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Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1His grandson will be called Pushyamitra (Fu-sha-mih-to-lo), who will succeed to the empire of the righteous king (or who will succeed directly to the empire of the king, or the royal estate). This one will ask his ministers what he must INTRODUCTION. XV do to gain an undying fame; and being told he must either patronise religion as his predecessor or persecute it, he will adopt the latter course, overthrow the pagodas (d4gobas), destroy the Scriptures, murder the people. Five hundred Arhats, however, will escape the persecution. Meantime the Scriptures being taken up to Maitreya, he will preserve them. At last the king and his army being destroyed (by a mountain cast on them), this line of kings will perish. Afterwards a righteous king will succeed, and Maitreya will send down 300 youths, born apparitionally among men, who will recover the law from the 500 Arhats, and go amongst men instructing them, so that once more the Scriptures, which had been taken to heaven by Maitreya, will be disseminated in the world. At this time the king of the country will divide the Dharmavinaya into many parts, and will build a stronghold in which to preserve them, and so make it difficult for those wishing to consult them, to do so. Then an old Bhikshu of good repute will write a remonstrance, and selecting such passages of the Vinaya as are in accordance with Kasyapa’s council, and known as the Vinaya of the ‘Great Congregation’ (will make them known); the other party will, on their part, include with these the false additions that have been since made. Thus will begin the contention and wrangling. At length the king will order the two schools to assemble, and the matter to be put to the vote, in this way,—taking a number of slips of wood, some black, the others white, he will say, ‘let the adherents of the old school take the black slips, and the new school the white slips.’ Then those taking the black slips will be myriads in number, those taking the white only hundreds. Thus there will be a separation. The old school will be called ‘the Mahdsanghikas,’ the new ‘the school of the elders,’ and hence also named ‘the Ta-pi-lo’ (Sthavira (school) ). This obscure account tends at any rate to show that the original separation of the church, from which resulted the later schisms, began at the time of the Great Assembly at Vaisali. Whether we are to gather that a second and final separation took place afterwards when the good king was XVi FO-SHO-HING-TSAN-KING, reigning (Dharma-Asoka ?) is not certain, but it seems to be implied in this and the former record, and is in every respect probable. This would therefore account for the silence of the Northern school respecting the Council at Pasaliputra, and would fully explain why the Sthavira school insists on that council as the charter, so to speak, of their orthodoxy. LIVES OF BUDDHA.
2This would therefore account for the silence of the Northern school respecting the Council at Pasaliputra, and would fully explain why the Sthavira school insists on that council as the charter, so to speak, of their orthodoxy. LIVES OF BUDDHA. There is no life of Buddha in the Southern school. Facts connected with his life are found in the different canonical books, and these being put together give an outline of his career, though there is no single work devoted to the account of his life. But there are many such works in the Chinese collection of books. Some of them still exist, others have been lost. The earliest of which we have any record was translated by Ku-fa-lan (Gobharaza) between A.D. 68 and A.D. 70. It was called the (1) Fo-pen-hing-king th AS 47 in five chapters. It is lost, but there are quotations from it found in Chinese Buddhist books which indicate its character. In the commentary, for example, of Taou-shih, who edited a life of Buddha by Wong pdh, there is frequent reference to a work, Pen-hing-king, which in all probability is the book under our present consideration. This we gather from a comparison of these quotations with the text of other works that bear a similar title. For instance, there is a book called Fo-pen-hing-tsih-king, which is stated to be a Chinese version of the Abhinishkramava Satra, that is sometimes quoted as the Pen-hing-king, but the passages given by Taou-shih are not to be found in this work. Neither are they taken from the Pen-hing-king, written by Paou-Yun, nor are they to be found in the Pen-hing-king by Asvaghosha. We may justly argue therefore that the commentator, Taou-shih, in quoting from the Pen-hingking, refers to the work translated by Au-fa-lan, which is INTRODUCTION. XVil
3Neither are they taken from the Pen-hing-king, written by Paou-Yun, nor are they to be found in the Pen-hing-king by Asvaghosha. We may justly argue therefore that the commentator, Taou-shih, in quoting from the Pen-hingking, refers to the work translated by Au-fa-lan, which is INTRODUCTION. XVil now lost. If so, the book can have differed in no material point from the common legendary account of Buddha’s early career. In § 8 the Pen-hing is quoted in reference to the selection of Buddha’s birth-place; in § 11 the dream of Maya at the conception of the child is referred to. In § 23 there is the history of Asita and his horoscope. In § 27 the trial in athletic sports. In § 29 the enjoyment of the prince in his palace for ten years. In § 31 the account of the excursion beyond the walls and the sights of suffering. In § 33 the interview with his father before his flight from the palace. In § 38 the act of cutting his hair with his sword and the intervention of Sakra. In § 39 his exchange of garments with the hunter. In § 40 his visit to the Rishis in the snowy mountains. In § 41 the account of his six years’ fast at Gay4. In § 44 there is allusion to the Nagas Kalika and Mué&ilinda. In § 46 the rice milk given by the two daughters of Sugdta. Here the quotations from the Pen-hing come to an end. We can scarcely doubt therefore that this work ended with the account of the supreme enlightenment of Buddha. It is said that the Fo-pen-hing was in five kiouen ; it could not therefore have been a short abstract, but must have been a complete history of Buddha from his birth to the period of his victory over Méra. It would thus correspond with what is termed the ‘intermediate epoch,’ in the Southern records. We may conclude therefore that such a life of Buddha was in circulation in India in a written form at or before the beginning of our era. It was brought thence by Xu-fa-lan, and translated into Chinese A.D. 67-70. M. Stanislas Julien, in the well-known communication found on p. xvii n. of the translation of the Lalita Vistara from Tibetan by M. Foucaux, speaks of this work as the first version of the Lalita Vistara into Chinese. We have next to consider a work translated into Chinese by two Sramazas from India in the year A.D. 194, and named (2) Siu-hing-pen-k’i-king. Ct A tz {19] b Xvili FO-SHO-HING-TSAN-KING.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1His grandson will be called Pushyamitra (Fu-sha-mih-to-lo), who will succeed to the empire of the righteous king (or who will succeed directly to the empire of the king, or the royal estate). This one will ask his ministers what he must INTRODUCTION. XV do to gain an undying fame; and being told he must either patronise religion as his predecessor or persecute it, he will adopt the latter course, overthrow the pagodas (d4gobas), destroy the Scriptures, murder the people. Five hundred Arhats, however, will escape the persecution. Meantime the Scriptures being taken up to Maitreya, he will preserve them. At last the king and his army being destroyed (by a mountain cast on them), this line of kings will perish. Afterwards a righteous king will succeed, and Maitreya will send down 300 youths, born apparitionally among men, who will recover the law from the 500 Arhats, and go amongst men instructing them, so that once more the Scriptures, which had been taken to heaven by Maitreya, will be disseminated in the world. At this time the king of the country will divide the Dharmavinaya into many parts, and will build a stronghold in which to preserve them, and so make it difficult for those wishing to consult them, to do so. Then an old Bhikshu of good repute will write a remonstrance, and selecting such passages of the Vinaya as are in accordance with Kasyapa’s council, and known as the Vinaya of the ‘Great Congregation’ (will make them known); the other party will, on their part, include with these the false additions that have been since made. Thus will begin the contention and wrangling. At length the king will order the two schools to assemble, and the matter to be put to the vote, in this way,—taking a number of slips of wood, some black, the others white, he will say, ‘let the adherents of the old school take the black slips, and the new school the white slips.’ Then those taking the black slips will be myriads in number, those taking the white only hundreds. Thus there will be a separation. The old school will be called ‘the Mahdsanghikas,’ the new ‘the school of the elders,’ and hence also named ‘the Ta-pi-lo’ (Sthavira (school) ). This obscure account tends at any rate to show that the original separation of the church, from which resulted the later schisms, began at the time of the Great Assembly at Vaisali. Whether we are to gather that a second and final separation took place afterwards when the good king was XVi FO-SHO-HING-TSAN-KING, reigning (Dharma-Asoka ?) is not certain, but it seems to be implied in this and the former record, and is in every respect probable. This would therefore account for the silence of the Northern school respecting the Council at Pasaliputra, and would fully explain why the Sthavira school insists on that council as the charter, so to speak, of their orthodoxy. LIVES OF BUDDHA.
2This would therefore account for the silence of the Northern school respecting the Council at Pasaliputra, and would fully explain why the Sthavira school insists on that council as the charter, so to speak, of their orthodoxy. LIVES OF BUDDHA. There is no life of Buddha in the Southern school. Facts connected with his life are found in the different canonical books, and these being put together give an outline of his career, though there is no single work devoted to the account of his life. But there are many such works in the Chinese collection of books. Some of them still exist, others have been lost. The earliest of which we have any record was translated by Ku-fa-lan (Gobharaza) between A.D. 68 and A.D. 70. It was called the (1) Fo-pen-hing-king th AS 47 in five chapters. It is lost, but there are quotations from it found in Chinese Buddhist books which indicate its character. In the commentary, for example, of Taou-shih, who edited a life of Buddha by Wong pdh, there is frequent reference to a work, Pen-hing-king, which in all probability is the book under our present consideration. This we gather from a comparison of these quotations with the text of other works that bear a similar title. For instance, there is a book called Fo-pen-hing-tsih-king, which is stated to be a Chinese version of the Abhinishkramava Satra, that is sometimes quoted as the Pen-hing-king, but the passages given by Taou-shih are not to be found in this work. Neither are they taken from the Pen-hing-king, written by Paou-Yun, nor are they to be found in the Pen-hing-king by Asvaghosha. We may justly argue therefore that the commentator, Taou-shih, in quoting from the Pen-hingking, refers to the work translated by Au-fa-lan, which is INTRODUCTION. XVil
3Neither are they taken from the Pen-hing-king, written by Paou-Yun, nor are they to be found in the Pen-hing-king by Asvaghosha. We may justly argue therefore that the commentator, Taou-shih, in quoting from the Pen-hingking, refers to the work translated by Au-fa-lan, which is INTRODUCTION. XVil now lost. If so, the book can have differed in no material point from the common legendary account of Buddha’s early career. In § 8 the Pen-hing is quoted in reference to the selection of Buddha’s birth-place; in § 11 the dream of Maya at the conception of the child is referred to. In § 23 there is the history of Asita and his horoscope. In § 27 the trial in athletic sports. In § 29 the enjoyment of the prince in his palace for ten years. In § 31 the account of the excursion beyond the walls and the sights of suffering. In § 33 the interview with his father before his flight from the palace. In § 38 the act of cutting his hair with his sword and the intervention of Sakra. In § 39 his exchange of garments with the hunter. In § 40 his visit to the Rishis in the snowy mountains. In § 41 the account of his six years’ fast at Gay4. In § 44 there is allusion to the Nagas Kalika and Mué&ilinda. In § 46 the rice milk given by the two daughters of Sugdta. Here the quotations from the Pen-hing come to an end. We can scarcely doubt therefore that this work ended with the account of the supreme enlightenment of Buddha. It is said that the Fo-pen-hing was in five kiouen ; it could not therefore have been a short abstract, but must have been a complete history of Buddha from his birth to the period of his victory over Méra. It would thus correspond with what is termed the ‘intermediate epoch,’ in the Southern records. We may conclude therefore that such a life of Buddha was in circulation in India in a written form at or before the beginning of our era. It was brought thence by Xu-fa-lan, and translated into Chinese A.D. 67-70. M. Stanislas Julien, in the well-known communication found on p. xvii n. of the translation of the Lalita Vistara from Tibetan by M. Foucaux, speaks of this work as the first version of the Lalita Vistara into Chinese. We have next to consider a work translated into Chinese by two Sramazas from India in the year A.D. 194, and named (2) Siu-hing-pen-k’i-king. Ct A tz {19] b Xvili FO-SHO-HING-TSAN-KING.
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
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