Pahlavi Texts, Part IV: Contents of the Nasks — SBE Vol. 37 (trans. E. W. West, 1892)
English·1879–1910·trans. E. W. West·370 passages
The text · part 2 of 18
[37] c
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which is the all-embellished learning of learnings) and the successive leaders of the orthodox (who again provided at different times [ahamv4r] for its restoration, through manuscripts af various places, to maintain reading and investigation sherein) had written.
‘I, Mah-vindad, son of Naremahan, son of Vabram, son of Mitr6-dp4n, like an adopted son for his own possession, who wrote it, am letting z¢ forth on the day Dén of the month Tir, the victor, of the year 369 after the year 20 of that Yazdakard, king of kings, who was son of Shatr6-ay4r [znd July, 1020]'; in reliance on the pure good religion of the Mazda-worshippers, as regards remembrance of Zaratfist, the Spitaman with the righteous guardian spirit, and of the genuine achievement of Atirp4d, son of Maraspend; and as regards remembrance of the righteous utterance of blessings for the whole embodied existence dy the desirers of righteousness, who are thinkers of good thoughts, speakers of good words, and doers of good deeds; in the worldly ex¢stence, through completely-wishful kind regard of the practices of righteousness, they shall unite with the union of the renovation of the universe, and spiritually ‘her pure souls and guardian spirits affain to the supremely great position and eminence, and complete acquirement of recompense, which are in the light that is endless, constantly beneficial, and full of glory, which they shall obtain, Zhzs ts especially for those saintly and supremely learned men, Atdrfarnbag, son of Farukhé-zAd, and Atarpad, son of Héméd, by whom this priceless* Dtnkard scripture was selected so learnedly and (with a pure perception of the spiritual lord, in seizing the cream of the fortunate commentary of* the good religion) so truly amicably, and fully affectionately for the good creatures and religion, with great advantage for us moderns, and concealed for me who, through eagerness /or righteousness, like an adopted son, have happily disinterred this scripture; and even he who reads, and shall make use of it, is reliant and free from doubt about it; and him who shall take a copy from it, and preserves 7# with propriety, they shall appropriately connect with it.’
1 The remainder of this colophon, so far as it is here translated, is also quoted in the second colophon,
3 Here written ar’g6, but it is an-ar’gé in the second colophon.
> Reading dén farukhé zand shfr-hé@£6-t, but this is doubtful. From this point the whole of the rest of this colophon, including the aphorisms, is also found in K.
INTRODUCTION. XXXV
(This is followed by a long succession of aphorisms, and the colophon winds up with some threats against those who shall misuse the manuscript.)
From this point the whole of the rest of this colophon, including the aphorisms, is also found in K.
INTRODUCTION. XXXV
(This is followed by a long succession of aphorisms, and the colophon winds up with some threats against those who shall misuse the manuscript.)
As this colophon mentions only the ‘last portion’ of the Dinkard, and is appended to the text of Dk. III-IX, it is probable that the first portion of the work, Dk. I, II, had already become separated from the rest within 150 years of its revision and completion. And if Mah-vindad did not copy from the original manuscript of Atarp4d, he must certainly have done so from a very early transcript.
The second colophon was written by Shatr6-ay4r, son of Erdishir, son of Airtk, son of Rostam, son of Airth, son of KubAd, son of Airan-shah, who completed his copy on the day Atharmazd of the month Spendarmad in the year 865 after the 20th year of Yazdakard [3rd October, 1516], having transcribed it from a copy written by Mar’zap4n, son of Spend-dad, son of Mar’zap4n, son of ‘Mitrd-ép4n, son of Spend-dad, son of Mitré-dp4n, son of Mar’zap4n, son of Dahisn-atyyar, son of Rég-véh, son of Shah-mard. The date of Marzapan’s copy may be approximately fixed by observing that his father’s first cousin wrote a copy of AV. and Gf., mentioned in K2o0, in the year 690 of Yasdakard, while his great great granduncle wrote a similar copy, mentioned in MH6, in the P4rst year 618. If this Parsi year be reckoned from the era of the 2cth year of Yazdakard, as seems probable’, these dates give 52 years for three generations; and Mar’zap4n, living one generation later than the writer of A. Y. 690, may perhaps have written his copy of the Dinkavd about A.Y. 707 [A.D. 1338]; so that there was probably another copyist, intermediate between him and M4h-vinddad-i Naremahan, of whom no record has been preserved. Shatré-ayar concludes his colophon by quoting a long passage from the first colophon, as already stated in p. xxxiv, n.1, and by acknowledging his obligations to three other persons whom he names. This colophon is the last that now remains attached to the manuscript B, but it was formerly followed
1 Observe the use of the phrase ‘ Parsi year’ in the third colophon and in the manuscript K (see p. xxxviii). c2
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. by a third colophon, written by the actual writer of B, and preserved in copies transcribed from B since its arrival in India.
xxxviii). c2
XXXVI PAHLAVI TEXTS.
. by a third colophon, written by the actual writer of B, and preserved in copies transcribed from B since its arrival in India.
This third colophon was written by M4h-vindad, son of Va4hram, son of Erdishir of TOrkabad, who completed his copy, from that of Shatré-ay4r, on the day Avan of the month Khirdad in the Parst year 1009 after the 20th year of Yazdakard [21st December, 1659, N.S.]. This copy, which constitutes the manuscript B, was afterwards approved by Vahr4m, soz of M&h-vindad, son of Ristém, son of Andshak-raban, soz of Rdstim of Tark4b4d, who blesses the writer of the second colophon, on the day Tistar of the month Vohdman in the year 1038 of Yazdakard [18th August, 1669, N. S.]. It was also finally seen and approved by Rastdm, soz of GistAsp, son of Erdishir, who likewise blesses the writer of the second colophon ; and the appfoximate date of this approval may be guessed from the fact that Rdst4m GistAsp is known to have copied one manuscript in A.D. 1706, and another in 1741.
Regarding this manuscript B, written in 1659, it appears from Mulla Firdz’s Avigéh Din (Bombay, 1830) that Mulla Bahman, son of Mulla Behram, a Parsi priest of Yazd, brought this manuscript of the Dinkavd from Iran to Surat in 1783, and, having shown it to Aspandiarji Ratanji-shah, he lent it to Kausji Rustamji, then Dastdr of Surat, and allowed him to have it copied. Mulla Bahman had great difficulty in obtaining the return of his manuscript, and when it was returned many folios were missing. It was after this loss of folios that Aspandiarji had several other copies transcribed from the defective manuscript, to be sent to various persons, and all these copies were therefore equally defective.
This manuscript B, thus defective, afterwards came into the possession of Mulla Firdz, who was high-priest of the Kadmi Parsis in Bombay; and, after his death in 1830, it descended to his successor. In 1875 it belonged to Dastir Sohr4bji Rustamji, high-priest of the Kadmis, through whose courtesy, and that of Dastir Dr. Jamaspji Minochiharji, it was then lent to me long enough to
INTRODUCTION. XXXVii
enable me to copy and collate two-thirds of Dk. III and _ to collate Dk. IV-IX; and Dastdr Jam4spji, afterwards, kindly supplied me with a copy of the remainder of Dk. III.
Jamaspji Minochiharji, it was then lent to me long enough to
INTRODUCTION. XXXVii
enable me to copy and collate two-thirds of Dk. III and _ to collate Dk. IV-IX; and Dastdr Jam4spji, afterwards, kindly supplied me with a copy of the remainder of Dk. III.
The manuscript has been bound in its defective state, and contains 322 folios, originally fourteen inches high and ten inches wide, written 20 to 22 lines to the page. When complete it appears to have consisted of 392 folios, all numbered in Persian words, but with several blunders, including one of fifty folios, so that the last folio was really numbered 442. Of the 70 folios not bound with the rest of the manuscript, fourteen were lying loose in the volume ; forty-three belonged to Dastir Rustamji Kaikobddji of Nauséri, with a copy of which I was kindly supplied by Dastdr Dr. Peshotanji Behramji of Bombay, who also enabled me to collate it with the original folios; and seven folios were lent to me by Dastdir Dr. Hoshangji Jam4spji of Poona, for the purpose of copying. The remaining six folios have not been discovered ; they comprise the first folio of the manuscript, containing the commencement of Dk. III, which was probably lost before the manuscript arrived in India; also one folio in Dk. VII, two in Dk. IX (see pp. 262, 270 of this volume), and the last two folios of the manuscript, containing the third colophon and final approvals (see p. xxxvi).
I am likewise much indebted to the kindness of Professor Kielhorn, who gave me a modern copy of Dk. IY-IX (with the text in its defective state) which had been prepared at Poona, so that it was only necessary to collate this copy with the original text of the manuscript B. With the aid of all this liberal assistance I was enabled to obtain the whole text of the Dinkard, known to exist, in the course of a few months ; that it has since taken as much as sixteen years to find opportunities for translating and publishing rather more than one-fourth of its contents, will not surprise any one who is acquainted with the nature of the work that had to be done.
The only known manuscript, independent of B, that contains any portion of the Dinkard, is the old codex K
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The only known manuscript, independent of B, that contains any portion of the Dinkard, is the old codex K
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. brought from Persia by the late Professor Westergaard in 1843, and now No. 43 of the Iranian manuscripts in the University Library at Kopenhagen. This codex contains about one-fifth of the text of the Dinkavd in two detached portions, together with other Pahlavi texts. The first portion occupies fols. 177-261, and comprises Dk. VI, of which one-eighth is missing, with Dk. III, Chaps. CLX and CCLXXXIII, and a colophon, all written in the district of Tark&ébad by Mitr6-dp4n, son of Anéshak-riban, son of Ristam, son of Shatr6-ayar, son of Mah-vindad, son of Vahram, son of Gishisn-ayar, son of Mitr6-dpan, and completed on the day Gés of the month Mitvé in the Parsi year 943 after the 20th year of Yasdakard [10th May, 1594, N.S.]. This copyist appears to have been a great-uncle of the writer who approved the manuscript B in 1669, ten years after it was written; and the original from which he copied was, no doubt, descended from Méh-vind4d-t Narem4han’s manuscript of 1020, as he appends to his colophon all the latter part of Mah-vindaa’s colophon (see p. xxxiv, n. 3). The second portion of the text of the Dinkard, contained in the manuscript K, is written by another hand on 42 additional folios, and comprises the last two chapters of Dk. ITI, the whole of Dk. V, and the first three-tenths of Dk. IX (as mentioned in p- 172, n. 1, of this volume). This manuscript supplies several short passages in the Dinkard, which are omitted by B, especially in the first portion of the text described above. It has also afforded much assistance in the translation of Dk. IX, Chaps. I, 1-XXXI, 17.
Regarding the authorship of the summary account of the Nasks, contained in Dk. VIII, IX, it may be reasonably assumed, in default of any positive information, that the compiler was Atdrp4d, son of Héméd, the last editor of the Dinkarvd. And, as nothing is said about any previous treatise being consulted, it may be safely supposed that he had access to the Avesta texts and Pahlavi versions of all the Nasks he describes, fully three centuries after the Muhammadan conquest of Persia. The only Nask he could not obtain was the Vastag, and the Pahlavi version
INTRODUCTION. XXXIX
of the Nadar was also missing ; under which circumstances, the fully detailed accounts of these two Nasks, given in the Persian Rivayats, must be viewed with suspicion, until better evidence of their authenticity has been discovered than is at present available.
XXXIX
of the Nadar was also missing ; under which circumstances, the fully detailed accounts of these two Nasks, given in the Persian Rivayats, must be viewed with suspicion, until better evidence of their authenticity has been discovered than is at present available.
The survival of so much of the sacred Zoroastrian literature, during three centuries of Muhammadan rule, indicates that the final loss of nearly all this literature was not so directly attributable to the Arabs as the Parsis suppose. So long as a considerable number of the Persians adhered to their ancient religion, they were able to preserve its literature almost intact, even for centuries; but when, through conversion and extermination, the Mazda-worshippers had become a mere remnant, and then fell under the more barbarous rule of the Tartars, they rapidly lost all their old literature that was not in daily religious use. And the loss may have been as much due to their neglecting the necessary copying of manuscripts, as to any destructiveness on the part of their conquerors; because the durability of a manuscript written on paper seldom exceeds five or six centuries.
The statements of the Dinkard, about the classification and subdivisions of the Nasks, are corroborated and supplemented by those of Z4d-sparam (see pp. 401-405). The division of all literature into three classes of knowledge, religious, worldly, and intermediate, is one that would naturally suggest itself to any classifier’, but the names employed (which are transcribed from the Avesta, and do not exactly correspond with these three meanings) must have originated at a period when the Avesta language was still spoken. That such a classification cannot be very strictly carried out in practice is already admitted in Dk. VIII, Chap. I, 13.
1 Professor Darmesteter has suggested to me the very similar apportionment of the old Hebrew literature, mentioned in Jeremiah xviii. 18, thus :—‘ For the law shall not perish from the priest, nor counsel from the wise, nor the word from the prophet.’ And in Ezekiel vii. 26, thus:—‘ Then shall they seek a vision of the prophet: but the law shall perish from the priest, and counsel from the ancients.’
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The further division of the literature into twenty-one books, seven in each of the three classes, is a much more artificial arrangement, and can, perhaps, be best explained as an attempt to make the twenty-one words of the Ahunavair serve the purpose of a reminder for enumerating the Nasks in their proper order. This arrangement was probably made at some period when the scattered Avesta literature was being collected and re-arranged, the Pahlavi versions being then supplied, and the present Pahlavi names of the Nasks appointed. This may possibly have been the work of ‘composition and preservation’ attributed to Atarpad, son of M4raspend, in Dk. VIII, Chap. I, 22, when ‘the Nasks were enumerated’ (see Dk. IV, 27, in p. 415), which occurred in the fourth century.
This may possibly have been the work of ‘composition and preservation’ attributed to Atarpad, son of M4raspend, in Dk. VIII, Chap. I, 22, when ‘the Nasks were enumerated’ (see Dk. IV, 27, in p. 415), which occurred in the fourth century.
Why the established sequence of the Nasks, detailed in Dk. VIII, Chap. I, 12, should differ from the successive sequences of their three classes, given in §§ 9-11, is very imperfectly explained; but some of the reasons for the difference may perhaps be guessed. If the notation proposed in p. 7, n. 3, be adopted, the established sequence is Ga-4; H1-7; G5; L6; G7; L7, 1-5; G6, 1; in which the only Nasks that are out of their order in the classes are G1, 5-7 and L6, 7. The placing of G6, 1 next after L5 (that is, the HAadékht and Stdéd-yast next after the Vendidad) may perhaps have been owing to the constant use of these three Nasks in the liturgy, in which either the Vendidad, or the Hadokht'!, was frequently interpolatéd in the recitation of the Stéd-yast which comprised by far the larger portion of the present Yasna and Vispérad. But this position of the Stéd-yast, at the end of the list of Nasks, was probably considered derogatory to its sacred character by most of the writers of the Persian Rivayats, who have, therefore, restored it to its original place at the head of the Gathic Nasks. Dk. VIII, Chap. I, 15, states that G5 was placed after H7 because the Vastag was connected with the Vistasp-sdst6, probably by the nature of its contents. And, possibly, the sequence L6, G7, L7 of the Kitradad, Spend, and Bak4n-yast, between the Vastag
1 So long as it was preserved.
INTRODUCTION. xli
and Nikadim, may indicate some similar resemblance of contents; especially as, the contents of the Kitradaéd and Bakdn-yast were so far from being strictly legal that these Nasks were placed in a sub-class by themselves, and the connection of the Spend with the Gathas appears to have been merely historical. The Persian Rivayats place the Spend next after the Vastag, thereby bringing the two imperfectly Gathic Nasks together, as well as the two imperfectly legal ones; but then they also transpose the Ganabé-sar-nigad and the Hisparam, for which there seems to be no justification.
With regard to the names of the Nasks, it is evident that several of the Persian names, used in the Rivayats, are more or less irreconcileable with the Pahlavi names in the Dinkard, and some others are improbable readings of the Pahlavi forms. In this translation the Pahlavi forms have been followed, as clearly more authentic than the Persian corruptions, and some few of the names have been read differently; while in other cases the most probable readings have been merely suggested in foot-notes, not on account of the Persian reading being justifiable, but because the evidence for the suggested reading is less complete than would be desirable.
In dealing with this account of the Nasks it is always necessary to remember that the compiler of the Dinkard relies entirely upon their Pahlavi versions, as he states distinctly in Dk. VIII, Chap. I, 3; he occasionally mentions the Avesta texts, as in Chaps. VI, 1, XII, 1, and it is abundantly evident, to the practised translator, that Avesta phrases often underlie the Pahlavi passages which seem to be quoted at length from the original Nasks, especially in Dk. IX ; but, for some of the details mentioned, there may be no older authority than a Pahlavi commentary, and this should ever be borne in mind by the sceptical critic in search of anachronisms.
Owing to his complete reliance upon the Pahlavi versions, it is impossible to ascertain with certainty whether any particular statement, made by the compiler of the Dinkard, was contained in the Avesta text; his summary, therexhii PAHLAVI TEXTS.
fore, throws little or no satisfactory light upon the origin of that text. A few of the details he mentions (such as those contained in Dk. VIII, Chaps. XIII, 17-20, XLIII, 24 and Dk. IX, Chaps. XXXII, 17, XX XIX, 13-16, LIII, 3) evidently refer to Sasanian times, and may be reasonably supposed to have originated in the Pahlavi versions of those times. But vaguer prophecies of good or evil, such as are common in all religions at all times, may have often occurred in the Avesta texts themselves,
It is evident, however, that all the Nasks have accumulated around the Gatha centre of the St6d-yast, and that this Gatha centre in the earliest Sasanian times was neither more nor less extensive than it is at present. The age of Gathic composition had so long passed away in the time of the earliest Sasanian monarchs, that the sages whom they appointed to collect and re-arrange the sacred literature, were unable to fully understand many of the stanzas they had to translate into Pahlavi, much less could they have added to their number. How far they may have been able to write ordinary Avesta text is more uncertain, but any such writing was probably confined to a few phrases for uniting the fragments of old Avesta which they discovered, or for interpolating opinions of their own. All such compositions, however, would have been hazardous, as forming no part of their duties, which seem to have been confined to the arrangement of the fragmentary Avesta texts, and their translation into Pahlavi with explanatory comments in that language. It appears from the traditional statements, mentioned in p. 415, that this work was completed, and the Nasks were fully arranged, by Atdrpad, son of Maraspend, in the reign of Shahp(har II (A. D. 309- 379); but the Pahlavi versions were certainly revised, and some further commentaries added, after the suppression of the heresy of Mazdak, as late as the reign of Khisréit I (A. D. 531-579)
D. 309- 379); but the Pahlavi versions were certainly revised, and some further commentaries added, after the suppression of the heresy of Mazdak, as late as the reign of Khisréit I (A. D. 531-579)
That the Avesta texts themselves were not written, to any great extent, in Sasanian times, is shown by the quantity of Pahlavi commentary necessary to adapt them to the altered circumstances of those times. The Gathic
INTRODUCTION. xliii
Nasks, being strictly religious, required only some explanations, with little extended commentary ; because the religion had to be maintained without sensible modification. Of the Hadha-mathric Nasks we know but little. But the strictly Legal Nasks consisted chiefly of the commentary which is always necessary to adapt ancient laws to modern ideas.
With regard to the mode of describing the Nasks, adopted in the Dinkard, it is evident that the compiler intended, in the first place, to give merely a very short account of the general contents of each Nask, to be followed by a detailed statement of the particular contents of each chapter (see Dk. VIII, Chap. I, 23, 24). But, when he had fully carried out this intention with respect to the first three Nasks, his work came to a premature conclusion, which has deprived us of much valuable information regarding the rest of the Nasks. The descriptions of these other Nasks vary in extent, but may be roughly classified as follows:—Of the Nadar and Vastag there is no description whatever. Of the Damddd, Radé-dad-aitag, Kaskisr6b6, Vistasp-sdst6, Bakan-yast, and Stéd-yast the description is very short, averaging 80 Pahlavi words for each. Of the Pagag, Baris, Kitradad, Spend, and Haddkht the description is rather longer, averaging 358 Pahlavi words for each; but, as such a description is still far too brief to be satisfactory, the compiler must have intended to add a detailed account of each chapter of all these Nasks. On coming to the strictly Legal Nasks, however, he adopted a different plan, by giving a much more voluminous statement of the contents of certain selected chapters ; thus the very long description of the Nikadim, Ganaba-sar-nigad, Hasp4ram, and Sakaddm averages 3670 Pahlavi words for each. This change of plan is somewhat modified in the case of the Vendid4d, where the description of 1272 Pahlavi words is only moderately long. While the first three Nasks, the Sidkar, Varstmansar, and Bak6, after a very short description averaging 65 Pahlavi words for each, are again described in detail, as already mentioned, to the average extent of 8647 Pahlavi words for each.
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From these descriptions, and their connection with certain Avesta texts and Pahlavi writings, it is now possible to form a more or less adequate conception of the contents of Nasks I-IV, X, XIII-XIX, XXI, and also some idea of those of Nasks VI, XII; but the accounts of the remaining six Nasks, most of which belonged to the Hadha-miathric or scientific class, are very unsatisfactory.
With reference to the total extent of the Nasks, when they were all extant, it is obvious that the length of descriptions, drawn up on the same plan, ought to bear ap- ' proximately some definite proportion to the lengths of text described ; so that, if the extent of the text of one Nask be known, and the proportion it bears to the length of its description be ascertained, this proportion becomes a rough means of estimating the probable extent of other Nasks, from the length of their descriptions drawn up on the same plan. Three years ago an attempt was made’ to estimate the total extent of the Nasks in this way, based upon the assumptions that the Nasks still extant were three in number, that the length of the description of the Vendidad was a fair average one for estimating the extent of Pahlavi version in all the lost Nasks, and that the proportion of Avesta text to Pahlavi version in the Nirangistan was also a fair average for estimating the extent of their Avesta texts. These assumptions were carefully made, as the least liable to objection, and the total extent of the Nasks in Sasanian times, thus estimated, amounted to 133,000 words of Avesta text and 844,000 of Pahlavi version.
Since the completion of the translation of Dk. IX it has, however, become possible to estimate the probable extent of the first three Nasks from the proportion between the actual extent of the first three fargards of the Bakd (Yas. XIX-—XXI) and the length of their description. It has also been thought no longer reasonable to neglect the actual length of the Nirangist4n asa basis for estimating the extent of the Pahlavi versions of the strictly Legal Nasks XV-
+ In the Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch-philologischen und historischen Classe der k. b. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Miinchen, 1888, pp. 441, 442.
INTRODUCTION. xlv
XVIII; and the Bak4n-yast has been identified with the Yasts still extant'. These additional considerations have led to a new estimate of the probable extent of each Nask separately, based upon the best data available in each case, as stated in detail in the foot-notes to the names of the Nasks in the Extant Fragments (pp. 451-488 of this volume). These estimates are here collected, for the sake of convenient reference, as follows :—
This total is about 24 times as great as that of the former estimate, but, as nearly the whole of this increase is in the four strictly Legal Nasks, whose length is well attested by that of the extant Nirangist4n, there is little probability that further investigation will lead to any re-
1 This had been done, long ago, in a Persian Rivayat, quoted in Bag, fol. 164, which states that the following sixteen Yasts were in the Bayn-yast Nask, namely, the Hérmezd, Aban, Mah, Tir, Gés, Mihir, Srdsh, Rashn, Fravardin, Bahirim, Ram, Din, Ashasang, Astad, Zamy4d, and Khurshéd Yasts, xlvi PAHLAVI TEXTS.
164, which states that the following sixteen Yasts were in the Bayn-yast Nask, namely, the Hérmezd, Aban, Mah, Tir, Gés, Mihir, Srdsh, Rashn, Fravardin, Bahirim, Ram, Din, Ashasang, Astad, Zamy4d, and Khurshéd Yasts, xlvi PAHLAVI TEXTS.
duction of this estimate. No probable alteration of the estimate of the extent of the Hadha-mathric Nasks, which is the most uncertain, would materially affect the total. Another matter of interest to the readers of translations from the Pahlavi, especially to those who are aware of the ambiguities of the original text, is the degree of confidence they can place in the correctness of the translation. In the case of the Dinkard it is fortunately possible to consult manuscripts written in Persia, and descended through only four or five intermediate copies from the work of the original writer, so that the text is remarkably free from copyists’ errors. The eighth and ninth books also contain very few of those involved sentences, with long parenthetical clauses, which, owing to the habitual absence or misplacement of stops, are very perplexing to a translator. The chief difficulties of the text arise from its synoptical character, and the consequent want of connection between its sentences; there being often too little context to define the meaning of a doubtful word. The number of words of doubtful meaning in Pahlavi is, however, fast diminishing, in proportion to the advancing study of the texts; and the certainty of a translator, as to the correctness of his work, is increasing in a like proportion. At any rate, the reader may safely rely upon the general accuracy of these translations, even if a few errors should hereafter be discovered. As an instance of such possible errors I will here correct one that exists in my translation of the Epistles of MAntskihar, which was pointed out to me by Mébad Tehmuras Dinshawji Ankalesaria, in a letter dated 28th October, 1887. In Ep. II, ii, 9-11, there occurs an illustration of what should be done when commentators differ, derived from the use that can be made of different observations of the stars, and containing three names that were difficult to identify. These names were doubtfully read as corruptions of the names of three of the lunar mansions, but it now appears that they were the names of three sets of astronomical tables (zik); so that Shatro-ay4ran, Hinddk, and Ptoleméés should be read, instead of Satvaharan, Avénak, and Padramgés ; both sets of readings expressing the same
INTRODUCTION. xlvii
Pahlavi letters. With these alterations the passage may be translated as follows :—
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Pahlavi letters. With these alterations the passage may be translated as follows :—
Ep. II, ii, 9. ‘And there may be a position of the stars, seffled even by computers of the stars, when they would take that of the sun and moon from the tables of Shatro-ay4r, that of Saturn from the Hind@i tables, and that of Mars from the tables of Ptolemy, and the position comes ouf very good, and they are able to speak of the maturity of strength undoubtedly brought on. 10. That this is to be seen as an occurrence is a conjunction which is not possible ; because, if the tables of Shatro-aydr de exact, yet, since its Saturn and Mars are not from the tables, the effect is not a good configuration ; if the Hindfi tables de correct, yet, since its sun, moon, and Mars are not from those tables, the effect is not good; and if the tables of Ptolemy Je correct, yet, since its sun, moon, and Saturn are not from those tables, the effect is not good; on account of which the conjunction is not correct in any way; they believe ¢ possible, however, for a firm mind to accomplish this auspicious labour. 11. But they say the just and wise are making the decision that this would be a very good position, because that which is in the tables of Shatro-ay4r is truly issuing from him, the great Shatro-ayér; and that of Shatro-ayar, demmg better through the tables of Ptolemy, remains that employed.’
In conclusion, it is desirable to make some remarks upon the transliteration of Pahlavi, because it is necessary to express not only the various sounds of the letters of a very deficient alphabet, but also the mode of writing several abbreviated compounds which are quite as essential to the correct orthography of Pahlavi as the forms of the separate letters themselves. For this purpose italics are used to indicate not only a few differences of sound from the usual English pronunciation of consonants, but also different letters having the same sound, and letters abbreviated in the writing of compounds. When the abbreviated letter is already italicised, the preceding short vowel (which is not expressed in Pahlavi writing) is also italicised to indicate the abbreviation, or an apostrophe is introduced between the two consonants when no short vowel sound intervenes. Hyphens are used both to connect the components of compound words, which are often written xl viii PAHLAVI TEXTS.
separately, and also to separate words that are written together in Pahlavi. The application of these rules will be best understood by reference to the following list of transliterations which have been found necessary :—
ALPHABET. »# a (initial), 4, h, kh, 2d. % or 498,545. _) 2, a (privative), aé, dé ~4y 5, sh, 9+), g-a. (final), h ( final), 4 ch. _Jb. yk. Of, pv. ¢ m. ( d, t. 12, n, 6, 8, 7, 0, v. Qs , &, 2. 4, Lr. \ 1, r. 5d, 6, g, 2, g@, 1, y.
»# a (initial), 4, h, kh, 2d. % or 498,545. _) 2, a (privative), aé, dé ~4y 5, sh, 9+), g-a. (final), h ( final), 4 ch. _Jb. yk. Of, pv. ¢ m. ( d, t. 12, n, 6, 8, 7, 0, v. Qs , &, 2. 4, Lr. \ 1, r. 5d, 6, g, 2, g@, 1, y.
A.D. for Anno Domini; Af. for Afring&n ; Ar. for Arabic; AV. for Arda-Viraf naémak, ed. Hoshangji and Haug, 1872; Av. for Avesta; A.Y. for Anno Yazdakardi; B for Bombay MS. of Dinkard, written in Iran, a.p. 1659, see pp. xxxv—xxxvii; Bzg for MS. No. 29 in the University Library at Bombay; Bd. for Bundahis, as translated in vol. v of this series; Bk. for Book; B.P. for Bahman Pfingyah, see p. 418, n. 3; Byt. for Bahman Yast, as translated in vol. v of this series; Ch. or Chald. for Chaldee; Chap. for chapter; Dd. for D&distén-f Dinik, as translated in vol. xviii of this series; Dk. for Dinkard; Dv. for Dinvigirgard ; ed. for edited by or edition; Ep. for Epistles of MA&nfisfihar, as translated in vol. xviii of this series; Farh. Ofm. for Farhang-i Oim-aévak, or Zand-Pahlavi Glossary, ed. Hoshangji and Haug, 1867; fol. for folio; G for géthic ; Gah. for Gahanbar or Gahanbér; Gen. for Genesis; gen. for genitive ; Gesch. der Sas. for Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der Sasaniden, 1879; Gf. for tale of Gést-i Fryané, ed. West and Haug, 1872; Gld. for Geldner ; H for hadha-mathric; Haug’s Essays for Essays on the Sacred Language, Writings, and Religion of the Parsis, by M. Haug, 2nd ed.; Hn. for Hadékht Nask, ed. Haug, 1872; Ibid. for ibidem; J2 for Jamaspji’s Yasna MS. with Pahlavi, now in the Bodleian Library, by the same copyist as K5; K for Kopenhagen MS. No. 43, written a.D. 1594, see pp. xxxvii-viii; K1, Ks, K2o0, K35 for Iranian MSS. Nos. 1, 5, 20, 35 in the University Library at Kopenhagen; L for legal; 1. for line; ll. for lines; Mf4 for the Mulla Firfz Library’s Yasna MS. with Pahlavi, descended from an ancestor of Ks; MH6, MHro for MSS. Nos. 6, 10 of Haug’s Collection in the State Library at Munich; Mkh. for Dina-f Matnég-f Khirad, as translated in vol. xxiv of this series; MS. for manuscript; n. for foot-note; N.S. for new style; Ny. for Ny4yis; O225 for MS. No. 225 of Ouseley’s Collection in the Bodleian Library at Oxford; OM for Olshausen and Mohl’s Fragmens relatifs & la religion de Zoroastre; p. for page; Pahl.
[37] d
1 PAHLAVI TEXTS.
xxiv of this series; MS. for manuscript; n. for foot-note; N.S. for new style; Ny. for Ny4yis; O225 for MS. No. 225 of Ouseley’s Collection in the Bodleian Library at Oxford; OM for Olshausen and Mohl’s Fragmens relatifs & la religion de Zoroastre; p. for page; Pahl.
[37] dp. 1 for Pahlavi; P4z. for Pazand; Pers. for Persian; pp. for pages; Pt4 for Peshotanji’s Yasna MS. with Pahlavi, similar to Mf4; Riv. for Rivayat; S.B.E. for Sacred Books of the East; Sd. and Sg. for Sad-dar and Sikand-gfim4ntk Vig4r, as translated in vol. xxiv of this series; Str. for Sirézah; Sls. for Shyast-l4-sh4yast, as translated in vol. v of this series; Sp. for Spiegel; Vend. for Vendidad; Vig. for Vigirkard-i Dinik, ed. Peshotan, Bombay, 1848; Visp. for Vispérad; vol. for volume; W. or Westerg. for Westergaard; Yas. for Yasna; Yt. for Yast; ZA. for Zend Avesta; Zs. for Selections of Z4d-sparam, as translated in vol. v of this series.
CONTENTS OF THE NASKS
AS STATED IN
THE EIGHTH AND NINTH BOOKS
OF THE
DINKARD.
(37) B
OBSERVATIONS.
1. For all divisions into chapters and sections the translator is chiefly responsible, as the stops found in the manuscripts are not used systematically.
2. Italics are used for any English words which are not expressed, or fully understood, in the original text, but are added to complete the sense of the translation.
3. Italics occurring in Oriental words, or names, represent certain peculiar Oriental letters (see the ‘ Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets’ at the end of this volume), or certain abbreviated modes of writing Pahlavi letters, for which see the remarks on Pahlavi transliteration near the end of the Introduction. Italic a, d, d, ¢, é, h, t, §, kh, 1, p, r, sh, u, v, 2d indicate no change of pronunciation ; but g should be sounded like j, Av like wh, 4 like ch in ‘church,’ s like sh, and Avesta z like French j.
4. In the translation words in parentheses are merely explanatory of those that precede them.
5. For the meaning of the abbreviations, used in the notes, see the explanatory list after the Introduction.
6. The manuscripts used, being the only two independent authorities for the text of the Dinkard known to exist, are :—
B (written a.p. 1659), a nearly-complete MS. of Books III-IX, brought from Iran to Surat in 1783, and now divided between three, or more, owners in Bombay, Nawsarf, and Poona. Of the Books here translated two folios are missing, which contained portions of Bk. IX, Chaps. XXXII], XXXIV, XXXVI, XXXVIL.
K (written a.p. 1594 and later), No. 43 in the University Library at Kopenhagen, a miscellaneous MS. containing several fragments of Books III, V, VI, IX. Of the Books here translated it contains the text of Bk. IX, Chaps. I, 1-XXXI, 17.
CONTENTS OF THE NASKS.
DINKARD.—BOOK VIO > U, Saw No NL
1. Praise for Atharmazd, and obeisance fo the Mazda-worshipping religion which is the ordinance of Aihaymazd opposed to the demo s.
Of the Books here translated it contains the text of Bk. IX, Chaps. I, 1-XXXI, 17.
CONTENTS OF THE NASKS.
DINKARD.—BOOK VIO > U, Saw No NL
1. Praise for Atharmazd, and obeisance fo the Mazda-worshipping religion which is the ordinance of Aihaymazd opposed to the demo s.
2. The eighth éo0k is the present (latamman) memorandum about a summary of what is in the Nasks of the Mazda-worshipping religion, each separately. 3. That which is within the compass (shAd-afirvan) of this book, about the account of the good religion, is a writing for the information of the many, avd an announcement from the commentary (zand)—that which is in explanation of revelation (dén6)—which, for this simple (padram) high-priest, is in itself the writing of the voice of revelation }.
4. But, before that, is a writing? of the usage about the divisions (bangisnd) of the reckoning of the Mazda-worshipping revelation, also the parts (bahar) of its divisions, and the sections (burtnak6) of the parts; azd the exposition of the account—
Cuapter I.
1 The author means that he derives his information about the contents of the Nasks entirely from their Pahlavi versions which, so far as he is concerned, are of equal authority with the Avesta text.
* This introductory chapter.
B 2
p. 4
which, though very condensed, is in its division— is also condensed in the parts of its division, and more diffuse in the sections of the parts. 5. The divisions of the reckoning of the Mazda-worshipping revelation are three :—GAthas which are the higher spiritual knowledge azd spiritual duty; Law which is lower! worldly knowledge and worldly duty; and the Hadha-m§&thric which are mostly information and matters about what is between these two *.
1 Or ‘mostly,’ if we read avirtar, instead of azirtar, as is done in the next clause of this sentence.
worldly knowledge and worldly duty; and the Hadha-m§&thric which are mostly information and matters about what is between these two *.
1 Or ‘mostly,’ if we read avirtar, instead of azirtar, as is done in the next clause of this sentence.
2 The three Pahlavi terms are g4s4né, dad, and hadak-m4nsarik. Of these d&d evidently means ‘law,’ because the Dadik Nasks are chiefly devoted to legal matters (see Chaps. XVI-XLIV) ; and g4s4né appears to mean ‘ gathas’ rather than ‘verses,’ because the first Gasintk Nask contained the Gatha texts (see Chap. XLVI), the next three were commentaries upon the Gathas (see Chaps. II-IV and Bk. IX, Chaps. II-LXVIII), and the remaining three, so far as we are informed, were devoted to religious matters, but we have no reason to suppose that any of them were metrical, except the Gathas themselves. The exact meaning of hadakmAansarfk is less clear; it is derived from Av. hadha-m&athra, ‘provided with spells, or inspired words,’ a term applied to ZaratQst in Visp. XIII, 1 and also to the Mathra-spenta, or liturgy, in a phrase (see Westerg. Z. A., p. 485) which is appointed to be used in certain parts of the liturgy whenever the Vistasp Yast (a remnant of the last Hadha-mathric Nask) is recited; just as another phrase, referring to the Law, is appointed to be used in the same places whenever the Vendfdad (one of the Dadik Nasks) is recited. In what sense the Hadha-mithric Nasks can be said to be ‘ provided with spells’ is not clear from the details given in Chaps. V-XI, but, practically, the meaning of the term must be something like ‘ semi-religious,’ being applied to philosophy and science which are neither strictly religious nor strictly secular.
The same three terms were applied to the three classes of mankind, probably the priests, philosophers, and laity; a classification analogous to that of the three professions, the priests, warriors, and husbandmen, but not quite identical with it, as may be gathered from a passage in the sixth book of the Dinkard. This book is
CHAPTER I, 5-7. 5
6. And the reason of the triple division of the reckoning of revelation is the exposition of all knowledge and duty, and the kinds of knowledge and action zz the same revelation are these three that have been written. 7. Also in the Ahunavair', which
This book is
CHAPTER I, 5-7. 5
6. And the reason of the triple division of the reckoning of revelation is the exposition of all knowledge and duty, and the kinds of knowledge and action zz the same revelation are these three that have been written. 7. Also in the Ahunavair', which
‘about an epitome, composed and preserved by those of the primitive faith, concerning the statements of the religion of Mazdaworship;’ and its statements are introduced by the following words :—‘ Those of the primitive faith, who were the sages of the ancients, considered thus, &c.’ Near the middle of the book the following passage occurs :—‘ And this, too, was considered by them thus, that these are the three species of mankind :—One is the GAathic, one the Hadha-mathric, and one the Dadik. The association (hamth) of him who is GAthic is with the sacred beings, and his severance (vigi-aftagth) from the demons azd fiends ; the extent of /zs wealth is due to members of the community and religious feasts (d4hm va-sfir), and the punishment for the sin which he may commit is shame and is invisible. The association of him who is Hadha-miathric is with the righteous, and his severance from the wicked; also the extent of his wealth is that which may be produced virtuously, and the punishment for the sin he shall commit is the goad, or scourge (see Chap. XLIV, 65 n); also noxious creatures for the body, and compensating the destitute. And the association of him who is Dadik is with Iranians, and his severance from foreigners; also the extent of his wealth is due to affairs that it is possible to accomplish lawfully, ad the punishment for the sin which he shall commit is for the lifeéime of a fowl (kk), the day of a demon.’
1 This information seems to be taken from the first fargard of the Sfidkar Nask (see Bk. IX, Chap. II, 19). The Ahunavair (Av. ahuna vairya) is the name of the most sacred formula of the Parsis, derived from its second and third words; it is also called the Yath4-ah@-vairy6, from its first phrase, and is a declaratory statement in metre, consisting ‘of one stanza of three lines, containing twenty-one Avesta words, as follows :—
The usual Pahlavi version of this formula explains it as follows:— is the basis of the reckoning of revelation, are three metrical lines (g4s); the first chiefly indicates the GAthic lore, the second the Hadha-mathric lore, and the third the Law.
6 DINKARD, BOOK VIII.
8. And there have been twenty-one parts? of its divisions, which are called Nasks :—(9) Seven are GAthic, because they are composed for the Gathas,
8. And there have been twenty-one parts? of its divisions, which are called Nasks :—(9) Seven are GAthic, because they are composed for the Gathas,
‘ As is the will of the spiritual lord (as is the will of Atharmazd) so should be the priestly master (so virtuous should he be) owing to whatsoever are the duties and good works of righteousness (the duties and good works should be as virtuous as the will of Afharmazd). Whose is the gift of good thought (that is, the reward and recompense that good thought gives, it gives also ufo him) which, among spiritual lords, is the work of Afharmazd (that is, he would do that which Aftharmazd requires): [there are some who would say thus: Whose gift is for good thought (that is, the reward and recompense which they give for good thought, they give also unto him); and there are some who would say thus: Whose gift is through good thought (that is, the reward and recompense which they give up through good thought, they would also give even him) ; AtOrpd, son of Zaratfist, said thus: Owing to the gift of good thought, among spiritual lords, they recognise a doer of deeds]. The dominion for Afharmagzd is his (that is, his dominion exists through the advantage that AGharmasd has maintained) who gives allotments (vayag4n3) to the poor (that is, he would make intercession for them).’
The Avesta text may be translated, according to Haug, as follows :—‘ As a spiritual lord is desirable, so is a priestly master, for the sake of every righteousness, fo Je a giver of good thoughts as to the actions of life towards Mazda; and the dominion is for the lord whom he (A/az2da) has given as a protector for the poor.’
According to Geldner the first two lines refer to Zaratfist, and, if we assume that yim is a contraction of y6 fm, the Avesta text may be translated somewhat as follows:—‘ As he zs the desirable spiritual lord, 80 zs he the priestly master with every right, the producer of the actions of the good thoughts of life towards Mazda. The dominion, however, is for Ahura who has given him as a protector for the poor.’
1 See §§ 18, 19.
CHAPTER I, 8-13. 7
and their names? are that of the ritual of the GAthic worship, which is the Stéd-yast, wzth the Stddkar, Varstmansar, Baké, Vastag, Hadékht, and that which has made them GAthic?, the Spend. 10. And the names of the seven Hadha-mathric are Damdad, N&dar, Pagag, Radé-daa-aitag, Baris, Kasktsréb6, and Vistasp-sast6. 11. And seven are Legal, because they are composed for the lawyer (dadik), and their names are those of the legal, and those are the Ntk4ddm, Ganabé-sar-nigad, Hsparam, Sak4a(im, and Vendtd4d, and those which are composed for the law with separate dedications, the Kitradad and Bakdn-yast. 12. And the sequence is Sddkar, Varst-mA4nsar, Baké, D&amddd, Nadar, Pagag, Radd-dad-aitag, Baris, Kaskisrébé, Vistaspsast6, Vastag, Kitradad, Spend, BakAn-yast, Nikadam, Ganabé-sar-nigad, Hasp4ram, Sakddtim, Vendidad, Ha@ékht, and Stéa-yast *.
12. And the sequence is Sddkar, Varst-mA4nsar, Baké, D&amddd, Nadar, Pagag, Radd-dad-aitag, Baris, Kaskisrébé, Vistaspsast6, Vastag, Kitradad, Spend, BakAn-yast, Nikadam, Ganabé-sar-nigad, Hasp4ram, Sakddtim, Vendidad, Ha@ékht, and Stéa-yast *.
13. In all three dzvzszons all three are found; in the G&athic are the Hadha-mathric and Legal, in the Hadha-mathric are the G&thic and Legal, and in the Legal are the Gathic and Hadha-mathric.
1 For variants of these names, in the order stated in § 12, see the notes to the first sections of Chaps. II-XVI, XXI, XXVIII, XXXVIII, XLIV-XLVI, which begin the summary description of each of the twenty-one Nasks.
* Referring probably to ‘the bestowal of the other Nasks’ mentioned in Chap. XIV, 5.
* This is the order in which the twenty-one words of the Ahunavair are applied to the twenty-one Nasks, as hinted in § 19; and, therefore, the order in which they ought to be enumerated. Representing the three divisions of the Nasks by G, H, L, respectively, and the seven Nasks in each division by the ciphers 1-7, the order of enumeration is as follows:—G 2-4; H 1-7; G5; L6; G7; L7,1-g; G6,1. More or less fanciful reasons for this dislocation of the divisions are given in §§ 15-17.
p. 8
14. Jn each separately that which is essentially and specially itself is included, and that which is partly another and introduced is included; and the reason of it is ¢Aat in spiritual and worldly exzstences, and in worldly and spiritual exzstences, and in that which is between the two, there are both existences.
15. The occurrence of the joining of the Vastag part of the Gathas on to the last of the Hadhamathric! is because z¢ is written in connection with the Vistdsp-ssté, the last of the Hadha-mathric.
16. The reason of the HAdékht and Yast decng in succession to the Vendidad, the last of the Law?, and ‘the production of the worldly creation®’ deeng between the Hadha-mathric and those spiritual Gathas, is because the spiritual exzs¢ence likewise, which is spiritual life (ahv 4), is the beginning; and the worldly exzstence is purposed and caused, and a part is preserved (néstaitd), important for the purpose and intended for the spiritual life, the part at the beginning. 17. And the rejoining of the. end of the Law, which is: adout the Hém/, to the GAathas, which are the beginning,
That is, the placing of G 5 after H 7.
* That is, the placing of G 6, 1 after L 5. The Vendidad appears to be the last of the truly legal Nasks, as the contents of the Xitradad (see Chap. XIII) appear to have been chiefly historical, and those of the Bak4n-yast (see Chap. XV) chiefly religious. These two Nasks are also placed in a sub-class in § rz.
° This Dahisnd-f-sti-dadd is evidently another name for the Damdad, or ‘the creatures produced,’ which is placed between G 2-4 and H 2-4.
XV) chiefly religious. These two Nasks are also placed in a sub-class in § rz.
° This Dahisnd-f-sti-dadd is evidently another name for the Damdad, or ‘the creatures produced,’ which is placed between G 2-4 and H 2-4.
‘ Written Him in PAzand, for Him; and referring to the white Hém, mentioned in Pahl. Vend. XX, 17, 21, and its healing properties, It is not absolutely necessary to understand from the text that the twentieth fargard was literally the end of the Vendidad in Sasanian times, because Chap. XLIV, 81 is quite as descriptive of the twenty-second as of the twentieth fargard.
CHAPTER I, 14-21. 9
is a symbol of the existence of the pure influence of the Gathic lore upon the first spiritual state—that which exists likewise at last—and of the rejunction of the worldly existence to the spiritual, because it came down from the spiritual to exist at present.
18, And the reason of the twenty-one-fold partition of the three divisions of the reckoning of revelation is in the distinction which is evident from ¢heiy composition; also in the three metrical lines of the Ahunavair, which is the basis of the reckoning of revelation, there are twenty-one words (m4rik). 19. As the three metrical lines of the Ahunavair, which is the basis of the reckoning of revelation, are an emblem of the triple division of the reckoning of revelation ; so the twenty-one words of the three ‘ines indicate the twenty-one-fold partition of these three divisions; as z¢ is declared that ‘He who is the omniscient creator produced a discourse from every single word.’
20. As fo the sections of the parts, such as the Has and Fargards! in the Nasks, z¢ is known there were one thousand’, from the testimony azd knowledge of the religion owing to the teaching of Zaratdst—whose guardian spirit is reverenced—in the country of Iran. 21. And after the devastation occurred, owing to the evil-destined azd raging villain Alexander, ‘here was not so much of them
* The term Ha (h4d, Av. haiti) is applied to the chapters of the Yasna, and the term Fargard (Av. fra+kereta) to the chapters of the Vendfd&d and most of the other Nasks.
* Combining the information given in the Persian Riv4yats with that in the Dinkard we find only 90g chapters enumerated, of which 180 are said to have been lost, from the philosophical Nasks, during the Greek rule,p. 10 recovered as would be possible for a high-priest to preserve’. 22. And that which the saintly (hdfravardd) Atdv-pad?, son of Maraspend, achieved through their composition and preservation, is known so far as the decrees (£ak5) in the treatises (mAdig4n) of the country of Ir4n are preserved as teaching and admonition (pand4nd).
22. And that which the saintly (hdfravardd) Atdv-pad?, son of Maraspend, achieved through their composition and preservation, is known so far as the decrees (£ak5) in the treatises (mAdig4n) of the country of Ir4n are preserved as teaching and admonition (pand4nd).
23. After writing of each separate Nask, that is, as to what it speaks about more particularly®, each Nask is accounted for separately, and what is in its various Has and Fargards comes to be realized‘ ; for in these particulars (m4dtg4n) any ruggedness of the auspicious® amd desirable collection is explained. 24. But, first, the class of writing of the various Nasks—that is, about what they speak—is here written; the extent of attainment not Jeng adapted to ¢hety peculiarity of wonderfulness.
Cuapter II.
1. Homage ¢o the glory of the good religion of Mazda-worship !
2. The Sddkar® contains particulars about the
' Probably meaning not more than a high-priest could retain in his memory.
* A supreme high-priest who was prime minister of king Shahpohar II (a.p. 309-379).
* In this eighth book of the Dinkard.
* In the more detailed statements in the ninth book.
5 Reading hQsukfngfn, but it may be khOskfintné, ‘ beneficent,’ or anasikén-g fn, ‘unconfusing.’
* Corresponding to the first word, yatha, in the Ahunavair, according to the Persian Rivayat of Bahman Pfngyah, which adopts the sequence detailed in Chap. I, 12. All other Persian Rivayats and also the Dini-vigirkard adopt the sequence G 1-4; H 1-7;
CHAPTER I, 22-II, 5. 11
power of the pure glorifying of the first utterance of Athavmaza’, through thinking, speaking, and acting; and aéout abstaining from the law of very evil and very disturbing people*. 3. Glorifying the observances (hinardnd) and good works of the good religion and of a like nature, as well as their effectualness ; and condemning the faults and sin of him of very evil religion, when all kinds of neglect of the spiritual ceremony and of care for the archangel of the worldly existence are owing to him®; a/so much information about spiritual matters. 4. It Aas become old (kahdni'‘), and is a witness whose statement extends even unto the renovation of the unzverse*, 5. Righteousness is perfect excellence’.
G5,7; L6, 7,1, 3,2,4,5; G6. Like most of the names of the Nasks, Sfidkar is an adjective, meaning ‘causing benefit, or acting beneficially ;’ it is corrupted into Stfdgar, or IstQdgar, in the Rivayats and Dv. For a detailed account of the contents of each of its twenty-two fargards see Bk. IX, Chaps. II-XXIII.
* The Ahunavair, or Yath4 ahf vairy6, which Afharmazd recited before the creation in order to confound Aharman (see Bd. I, 21, 22). This clause refers chiefly to the first fargard of the Sfidkar (see Bk. IX, Chap. II).
* Referring to Bk. IX, Chaps. V, IX, X, &c.
5 See Bk. IX, Chap. IX. * See Bk. IX, Chap. XXIII, 7.