Shatré-iyar, wrote z¢ for my own possession. From the copy
1 See Zend-Avesta, or the Religious Books of the Zoroastrians, edited by N. L. Westergaard (Kopenhagen, 1852-54), vol. i, introd. p. 8, note 3.
2 The Book of the Mainyé-i-Khard, also an old fragment of the Bundehesh, edited by F. C. Andreas (Kiel, 1882).
INTRODUCTION. xix
of Dastir Gadman-pirig Aspendiy4r Gadman-pirdg, and that from the copy of DastOr Shatrvé-aiyy4r Végan Khfisréishah, and that, as regards these several sayings, was written from the copy of the heavenly-destined Mah-vind4ad Naremahan with the righteous soul, and comes unto us from the realm of the Hindfis. May even our writing be in accordance with the will of the sacred beings.’ In addition to the date, the chief matter of interest in this colophon is its acknowledgment of the fact that the work had come from India, where the original Pahlavi text appears to have since become extinct. We have, therefore, in this text, merely so much of the work as had reached India, on which the Pazand- Sanskrit version of Néryésang, described below, was undoubtedly based ; and the possibility of hereafter finding the latter part of the work in Persia should not be overlooked. It is, however, upon the text contained in K43, so far as it is preserved, that the translation of the Dina-i Mainég-i Khirad in this volume is founded.
Of the other Pahlavi manuscript, TD2, nothing further is known to the translator than a copy of the passages corresponding to those contained in the ten folios lost from K43, upon which copy the translation of those passages has been based.
Of the other Pahlavi manuscript, TD2, nothing further is known to the translator than a copy of the passages corresponding to those contained in the ten folios lost from K43, upon which copy the translation of those passages has been based.
Besides these manuscripts of the original Pahlavi text, there exist other copies, in which the text has been merely reproduced from the Pazand version described below; and, of these copies, K22 (No. 22 in the University Library at Kopenhagen) may be cited as a typical example. This manuscript is a large octavo volume of 56 folios of glazed Indian paper, probably about a century old, but without a date. The first 48 folios contain a corrupt Pahlavi text of the Din4-i Mainég-i Khirad, alternating with the usual Sanskrit version described below, written nineteen lines to the page, and extending as far as Chap. XXVII, 41. The corruptions in the text consist of misuse of Huzvaris equivalents, and errors in orthography which no old writer of Pahlavi would be likely to commit, such as writing ko/avist for harvist, nafsmanidartk for khvésinitd4rih, bara- | gam4n foravigdm4n, hamé for hamai,avas forafbas, b 2
XX PAHLAVI TEXTS.
14 and ma for aZ, denman instead of hana for Paz. e, the constant use of the adjective suffix -ik for the abstract suffix -th, and the frequent omission of the final k in such words as danak, avistak. It can be seen at once, by any one really acquainted with Pahlavi, that a text of this description is merely a modern transliteration of the Pazand version by some one whose knowledge of Pahlavi was rather limited and artificial.
It can be seen at once, by any one really acquainted with Pahlavi, that a text of this description is merely a modern transliteration of the Pazand version by some one whose knowledge of Pahlavi was rather limited and artificial.
Most of the Indian manuscripts of this work contain only the Pazand version written in short sentences, alternating with a word-for-word Sanskrit translation of each sentence; the Sanskrit being written upside down, for the sake of _ forming a continuous line with the reversely-written Avesta characters of the Pazand. This Pazand-Sanskrit version of the Mainyé-i Khard (as it is called in Pazand) was compiled by Néryésang, son of Dhaval, a Parsi priest who is supposed to have lived some time in the fifteenth century, and evidently possessed a very good knowledge of Pahlavi, though not sufficient to avoid some few mistakes, especially in reading foreign names. His authorship is attested by a Sanskrit introduction, prefixed to most manuscripts of this version, to the following effect :—‘ Through the name and almighty power and assistance of the lord Ahura-mazda, the greatly wise, may the achievement be auspicious, and be the progress and success of the good Mazda-worshipping religion, and energy in body and long life for all the good and right-minded. This Pahlavi heavenly wisdom, called the Mainy6-i Khard, is translated by me, Nérydésang son of Dhaval, from the Pahlavi language into the Sanskrit language, and written from the difficult Parsi letters! with the Avesta letters, for the joyful understanding of the good listeners to instruction, the true-minded. Salutation to the good, the pure-thinking, the true-speaking, the just-acting.’
Of this P4zand-Sanskrit version the oldest manuscript that has been examined is L19, No. 19 of the Avesta and Pahlavi manuscripts in the India Office Library in London, one of the manuscripts brought from India by Dr. Samuel
1 That is, from the ambiguous Pahlavi characters, used in all Persian writings before the Arab conquest.
INTRODUCTION. XX1
19 of the Avesta and Pahlavi manuscripts in the India Office Library in London, one of the manuscripts brought from India by Dr. Samuel
1 That is, from the ambiguous Pahlavi characters, used in all Persian writings before the Arab conquest.
INTRODUCTION. XX1
Guise who was head surgeon of the general hospital at Surat from 1788 to 1795, and obtained several manuscripts from the widow of Dastir D&rabji, the instructor of Anquetil Duperron. It is a small octavo volume, containing 148 folios of old Indian paper, of which the first 132 are occupied by the Pazand-Sanskrit Mainy6-i Khard, written fifteen lines to the page. At the beginning of the text the folio containing Nérydsang’s Sanskrit introduction (described above) has been lost, but the text itself is complete. At the end of the work is a Pazand-Sanskrit postscript which may be reasonably attributed to Néryésang himself, and can be translated as follows :—‘ Completed for the peace and pleasure, happiness and dominion of all the good who are virtuous. To him for whom 7¢ és written may it be well-resulting and well-omened, and, after a hundred and fifty years, may he be a transmitter of z¢ to his own religious children’s children, through the will of the sacred beings. Of whomsoever the best ability is not wisdom, that best ability of his is even then owing to it. Wisdom which is without learning is poor, and learning which is without wisdom is helpless.’ After this postscript a Pahlavi colophon has been copied from some older manuscript to the following effect :—‘ Completed in peace, pleasure, and joy, and ended; written by me, a servant of the religion, the priest Shatr6aiyy4r, contemporary (?) of Néryésang.’ And this is followed by a colophon in very corrupt Sanskrit, which states that this manuscript was completed, in the district of Nagamavdala'!, at a date corresponding to Friday, the 19th October 1520, by the teacher Mihrv4n, son of Mahy4r and grandson of Padama, for the priest Bahram, son of Palhan. This manuscript of the Pazand text is, therefore, nearly 49 years older than that of the original Pahlavi text (K43) upon which the present translation is based. It corresponds very closely with that Pahlavi text, and where it differs the variation is nearly always due to some mistake, or attempt at improvement, on the part of Néryésang. It must, however, be acknowledged that very few translators adhere so xxii PAHLAVI TEXTS.
1 Probably an old name of Nausari.
closely to their original texts as this learned Parsi priest has done to his.
It must, however, be acknowledged that very few translators adhere so
1 Probably an old name of Nausari.
xxii PAHLAVI TEXTS.
closely to their original texts as this learned Parsi priest has done to his.
Other manuscripts of the Pazand-Sanskrit version are PAio and PB6. The former is No. 10 of the Anquetil Collection in the National Library at Paris, and was brought from Surat by Anquetil Duperron in 1761. It is an octavo volume, in which the Mainy6-i Khard occupies the first 211 folios, and commences with Néryésang’s Sanskrit introduction, translated above, but does not contain the postscript. The date of its colophon appears to correspond to the 7th December 1649, new style. The latter manuscript, PB6, is No. 6 of the Burnouf Collection in the same library, and is probably about a century old.
The Pazand version also occurs alternating with a Gugarati translation in K23, No. 23 of the Iranian manuscripts in the University Library at Kopenhagen. It is an octavo volume of 168 folios of glazed Indian paper, of which the first 162 contain the P4zand-Gugardati text, written fifteen lines to the page, and the remaining six folios contain an index stating the contents of each chapter. A colophon, at the end ofthe text, has a date corresponding to the 25th August 1663, new style; and another, at the end of the index, states that the manuscript was written by the priest Yazad-y4r, son of Vikaji, of Sangan, and finished at a date corresponding to the 17th October of the same year.
In another class of Pazand manuscripts of the Mainyé-i Khard the Pazand text is written in the Perso-Arabic character, and accompanied by a Persian translation, forming what may be conveniently termed a PaArsi-Persian version. One example of this version is contained in MH7, No. 7 of the Haug Collection in the State Library at Munich, of which it occupies the first 70 folios, written fifteen lines to the page. Most of the Persian translation is written in sentences alternating with those of the Pars? text, in which case the translation is merely a paraphrase of the Parsi; but some of the translation is interlined, and this is much more literal, each Parsi word having its Persian equivalent written below it. This manuscript contains several other texts, and from two colophons, one near the middle, and the other near
INTRODUCTION. XXiii
the end of the volume, it appears that it was written by Darash4h, son of Mihrb4nji, and the first half of the volume was completed at a date corresponding to Wednesday the 9th August 1809.
XXiii
the end of the volume, it appears that it was written by Darash4h, son of Mihrb4nji, and the first half of the volume was completed at a date corresponding to Wednesday the 9th August 1809.
Another example of the Parsi-Persian version is found in No. 2769 of the Persian manuscripts in the India Office Library in London, in which manuscript it occupies 75 folios, written eleven lines to the page, and is not dated, though probably written early this century. In this copy the Parsi text is tolerably complete, but long passages of the Persian translation are omitted ; when given, the Persian is usually identical with that in MH7, though some instances of independent translation occur.
In addition to the Pahlavi, Pazand, Sanskrit, Gugarati, Parsi, and Persian texts of the prose Dina-i Mainég-i Khirad, the popularity of the work is further evinced by the existence of two versions in Persian verse. One of these was described by Professor Sachau in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, new series, vol. iv, pp. 229-283, from a manuscript in the library of that Society in London, written probably near the end of last century. The author of this metrical Persian paraphrase appears to have been a native of Ravar in Sindh, named Marzuban, who composed it from a Parsi version of the original text, bequeathed to him by his teacher while he was studying the old traditions at Yazd; and the date of his composition seems to have been A.D. 1612. His verses contain only fifty-four questions and answers, but these contain the substance of the greater part of the Minékhirad, as the work is called in Persian, with some few additions from other sources.
A copy of the other metrical Persian Minékhirad occupied fols. 527-550 in the second volume of B29, a two-volume quarto Rivayat, No. 29 in the Bombay University Library. It is doubtful whether the original number of folios were twenty-four or twenty-six, but only twenty-two now remain. These contain 497 couplets of introductory matter, 1060 representing the text of the work, and 190 of epilogue; and from 160 to 330 further couplets of the text are missing. According to statements in the introduction and
XXIV PAHLAVI TEXTS.
These contain 497 couplets of introductory matter, 1060 representing the text of the work, and 190 of epilogue; and from 160 to 330 further couplets of the text are missing. According to statements in the introduction and
XXIV PAHLAVI TEXTS.
epilogue the verses appear to have been composed, from Néryésang’s Pazand-Sanskrit text, by the priest Hormazyar and his son Déardab, the latter being the actual writer, and the former being a son of Faramruz!, son of Qavamu-ddin, son of Kai-Qubéd, son of Ham#arapadam! of Sangan, of the family of the priest Néryésang Dhaval. The work was commenced on the 7th November 1676, new style, and completed in thirty-five days; and the copy in Bag was finished on the 21st November 1679, new style. The order of the subjects discussed in this metrical version differs, in some respects, from that followed in the prose texts, and the 1060 couplets of extant text represent only forty chapters of the work, though several of the others were, no doubt, represented in the missing couplets. Another copy of this later metrical version appears to exist in pp. 231-248 of No. 12 of Anquetil’s Collection in the National Library at Paris.
Of the Pazand text of the Mainyé-i Khard, Chaps. LVII, XXVII, LXII, I, 51-61, VII, 9-12 have been published, with German translations, by Professor Spiegel, in his ‘Grammatik der parsi Sprache,’ pp. 128-155, 161-173, 185, 186, 188, 189. He has also published German translations of Chaps, II, 110-193, VIII, XX XVII, XLII in his ‘ Traditionelle Literatur der Parsen, pp. 138-144, 147-150. And the complete Pazand-Sanskrit texts, with an English translation, Pazand glossary and grammar, were published by the present translator in 1871. Since that date the original Pahlavi text of the Dina-i Mainég-i Khirad has been discovered, from which the present translation has been made.
In connection with this account of the various versions of the ‘Opinions of the Spirit of Wisdom,’ it should be noticed that an abridgement of the work also exists in Persian prose, and is called the ‘Other Minékhirad.’ A copy of this abridgement is contained in fols. 71-78 of MH7 (described above), and consists of a very free Persian translation of the Pazand texts of Chaps. I, 14-II, 64, III-VII, XIV, XV,
1 A variation of this pedigree is quoted in p. xlii.
INTRODUCTION. XXV
XXI, XXV, followed by a variety of short statements about thankfulness towards the sacred beings, the supreme heaven, male and female angels and demons, wealth and poverty, &c., and concluding with the names of the first sovereigns of the world, the descent of mankind from Gayémard, and of the 292! species of animals from the primeval ox. Another copy of this abridgement appears to be contained in fols. 80-84 of No. 15 of Anquetil’s Collection in the National Library at Paris.
2. Tue SikaND-GOMANIK VicAR.
species of animals from the primeval ox. Another copy of this abridgement appears to be contained in fols. 80-84 of No. 15 of Anquetil’s Collection in the National Library at Paris.
2. Tue SikaND-GOMANIK VicAR.
The term Sikand-gdmA4nik Vig4r, ‘ doubt-dispelling expla- . nation, is the Pahlavi name applied to a controversial work by its author. The chief object of the work is to prove the correctness of the fundamental doctrine of the Mazda-worshipping religion, that good and evil do not proceed-from the same source, and to show that other religions, while professing to believe in the unity of creation, can only account for the origin of evil, either by degrading the character of the sacred being, or by attributing evil to a corrupting influence which is really a second being. In other words, the author’s object is to show that all people, who believe in an all-good and omnipotent creator, must logically admit the existence of an independent origin of evil, whatever they may say to the contrary. In the course of his arguments, he naturally finds it easier to attack the inconsistencies of other beliefs than to defend his own, and much of his attention is, therefore, given to pointing out apparent inconsistencies and seemingly delusive statements in the scriptures of the Muhammadans, Jews, Christians, and Manichaeans.
The author’s name was MardAn-farukh, son of Atharmazd-dad (Chap. I, 35), and his account of his enquiries (§§ 36, 37) bears much resemblance to what is said of the wise man’s proceedings in Mkh. I, 34-36. He determines to
1 Bd. X, 3, XIV, 13 mention 282 (or 272 in some copies).
XXVI PAHLAVI TEXTS.
write a treatise for removing religious doubt, and -calls it the Sikand-gim4nik Vigar (Chap. I, 38). He is also careful in stating that he has selected many of his facts and arguments from older writings, such as those of Atdr-pAdiyavand?, which he had found in the Dinkard* compiled by Attr-frébag, son of Farukh-z4d. In this statement he must be referring to the first two books of the Dinkard, which have not yet been discovered, as the other seven books, which are extant, do not contain the matters to which he alludes. He also mentions the Réshan manuscript compiled by Réshan3, son of Atdr-frébag, a writer who is often quoted inthe Pahlavi commentaries on the Avesta*. And he begins his religious discussion by replying to some difficulties that had been suggested to him, in a friendly manner, for solution by Mitré-alyyar, son of Mahmad, of Ispahan ®.
And he begins his religious discussion by replying to some difficulties that had been suggested to him, in a friendly manner, for solution by Mitré-alyyar, son of Mahmad, of Ispahan ®.
His allusions to Muhammadanism are of a very guarded character, though sufficiently clear to leave no doubt as to the religion he means. Like all Pahlavi writers, he never mentions that religion by name, but when, in the position of a Zoroastrian in Persia, he states that he did not admire the religion that was then in supremacy®, there can be little doubt that he refers to Muhammadanism. And any such doubt would be dispelled, not only by such vague references to passages in the Qur’an as occur in Chap. XI, 4, 5, 269-271, but also by the distinct quotation ofa striking legend, from the same source, regarding the fallen angel in §$ 52-60, 248 of the same chapter, and by the use of the term Matazalik (Ar. mu’htazil) with reference to a certain sect in § 280.
With regard, therefore, to the age of the Sikand-gim4nik Vigar, we may be quite certain that it was written long after the Arab conquest of Persia; and from the names mentioned by the author, as stated above, it is evident that he lived after the time of Réshan, son of Attr-frébag, son of
1 See Chaps. I, 38, IV, 106, IX, 2, X, 52.
2 See Chaps. IV, 107, IX, 1, 4, X, 57.
* See Chap. X, 53, 54. * See Sls. I, 4n.
® See Chap. II, 1, 2. ® See Chap. X, 45.
INTRODUCTION. XXVii
Farukh-z4d. Now, according toa Pahlavi tale', the accursed Abdlis?, the Zandik, had a religious disputation with Atarfrébag, son of Farukh-z4d, in the presence of the Khalifah Al-Mamin who reigned A.D. 813-833; it is, therefore, hardly possible that Réshan, son of Atdr-frébag, could have written his commentary before the middle of the ninth century. We also know, from the last chapter of the third book of the Dinkard, that At0r-frébag was not the last editor of that work, but was succeeded by his son Zaratist, and, later still, by Atdrp4d, son of Hémid, who appears to have given the book its final revision. Of AtdrpAa’s work the author of the Sikandgdm4nik Vigar does not speak, and it is, therefore, reasonable to suppose that it had not been completed in his time. But, according to Bd. XXXIII, 10, 11, this Atdvp4d was a contemporary of Z4d-sparam who was living in A.D. 8813, and his revision of the Dinkard was, therefore, probably in progress by the end of the ninth century. From these facts we may conclude that the Sikand-gdmanik . Vigar was written after the middle, but before the end, of the ninth century ; unless we were to suppose that, although its author consulted only the first two books of the Dinkard (as mentioned above), the remaining seven books may have existed as a separate work unknown to him. Considering, however, that Atdrpad, son of Hémid, was so important a personage as ‘the leader of those of the good religion ’ of his time, this supposition would not be very probable.
Considering, however, that Atdrpad, son of Hémid, was so important a personage as ‘the leader of those of the good religion ’ of his time, this supposition would not be very probable.
There is probably nothing new to defenders of Christianity in Mardan-farukh’s attacks upon the apparent inconsistencies of their scriptures, with regard to the origin of evil and the existence of unity in trinity, subjects that are more usually admitted without investigation than seriously discussed. This is not, however, the mode in which such subjects are likely to be treated by outsiders, and missionaries will no doubt find among Mardan-farukh’s arguments many that they must become accustomed to hear from educated
1 A copy of which is contained in the very old codex No. 20 in the University Library at Kopenhagen, fols. 148-152.
2 The reading of this name is uncertain, but this is the Pazand form.
3 See Ep. III, 2, 17, 21.
XXVIII PAHLAVI TEXTS.
men of other faiths. And, if they engage in controversy, as they ought to do, they must expect to hear them stated in less considerate language than this author uses.
An interesting question, for any one who possesses special information on the subject, would be to ascertain from what version of the Old and New Testaments Mardan-farukh drew his quotations. There seems every probability that his translation of the passages, though it may not be altogether literal, is yet sufficiently so to admit of the particular version being identified, if its peculiarities of wording were carefully considered. The peculiar Pahlavi spelling of the name Isaac in Chap. XIV, 42, as deduced from its corruption in Pazand, points to a Syriac version of one of the legendary works consulted by the author.
In his discussion of the tenets of the Manichaeans Mardinfarukh is dealing with a subject that is far less known than the other faiths he attacks, and the information he gives may be valuable. Unfortunately the latter part of this discussion is missing, although the loss of text is probably not very extensive.
Unfortunately the latter part of this discussion is missing, although the loss of text is probably not very extensive.
The original Pahlavi text of the Sikand-gdm4nik Vigdar has not yet been discovered, although there are several existing copies of a Pahlavi version of the earlier part of the work, which are evidently reproductions from the Pazand text. These pseudo-Pahlavi manuscripts usually end with the fifth chapter, and are certainly superior to the similiar reproductions of the Din4-i Mainég-i Khirad, represented by K22 (see p. xix). Yet they generally use the adjective suffix -ik for the abstract suffix -ih, because both these suffixes become -i in Pazand ; they often have kabed, ‘much,’ for afas, ‘and by him,’ when the P4zand has vas by mistake for vas; they also substitute the Pazand misreading ain4 for the true Pahlavi adinas; besides adopting other occasional miswritings for which the P4zand version alone is responsible. Such manuscripts could be of no critical value, unless they had descended from some family of Pazand manuscripts which had left no surviving representatives in Pazand, and this does not appear to be the case.
A specimen of these Pahlavi reproductions is contained
UNIVE body Cy se peti in the last 36 folios of L15, No. 15 of the and Pahlavi manuscripts in the India Office Library in London. It commences with the words ‘all the angels’ in Chap. I, 4, and ends with Chap. V, 71; the handwriting being the same as that in L26, a manuscript that contains a date corresponding to A.D. 1737.
In fols. 9-16 of BM. No. 22,378 of the Additional Oriental manuscripts in the British Museum Library, there is a modern fragment of this reproduced Pahlavi text, interlined with a transliteration in the Persian character, and alternating with a Persian paraphrase. This fragment contains only Chap. I, 1-31.
The reproduced Pahlavi text also occurs, in parallel columns with the usual Pazand and Sanskrit versions and a Persian paraphrase, in R, an imperfect polyglot manuscript given to the late Mr. J. Romer by a Dast@r in Surat. Of this foolscap-folio manuscript Mr. Romer sent pp. 16-31 (with the first fifteen pages of a Pahlavi-Persian Bundahis) to the late Professor M. J. Miiller, through Mr. Poley; he also sent pp. 32-63, 82-93 to the late Professor H. H. Wilson on 3rd December 1836, who afterwards transferred them to Professor Max Miiller; and he gave pp. 64-81, 99-143 to the late Mr. Norris. The first of these fragments, together with that of the Bundahis now constitute No. 10 of the Miiller Collection in the State Library at Munich; the next two fragments were presented to the India Office Library, and the two last mentioned were acquired by it, in 1876. It is most probable that the first fifteen pages of this polyglot manuscript were not given to Mr.
10 of the Miiller Collection in the State Library at Munich; the next two fragments were presented to the India Office Library, and the two last mentioned were acquired by it, in 1876. It is most probable that the first fifteen pages of this polyglot manuscript were not given to Mr.
«omer, but the first fifteen pages of the Bundahis were substituted for them. The portion extant (pp. 16-143) contains all four versions of Chaps. I, 28-V, 57, with the Sanskrit and Persian versions of Chap. I, 25-27, and the Pahlavi and Pazand versions of Chap. V, 58-62; and the latter two versions are everywhere interlined with a transliteration in Persian characters. This manuscript is modern and of no particular critical value; but, as the combination of the four versions is rare, if not unique, it would be very desirable to discover the rest of the manuscript.
INTRODUCTION.
XXX PAHLAVI TEXTS.
In another manuscript, No. 18 of the Anquetil Collection in the National Library at Paris, the reproduced Pahlavi text has the usual Pazand version written above it. This manuscript, which is in the form of a roll, begins at the same point as L15 (see p. xxix) and ends with Chap. V, 95, which is said to be the usual extent of other manuscripts of this class in India. A copy of this manuscript is No. 23 of the Miller Collection in the State Library at Munich.
An extension of the same reproduced Pahlavi text, with the P4zand version written above it, and alternating with the Sanskrit version, is contained in K28, No. 28 of the Ir4nian manuscripts in the University Library at Kopenhagen. It is an imperfect octavo manuscript, of which only 66 folios remain, written eleven lines to the page, and, in its present state, it is undated, but seems to be fully 150 years old. The portions of the text that it still contains are only Chaps. I, 1-II, 8; III, 1-25; III, 36-IV, 106; VIII, 103- IX, 16; IX, 30-X, 13; X, 71-XI, 28; XI, 55-61; so that more than half the text that ought to be included within its extreme limits is missing ; but its original extent, within the same limits, was more than double the usual length of the reproduced Pahlavi text, as stated above. In this particular, of unusual length, only one other manuscript of that text seems to be known in India that resembles it, in addition to the imperfect copy next described. K28 contains Néryésang’s usual Sanskrit introduction (see p. xxxiii), and differs from the oldest Pazand manuscript AK in only two or three instances, and these variations can be explained as corrections made on the authority of the Sanskrit version.
K28 contains Néryésang’s usual Sanskrit introduction (see p. xxxiii), and differs from the oldest Pazand manuscript AK in only two or three instances, and these variations can be explained as corrections made on the authority of the Sanskrit version.
An imperfect and modern copy of the Pahlavi-Pazand- Sanskrit texts is also contained in twenty-two folios prefixed to AK (described below). This copy commences with Néryésang’s Sanskrit introduction, and includes only Chaps. I, 1-IV, 100 and X, 71-XI, 47. Its writer has intended to give the three versions in successive sentences, but, after Chap. I, 23, the Pazand and Sanskrit sentences are less and less frequently written, till they cease altogether after I, 43, with the exception of one or two isolated sections. In
INTRODUCTION. XXxI
several cases he has also substituted the correct abstract suffix -th for the usual incorrect -ik, but this correction is generally confined to abstract nouns in common use.
As none of these Pahlavi manuscripts can be considered otherwise than as reproductions from the P4zand, it is to the Pazand-Sanskrit version of Nérydsang that we must still look for the nearest approach to the original text of the work. It is in this version, too, that we find the greatest extent of text still extant, although the Sikand-gim4nik Vigar seems to possess the peculiarity of wearying out all its copyists at some point or other, so that not only is there no complete copy of the work known, but also nearly every copyist has stopped his work at a different place.
The oldest known manuscript of the PA4zand-Sanskrit version belongs to Dastir Héshangji Jam4spji of Poona, and is called AK, because it is supposed to have been written by Asadin, son of Kaka. In its present state this manuscript consists of seventy-seven small quarto folios of very old, discoloured, Indian paper, written sixteen lines to the page, and containing the Pazand version in short sentences, alternating with a word-for-word Sanskrit translation of each sentence; the Sanskrit being written upside down, for the sake of forming a continuous line with the reversely-written Avesta characters of the Pazand. From other manuscripts it is known that this Pazand-Sanskrit version was compiled by Néryésang, son of Dhaval, but in this manuscript his usual Sanskrit introduction is lost with the first three folios of the text, and the existing seventyseven folios contain only Chaps. I, 16-XI, 145. As this extends only one folio beyond the middle of the whole of the text that is extant, it is supposed that this old manuscript was divided into two nearly equal moieties on the occasion of some division of property, of which the earlier moiety has been preserved, and the later one either lost, or destroyed, or buried in some inaccessible library.