Pahlavi Texts, Part II — SBE Vol. 18 (trans. E. W. West, 1882)
English·1879–1910·trans. E. W. West·375 passages
The text · part 1 of 18
THE
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST
Bup. to Be Kept
[18] a
Dondon
HENRY FROWDE
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE
p. 7
THE
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST
TRANSLATED BY VARIOUS ORIENTAL SCHOLARS
AND EDITED BY
F. MAX MULLER
VOL. XVIII
@rford AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
p. 1882
[AM rights reserved }+-+.- pose
THE NEW YCIK PUBLIC LIEFATY
537801A°
ASTOR, LEN(X 41-4 TILDEN FOUNVALICNS R 41034 L
PAHLAVI TEXTS
TRANSLATED BY
E. W. WEST
PART II
THE DADISTAN-f DiNtK AND THE EPISTLES OF MANOUSKIHAR
@rford AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
p. 1882
[AU rights reserved}
CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTION. PAGE 1. General Remarks . xiii 2. The D&distén-f Dinik xxii 3. The Epistles of Manfstihar . . . oe RXV 4. The Appendix . . . . . . . XXvili Abbreviations used in this volume . XXxi TRANSLATIONS. DAntsrAn-t Dintk 1 1, Introductory 3 2. Why a righteous man is ; better than all creatures, sia or worldly . . . I 3. Why a righteous man is created, and how he should act. 15 4. Why a righteous man is great . : 20 5. How temporal distress is to be regarded . 22 6. Why the good suffer more than the bad in this world 23 4. Why we are created, and what we ought to do 25 8. Whether good works done for the dead differ in effect from those ordered or done by themselves 26 9. How far they differ 28 10. The growth of good works during life 29 11. Whether the growth of a good work be as commendable as the original good work 30 12, Whether it eradicates sin equally well . 30 13. Whether one is made responsible for all his sins and good works separately at the last account, or only for their balance 31 14. The angels who take account of sin 1 and good works, and how sinners are punished . . : . 32 15. The exposure of a corpse does not occasion the final departure of life, and is meritorious 34 16. Whether the soul be aware of, or disturbed by, the corpse being gnawed . 36
Vill
CONTENTS.
CHAP,
17. 18.
1g. 20. 21.
22.
23. 24.
26.
27. 28.
29. 30.
31. 32.
33- 34.
36. 37:
38.
39- 40.
41. 42.
PAGE
Whether the soul be aware of, or disturbed by, the corpse being gnawed . 36
Vill
CONTENTS.
CHAP,
17. 18.
1g. 20. 21.
22.
23. 24.
26.
27. 28.
29. 30.
31. 32.
33- 34.
36. 37:
38.
39- 40.
41. 42.
PAGE
Reasons for the exposure of corpses’. . 38 How the corpse and bones are to be disposed of 43 Whether departed souls can see AfharmazdandAharman 44 Where the souls of the righteous and wicked go - 46 The Daitih peak, the Xinvad bridge, and the two ‘Paths of departed souls 47 Whether the spirits are distressed when a righteous man dies 50 How the life departs from the body 51 Where a righteous soul stays for the first three nights after death, and what it does next . 53 . Where a wicked soul stays for the first three nights after death, and what it does next 55 The nature of heaven and its pleasures . 56 The nature of hell and its punishments . 57 Why ceremonies in honour of Srdésh are performed for the three days after a death 58 Why Srdésh must be reverenced separately from other angels 60 Why three sacred cakes are consecrated at dawn after the third night from a death . 61 How a righteous soul goes to heaven, and what it "finds and does there 63 How a wicked soul goes to hell, and what it it finds and suffers there y Ke) The position and subdivisions of hell 74 The two ways from the Daitih peak ; that of the righteous to heaven, and that of the wicked to hell . . 76 5. The continuance of mankind in the world till the resurrection 46 The preparers of the renovation of the universe 17 The contest of the good and evil spirits from the creation till the resurrection, and the condition of creation after the resurrection . 80 The effect of doing more good works than are fe necessary for attaining to the supreme heaven . . 120 Reasons for wearing the sacred thread-girdle . . 122 On the sacred shirt and thread-girdle, grace before and after eating, and cleansing the mouth before the aftergrace . 133 The sin of apostasy, and how to atone for it 136 The good works of him who saves others from apostasy 139
. 120 Reasons for wearing the sacred thread-girdle . . 122 On the sacred shirt and thread-girdle, grace before and after eating, and cleansing the mouth before the aftergrace . 133 The sin of apostasy, and how to atone for it 136 The good works of him who saves others from apostasy 139
CONTENTS. x CHAP. PAGE 43. The distance at which the fire can be addressed, the use of a lamp, and the proper order of the propitiatory dedications, when consecrating a sacred cake . . 4! 44. Whether a skilful priest who is employed to perform ceremonies, but is not officially the priest of the district, should be paid a regular stipend . . - 145 45. The separate duties of priests and disciples . . . 5% 46. When a priest can abandon the Priesthood | to obtain a livelihood . . . - 153 47. Whether a priest who knows the Avesta, or one > who understands the commentary, be more entitled to the foremost place at a sacred feast . 155 48. The advantage and proper mode of celebrating the ceremonial . . 159 49. Whether it be lawful to buy « corn and keep it “long, so as to raise the price for the sake of profit . 174 50. Whether it be lawful to sell wine to foreigners and infidels 176 51. The sin of drunkenness, and what constitutes immoderate drinking . . . . . 178 52. Whether a man who bargains to deliver wheat i ina month, and takes a deposit, is bound to deliver the wheat if its market-price has risen enormously . 180 53. Whether it be lawful to sell cattle to those of a different religion . . . . . . . 182 54. Whether a man without a son can give away his property to one daughter on his death-bed; the laws of inheritance, and when an adopted son must be appointed, in such acase . . . - 183 55. Whose duty it is to order the ceremonies after adeath . 187 56. The laws of adoption and family-guardianship . 188 57. Those who are fit, or unfit, for adoption 190 58. The three kinds of adoption 1g! 59. The least amount of property that requires the appoint ment of an adopted son . : . - 192 60. The sin of not appointing an adopted son, or of appointing a dishonest one . . - 192 61. The merit and demerit of family guardianship 193 62. The laws of inheritance 194 63. Whether it be lawful to seize property from foreigners and infidels . . . . . . .
p. 196
CONTENTS.
CHAP.
. The origin of Gayémard, Mashyath, and Mashyayéih .
65. 66.
67. 68. 69. 40. 41.
72.
13. 74: 75.
46. q- 78. 79-
80. 81. 82.
83.
85. 86. 87. 88. 89.
go.
gt. 92.
The origin of next-of-kin marriage .
Regarding the cost of religious rites, and whether a priest’s s fees can be reduced when others will take less .
The cause of the rainbow .
The cause of the phases of the moon .
The cause of eclipses
The causes of river-beds .
What things happen through destiny, and what through exertion
The seven heinous sinners, and the necessity of avoiding him who commits unnatural intercourse .
Whether the stench of such intercourse reaches the sky.
Whether that stench disturbs the archangels
What things happen through destiny, and what through exertion
The seven heinous sinners, and the necessity of avoiding him who commits unnatural intercourse .
Whether the stench of such intercourse reaches the sky.
Whether that stench disturbs the archangels
Whether the angels raise such a sinner from the dead at the resurrection. .
Whether it be a good work to kill such a sinner
Why such intercourse is a heinous sin .
Why adultery is heinous, and how one can atone for it.
The sin of not repeating the full grace before drinking (when one is able to do *0), and how one can atone for it . :
Regarding him who does not order ceremonies
About the ceremonies for the living soul .
About him who pays for ceremonies and him who takes the money without performing them .
Whether a priest must undertake all religious rites
. Whether gifts to the priesthood for ceremonies can be
diminished or increased . The advantages of increasing such gifts The harm of diminishing such gifts : . Why it is good to give such gifts . . . ‘ About the cost of religious rites in Pars . Whether when a man has once resolved to go into Pars, with gifts for the priesthood, it be lawful for him to send another man with the gifts The seven immortal rulers in the region of Khvantras before the coming of the good religion The nature and material of the sky. . . The course and benefit of the water of Arekdvisdr .
PAGE 197 199
201 210 210 212 213
p. 214
216 220 221
222 223 224 227
233 237 237
242 244
245 246 248 249 250
254 255
259 262
CONTENTS. Xi CHAP, . PAGE
93. Tistar’s seizing of water from the ocean to rain it upon the earth, and his conflict with Ap46sh .. 264
94. Conclusion . . . . . . 269 EpistLes OF MAnOsxtHAR re 277
' Eptstiz I. To the good people of Sirk4n.
1. Introductory compliments, acknowledging receipt of a complaining epistle : : . 279
2. Deploring the false opinions in circulation, owing | to the fiend, about the purification ceremonies . . - 282
3. Excusing any defects in this epistle for various reasons detailed - . . . . . 286
4. Deprecating the disuse of the Bareshnoim ceremony, as decreed by his brother; such disuse being contrary to scripture and the commentaries . . + 292
5. Alluding to the one-sided view of the opinions of the commentators adopted by the decree they had sent . 298
6. Discussing the different statements of the commentators as to the number of purifiers and washings. gor
4. Discussing the proper quantities of hauids to be used, and the 300 pebbles. . . . + 304
8. Regarding the stirring up of the bulls urine when fetid, as mentioned in the Sakadim Nask . . * 309
9. Deciding that the commentary which teaches the most efficient mode of purification is to be followed, when there are no special reasons for acting otherwise . 312
10. Reserving other matters for special instructions to the priests, but warning them not to obey the decree now denounced . . . . . . - 316
p. 312
10. Reserving other matters for special instructions to the priests, but warning them not to obey the decree now denounced . . . . . . - 316
11. Arranging for the enforcement of his decision, until he can write further, or come himself; and concluding with benediction and date . . . 2. 6 320
Epistte II. To his brother, Z4d-sparam.
1. Acknowledging receipt of a former epistle, and announcing the arrival of complaints about his brother’s reprehensible decree 324
2. Disapproving of the decree and its mode of dealing with the commentaries, whose exact agreement is as unlikely as the simultaneous occurrence of several particular conjunctions of the planets . . 331 xii CONTENTS.
CHAP.
3. Exhorting him not to seek for new rules, but to adhere strictly to the old customs. :
4. Reasserting his opinions, and protesting against the notion that the decree was in accordance with the practice of all the purifiers in Iran . . .
5. Commenting upon the secrecy with which the decree had been prepared, and the evil consequences resulting from it. . : : .
6. Persuading him to remain steadfast in the faith, and threatening him if he should not . . .
4. Explaining that he had previously written to Sirkan, and would shortly come there himself; but ordering the appointment of proper purifiers . . .
8. Mentioning his general epistle to all of the good religion in Iran, and describing the evil consequences of continued disobedience, including the possibility of -his own retreat to foreign lands. . .
g. Giving further instructions for satisfying the discontented, and opposing the heterodox; and concluding without date . . . . . . . .
Epistte III. To all of the good religion in Iran. Forbidding the substitution of a fifteenfold washing for the Bareshnim ceremony; and dated a.y. 250 (a. D. 881) « .
Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Translations of the Sa¢red Books of the East .
PAGE
p. 336
p. 340
p. 343
p. 348
35°
p. 352
p. 354
p. 359
367 369 383 389 431 455
459 479
p. 481
INTRODUCTION.
1. GENERAL REMARKS.
THE Pahlavi texts selected for translation in this volume are distinguished from all others by the peculiarity that both the name and station of their author and the time in which he lived are distinctly recorded.
1. GENERAL REMARKS.
THE Pahlavi texts selected for translation in this volume are distinguished from all others by the peculiarity that both the name and station of their author and the time in which he lived are distinctly recorded.
His name, Mandskihar, son of YQdan-Yim (or Gdsndam), is mentioned in each of the headings and colophons to the Dadistan-t Dinik and the three Epistles attributed to him. He is styled simply aérpat, or ‘priest,’ in the headings of Eps. I and II, and aérpat kh di, or ‘priestly lordship,’ in that of Ep. III; but he is called the rad, ‘pontiff, or executive high-priest,’ of Pars and Kirm4n, and the farm4d4r, ‘director,’ of the profession of priests, in the colophons to Dd. and Ep. II; and we learn from Dd. XLV, 5 that the farm4d4r was also the pesfp4i, or ‘leader’ of the religion, the supreme high-priest of the Mazda-worshipping faith.
Regarding his family we learn, from Ep. I, iii, 10, vii, 5, that his father, YOd4n-Yim, son of Shahpdhar, had been the leader of the religion before him; and his own succession to this dignity indicates that he was the eldest surviving son of his father, who, in his declining years, seems to have been assisted by his advice (Ep. I, iii, 11). We also learn, from the heading of his second epistle, that Z4d-sparam was his brother, and this is confirmed by the language used in Ep. II, vi, 1, ix, 6, and by Zad-sparam being a son of the same father (Eps. I, heading, III, 2); that he was a younger brother appears from the general tone of authority over him adopted by M4ndséihar in his epistles. Shortly before these epistles were written, Zadsparam appears to have been at Sarakhs (Ep. II, v, 3), in xiv PAHLAVI TEXTS.
the extreme north-east of Khurasdn, where he probably came in contact with the Tughazghuz (Ep. II, i, 12) and adopted some of their heretical opinions, and whence he may have travelled through Nivshahpdhar (Ep. II, i, 2, note) and Shiraz (Ep. II, v, 3, 4) on his way to Sirkén to take up his appointment as high-priest of the south (Eps. I, heading, II, i, 4, v, 9, vii, 1, viii, 1, Zs. I, 0). Soon after his arrival at Sirkan he issued a decree, regarding the ceremonies of purification, which led to complaints from the people of that place, and compelled his brother to interfere by writing epistles, threatening him with deprivation of office (Ep. I, xi, 7) and the fate of a heretic (Eps. II, viii, 2, 3, III, 17-19). That Zad-sparam finally submitted, so far as not to be deprived of his office, appears from his still retaining his position in the south while writing his Selections (Zs. I, 0), which must have been compiled at some later period, free from the excitement of active and, hazardous controversy.
That Zad-sparam finally submitted, so far as not to be deprived of his office, appears from his still retaining his position in the south while writing his Selections (Zs. I, 0), which must have been compiled at some later period, free from the excitement of active and, hazardous controversy.
The age in which MAnds&thar lived is decided by the date attached to his third epistle, or public notification, to the Mazda-worshippers of Iran; which date is the third month of the year 250 of Yazdakard (Ep. III, 21), corresponding to the interval between the 14th June and 13th July A.D. 881; at which time, we learn, he was an old man (Ep. II, ix, 1), but not too old to travel (Eps. I, iii, 13, xi, 4, II, v, 5, vi, 4, 6, vii, 3, viii, 4, 5).
His writings, therefore, represent the state of the Zoroastrian religion a thousand years ago; and it may be presumed, from the importance and influentialness of his position, that his representations can be implicitly relied upon. To detect any differences there may be between the tenets and religious customs he describes, and those upheld by Zoroastrians of the present time, would require all the learning and experience of a Parsi priest; but, so far as a European can judge, from these writings and his own limited knowledge of existing religious customs among the Parsis, the change has been less than in any other form of religion during the same period.
The manuscripts containing the writings of MAnds#ihar
INTRODUCTION. XV
are of two classes, one represented in Europe by the codex No. 35 of the collection of Avesta and Pahlavi manuscripts in the University Library at Kopenhagen, the other represented by No. 14 of the Haug Collection of similar manuscripts in the State Library at Munich, which two manuscripts are called K35 and M14, respectively, in this volume. In the former of these classes, represented by K35, the Dadistan-f Dinik occupies the central third of the codex ; being preceded by a nearly equal extent of other miscellaneous religious writings of rather later date, resembling a Pahlavi Rivayat; and being followed by a third series of similar writings of about the same age and extent as the Dadistan-i Dinik, which includes the Epistles of Mandséihar and the Selections of Zad-sparam. In the latter class of manuscripts, from which M14 is descended, the text of the D4distan-i Dinik contains many variations from that in the former class, as if it had been revised by some one whose knowledge of Pahlavi was insufficient to decipher difficult passages, and who had freely exercised his editorial license in altering and mutilating the text to suit his own limited comprehension of it.
The codex K35, which was brought from Persia by the late Professor Westergaard in 1843, is one of the most important manuscripts of the former class, and now consists of 181 folios; but it is incomplete at both ends, having lost seventy-one folios at the beginning and about thirty-five at the end. It still includes, however, the whole of the Dadistan-i Dinik and the Epistles of M4ndskihar; though its date has been lost with its last folios. But this date can be recovered from an old copy of this codex existing in India (here called BK) and still containing a colophon, probably copied from K35', which states that the manuscript was
1 One reason for supposing that this colophon was so copied is that K35 does not seem older than the date mentioned in it. Another reason is that the loss of the end of this colophon in BK allows us to assume that it was followed by another colophon, as is often the case in copies of old MSS. A colophon that extends to the end of the last folio of a manuscript can never be safely assumed to belong to that manuscript, because it may have been followed by others on further folios,
Xvi PAHLAVI TEXTS.
completed by Marzapan Frédiin Vahrém Rist&ém Béndér MalkA-mardan Din-ay4r, on the day Asm4n of the month Amerédad A.Y. 941 (19th March, 1572), in the district of the Dahikan in the land of Kirman. The end of this colophon is lost with the last folio of BK, which renders it possible that the last folio contained the further colophon of this copy.
That BK is descended from K35 is proved by its containing several false readings, which are clearly due to mis-shapen letters and accidental marks inK35. And that it was copied direct from that codex is proved by the last words of thirty-two of its pages being marked with interlined circles in K35, which circles must have been the copyist’s marks for finding his place, when beginning a fresh page after turning over his folios. This copy of K35 has lost many of its folios, in various parts, but most of the missing text has been recently restored from the modern manuscript J, mentioned below; there are still, however, eleven folios of text missing, near the end of the codex, part of which can be hereafter recovered from TK, described below. The independent value of BK is that it supplies the contents of the seventy-one folios lost at the beginning of K35, and of about nineteen of the folios missing at the end of that codex.
The independent value of BK is that it supplies the contents of the seventy-one folios lost at the beginning of K35, and of about nineteen of the folios missing at the end of that codex.
A third manuscript of the first class, which may be even more important than K35, was brought to Bombay from Persia about fifteen years ago, and belongs to Mr. Tehmuras Dinshawji Anklesaria, of Bombay, but it has not been available for settling the texts translated in this volume. It is here called TK, and is described as still consisting of 227 folios, though seventy folios are missing at the beginning and about fourteen at the end. In its present state, therefore, it must begin very near the same place as K35, but it extends much further, so as even to supply nearly half the contents of the eleven folios missing from BK;; it does not, however, include the contents of the last three folios of BK. According to a colophon appended in this manuscript to the ‘Sayings of Za4d-sparam, son of Yddan-Yim, about the formation of men out of body, life,
INTRODUCTION. XVii
and soul’ (see Zs. XI, 10, note), some copy of these ‘sayings’ was written by Gépatshah Rist6m Bandér Malka-mard4n in the land of Kirman. This Gépatshah was evidently a brother of Vahrém, the grandfather of the Marzap4n who wrote the colophon found in BK and supposed to have been copied from K35 (see pp. xv, xvi). If, therefore, this colophon in TK has not been copied from some older MS., it would indicate that TK is two generations older than K35.
A recent copy of TK exists in the library of the highpriest of the Parsis in Bombay, to whom I am indebted for the information that its text does not differ from that of K35, at the two points (Dd. XCIII, 17 and Ep. III, 11) where some omission of text may be suspected.
The manuscripts of the second class appear to be all descended from an old, undated codex brought to Bombay from Persia about sixty-five years ago’, and recently in the library of Mr. Dhanjibh4i Framji Patel of Bombay. From what is stated, concerning the contents of this codex, it appears to commence with about three-fourths of the miscellaneous religious writings, found at the beginning of BK; and these are followed by the altered text of the D4distan-i Dinik, as appears from the copies described below, but how the codex concludes is not stated. It may, however, be supposed that it contains as much of the third series of writings as is found in the manuscript J, a copy of this codex which ends in Ep. II, vi, 2.
This manuscript J belongs to the library of Dastdr JAamAspji Minochiharji in Bombay; it commenced originally at the same point as the codex just described, and, so far as it has been examined, it contains the same altered text of the Dadistan-i Dinik. There is, therefore little doubt that it was originally copied from that codex, but a considerable
There is, therefore little doubt that it was originally copied from that codex, but a considerable
1 There is some doubt about this period. Dastfr Peshotanji mentions thirty or forty years, but in the MS. J, which appears to have been copied chiefly from this codex in Bombay, the date noted by the copyist of the older part of that MS. is ‘the day Rashn of the month Khfrdad, a.y. 1188’ (21st December 1818, according to the calendar of the Indian Parsis), showing that the codex must have been at least sixty-four years in Bombay.
[18] b
XVili PAHLAVI TEXTS.
portion of the additional matter at the beginning of BK has been prefixed to it at a later date. The oldest portion of this copy, extending to Ep. I, vii, 4, bears a date corresponding to 21st December 1818; the date of a further portion, extending to Ep. II, vi, 2, corresponds to 12th February 1841; and a third portion copied from BK, at the beginning of the manuscript, is still more recent.
Another copy of this codex, or of the Dadistan-i Dinik contained in it, exists in the library of the high-priest of the Parsis in Bombay; and from this copy the text of the Dadaistan-i Dinik contained in M14 was transcribed.
This latter manuscript consists of two volumes, written in 1865 and 1868, respectively ; the first volume containing Chaps. I, 1-XX XVII, 9, and the second volume Chaps. XXXVI, 1-XCIV, 15 of the altered text of the Dadistan-i Dinik.
Other copies of the Dadistan-i Dinik, which have not been examined, are to be found in India, but, unless descended from other manuscripts than K35 and the abovementioned codex recently belonging to Mr. Dhanjibhai Framji, they would be of no further use for settling the text.
Of the manuscripts above described the following have been available for the translations in this volume :—K35 for the whole of the Dadistan-i Dinik and the Epistles ; M14 for the whole of the Dadistan-i Dinik alone; BK for Dd. I, 1-VI, 31, X, 2-XIV, 32, LXXXVIII, 9-XCIV, 15, the whole of the Epistles, the legend about the soul of KeresAsp (see pp. 373-381), and the extracts from the Pahlavi Rivdyat in these codices relating to Khvétik-das (see pp. 415-423); and J for Dd. I, 1-XX XIX, 10°; LXXXVIII, 9- LXXXIX, 14, XCI, 7-XCIV, 15, Ep. I, i, 1-II, ix, 75, the
1 The text of Chaps. VI, 3-X, 2 has been lost, and recently supplied from J.
? No copy of the intermediate chapters obtained by the present translator, and several of the original folios have been lost.
* No copy of the intermediate chapters taken by the present translator.
* Chaps. LXXXIX, 1-XCI, 7 omitted.
5 Ep. II, vi, 2-ix, 7 being copied from BK and wrongly inserted in Dd. XXXVII, 33 (see p. 89, note 5).
INTRODUCTION. xix
legend about Keresdsp, and the extracts relating to Khvétik-das, Other manuscripts, used for the remaining extracts translated in the Appendix, will be mentioned in § 4 of this introduction.
XXXVII, 33 (see p. 89, note 5).
INTRODUCTION. xix
legend about Keresdsp, and the extracts relating to Khvétik-das, Other manuscripts, used for the remaining extracts translated in the Appendix, will be mentioned in § 4 of this introduction.
The existence of two versions of the text of the Dadistan-i Dinik would have been a source of much perplexity to the translator, had it not been soon apparent that the version represented by M14 was merely a revision of that in K35, attempted by some editor who had found much difficulty in understanding the involved phraseology of Mandséihar. There are, undoubtedly, some corrupt words and passages in K35, where the revised version may be followed with advantage, but nine-tenths of the alterations, introduced by the reviser, are wholly unnecessary, and in many cases they are quite inconsistent with the context.
Under these circumstances it has been the duty of the translator to follow the text given in K35, wherever it is not wholly unintelligible after prolonged study, to note all deviations of the translation from that text (which are usually small), and merely to mention the variations of the revised text, so far as they are intelligible, in the notes.
The writings of M4ndskihar are certainly difficult to translate, not only from the involved and obscure style he affects, but also from the numerous compound epithets he uses, which are not easy either to understand with certainty, or to express clearly in English. The only other Pahlavi writings that approach them in difficulty are those of his brother, Z4d-sparam, and those of the author of the third book of the Dinkard, who seems to have also been a contemporary writer. Toa certain extent, therefore, an involved style of writing may have been a failing of the age in which he lived; and his works, being of an epistolary and hortatory character, would naturally be more abstruse and idiomatic than simple narrative ; but much of the obscurity of his style must still be attributed to his own want of clear arrangement of thought and inadequate, though wordy, expression of ideas, the usual sources of all obscure and rambling writing.
When to the difficulty of tracing the thread of an argument b2
XX PAHLAVI TEXTS.
through the involved obscurity of the text is added the perplexity occasioned by the ambiguity of many Pahlavi words, it can be readily understood that no translation is likely to be even approximately accurate, unless it be as literal as possible. The translator has to avoid enough pitfals, in the shape of false constructions and incorrect readings, without risking the innumerable sources of error offered by the alluring by-paths of free translation. If, therefore, the reader should sometimes meet with strange idioms, or uncouth phrases, he must attribute them to a straining after correctness of translation, however little that correctness may be really attained.
If, therefore, the reader should sometimes meet with strange idioms, or uncouth phrases, he must attribute them to a straining after correctness of translation, however little that correctness may be really attained.
For the purpose of more effectually keeping a curb upon the imagination of the translator, and indicating where he has been compelled to introduce his own ideas, all words not expressed or fully understood in the original text are italicised in the translation. Occasionally, also, the original word is appended to its translation, where either the reading or meaning adopted is unusual, or where a scholar might wish to know the particular Pahlavi word translated.
Some endeavour has likewise been made to introduce greater -precision than has hitherto been attempted, in the transliteration of Pahlavi words and names, by taking advantage of the italic system, adopted for this series of Sacred Books of the East, not only for distinguishing variations of sound (as in the use of g, &, and s for the sounds of j, soft ch, and sh, respectively, in English), but also to indicate the use of particular Pahlavi letters, when there are more than one of nearly the same sound. Thus, d is used where its sound is represented by wt; /and r where they are represented by } n, v, Q, or by ‘L Av. 0; v and z where they are represented by @ &; and 2d where those letters are represented by » 4. If, in addition to these particulars, the Pahlavi scholar will remember that the uncircumflexed vowels are not expressed in Pahlavi characters, and the vowel 6 is expressed, he will find no particular difficulty in restoring any of the transliterated words to their original character, by merely following the
INTRODUCTION, XXI
ordinary rules of Pahlavi writing. Without some such mode! of distinguishing the different Pahlavi letters used for the same sound, it would be practically impossible to restore the transliteration of any word, new to the reader, to its original Pahlavi form. And even the system here adopted requires the addition of @ and 4 to represent the vowel s» a, 4 when one of its turns is omitted in writing (as in ey ap, dv, used for Js ap, af; KY adin used for 94 adin, &c.), and of j or 7 to represent 5 y when it has the sound of g or English j, in order to distinguish it from eh, g.
The general reader should, however, observe that these niceties of transliteration are merely matters of writing, as the exact pronunciation of Pahlavi cannot now be fully ascertained in all its details. There is every reason to suppose that the Semitic portion of the Pahlavi was never pronounced by the Persians as it was written (unless, indeed, in the earliest times); but to transliterate these Semitic words by their Persian equivalents, as the Persians certainly pronounced them, would produce a Pazand text, instead of a Pahlavi one. If, therefore, we really want the transliteration to represent the Pahlavi text correctly, we must transliterate the Semitic words as they are written, without reference to the mode in which we suppose that the Persians used to read them. With regard to the Persian words, if we call to mind the fact that Pahlavi was the immediate parent of modern Persian, we shall naturally accept the modern Persian pronunciation (stripped of its Arabic corruptions) as a guide, so far as Pahlavi orthography permits, in preference to tracing the sounds of these words downwards from their remote ancestors in ancient Persian or the Avesta. But the pronunciation of words evidently derived directly from the Avesta, as is the case with many religious terms, must clearly depend upon the
1 Dotted letters might be used, if available, instead of italics; but they are liable to the objection that, independent of the usual blunders due to the ordinary fallibility of human eyesight, it has been found by the translator that a dot, which was invisible on the proofs, will sometimes appear under a wrong letter in the course of printing.
xxii PAHLAVI TEXTS.
Avesta orthography, so far as the alteration in spelling permits. These are the general rules here adopted, but many uncertainties arise in their practical application, which have to be settled in a somewhat arbitrary manner.
2%. THE DADISTAN-! Dinik.
The term Dadistan-t Dinik, ‘religious opinions or decisions, is a comparatively modern name applied to ninety-two questions, on religious subjects, put to the highpriest M4ndsihar, and his answers to the same. These questions appear to have been sent in an epistle from Mitrd-kharshéd,. son of Atdrvd-mah4n, and other Mazdaworshippers (Dd. heading and I, 2), and were received by MAndsfihar, who was the leader of the religion (Dd. I, 10, note), in the month of July or August (Dd. I, 17); but it was not till September or October, after he had returned to Shiraz from a tour in the provinces, that he found time to begin his reply which, when completed, was sent by a courier (Dd. I, 26) to his correspondents, but at what date is not recorded.
I, 17); but it was not till September or October, after he had returned to Shiraz from a tour in the provinces, that he found time to begin his reply which, when completed, was sent by a courier (Dd. I, 26) to his correspondents, but at what date is not recorded.
Regarding the residence of these correspondents, and the year in which these transactions took place, we have no positive information. The correspondents seem to have thanked M4ndséihar for sending them one of his disciples (Dd. I, 3, 4) to act probably as their high-priest ; and, from the mode in which the land of Pars is mentioned in Dd. LXVI, 28, LXXXIX, 1, it seems likely that they were not inhabitants of that province; but this conclusion is hardly confirmed, though not altogether contradicted, by the further allusions to Pars in Dd. LXVI, 3, 15,21, LX XXVIII, 1. With regard to the date of this correspondence we may conclude, from the less authoritative tone assumed by MAndsfihar in his reply (Dd. I, 5-7, 11), as compared with that adopted in his epistles (Ep. III, 17-19), that he was a younger man when he composed the Dadistan-i Dinik than when he wrote his epistles; we may, therefore, probably assume that the Dadistan-i Dinik was written several years before A.D. 881,
INTRODUCTION. xxiii
Although the subjects discussed in the Dagist4n-i Dinik cover a wide range of religious doctrines, legends, and duties, they cannot be expected to give a complete view of the Mazda-worshipping religion, as they are merely those matters on which Mitré-khdrshéd and his friends entertained doubts, or wished for further information. It is also somewhat doubtful whether the whole of the questions have been preserved, on account of the abrupt transition from the last reply, at the end of Dd. XCIII, to the peroration in Dd. XCIV, and also from the fact that a chapter is alluded to, in Dd. XVII, 20, XVIII, 2, which is no longer extant in the text.
XCIII, to the peroration in Dd. XCIV, and also from the fact that a chapter is alluded to, in Dd. XVII, 20, XVIII, 2, which is no longer extant in the text.
The questions, although very miscellaneous in their character, are arranged, to some extent, according to the subjects they refer to, which are taken in the following order :—The righteous and their characteristics; the temporal distress of the good; why mankind was created ; good works and their effects; the account of sin and good works to be rendered; the exposure of corpses and reasons for it; the paths, destinations, and fate of departed souls, with the ceremonies to be performed after a death; the contributors to the renovation of the universe; the contest between the good and evil spirits from the creation till the resurrection ; works of supererogation ; the sacred shirt and thread-girdle ; apostasy and its prevention; the use of fire at ceremonies, and other details; duties, payment, and position of priests; details regarding ceremonies; lawful and unlawful trading in corn, wine, and cattle, with a definition of drunkenness; adoption, guardianship, and inheritance; rights of foreigners and infidels; the origin of mankind and next-of-kin marriage; the cost of religious rites; the causes of the rainbow, phases of the moon, eclipses, and river-beds; things acquired through destiny and exertion; the sins of unnatural intercourse and adultery; imperfect prayer before drinking ; ceremonies and payments for them; the seven immortal rulers before Zaratist ; the sky, the source of pure water, and the cause of rain and storms.
In his replies to these questions Mandséihar displays
XXiV PAHLAVI TEXTS.
much intelligence and wisdom, the morality he teaches is of a high standard for the age in which he lived, and, while anxious to uphold the power and privileges of the priesthood, he is widely tolerant of all deficiencies in the conduct of the laity that do not arise from wilful persistence in sin, The reader will search in vain for any confirmation of the foreign notion that Mazda-worship is decidedly more dualistic than Christianity is usually shown to be by orthodox writers, or for any allusion to the descent of the good and evil spirits from a personification of ‘boundless time,’ as asserted by strangers to the faith, No attempt is made to account for the origin of either spirit, but the temporary character of the power of the evil one, and of the punishment in hell, is distinctly asserted.
Although Mandséihar does not mention, in his writings, any of the lost Nasks or sacred books of the Mazda-worshippers, except the Hiaspérim (Dd. LXI, 3) and the Sakadim (Ep. I, viii, 1, 6, 7), he certainly had access to many Pahlavi books which are now no longer extant ; hence he is able to give us more information than we find elsewhere regarding some of the legendary personages mentioned in Dd. II, 10, XXXVI, 4, 5, XLVIII, 33, XC, 3; he hints that the second month of the year (April-May) was called Zaremaya in the Avesta (Dd. XXXI, 14); and he mentions two places, instead of one, intermediate between heaven and hell, one for the souls of those not quite good enough for heaven, and one for those not quite bad enough for hell (Dd. XXIV, 6, XXXITI, 2).
The present translation of this work is not the first that has been attempted. Shortly before the late Professor Haug left India he delivered a lecture on the Parsi religion to a large assemblage of Parsis in Bombay, at their request, and at his desire the sum of goo ripis, out of the net proceeds of the entrance-tickets sold, was offered as a prize for an edition of the Pahlavi text of the Dadist4an-i Dinik with a GugarAti translation and glossary. Some years afterwards this prize was awarded to Mr. Shehriarji Dadabhoy and Mr. Tehmuras Dinshawji Anklesaria, for their joint Gugarati translation of the work, which still, however, remains unpublished
INTRODUCTION. XXV
for want of funds, and has, therefore, been inaccessible to the present translator.
3. THE EPISTLES OF MANOSKfHAR.
It has been already stated (see pp. xiii, xiv) that Zadsparam, a younger brother of Mandséihar, after having been at Sarakhs, in the extreme north-east of Khurds4n, where he seems to have associated with the heretical Tughazghuz, was appointed high-priest of Sirkan, south or south-west of Kirman'. Shortly after his arrival there he issued a decree, regarding the ceremonies of purification and other matters, which was so unpalatable to the Mazda-worshippers of that place that they wrote an epistle to MAndsfihar, complaining of the conduct of his brother (Ep. I, i, 2, ii, 1).
In reply to this complaint, which was sent by a special courier (Ep. I, i, 2), and after going to Shiraz and holding a general assembly of the priests and elders (Ep. II, i, 11), Mandséihar wrote his first epistle, completed on the 15th March 881 (Ep. I, xi, 12), in which he condemned the practices decreed by Z4d-sparam, to whom he sent a confidential agent, named Yazd4n-panak (Ep. I, xi, 1, 2, 6, 10, II, vii, 2), with a copy of this epistle and a further one to himself, which has not been preserved, for the purpose of inducing his brother to withdraw his decree and conform to the usual customs.
I, xi, 1, 2, 6, 10, II, vii, 2), with a copy of this epistle and a further one to himself, which has not been preserved, for the purpose of inducing his brother to withdraw his decree and conform to the usual customs.
It would appear that Yazd4n-p4nak was not very successful in his mission, as we find M4ndskihar writing a general epistle (Ep. III) to all the Masda-worshippers in Iran, in the following June or July (Ep. III, 21), denouncing as heretical the mode of purification decreed by Zadsparam, and ordering an immediate return to former customs. At the same time (Ep. II, vii, 2, viii, 1) he wrote a second epistle (Ep. II) to his brother, as he had already
1 The city of Kirm4n was itself called Strgan, or Sirgan, in the middle ages, and is evidently mentioned by that name in Ouseley’s Oriental Geography, Pp. 139, 143, though the Sirgan of pp. 138, 141 of the same work was clearly further south. Which of these two towns was the Sirkdn of these epistles, may, therefore, be doubtful.
XXVI PAHLAVI TEXTS.
promised in Ep. I, xi, 2, and, after referring to an epistle (now lost) which he had received from Zad-sparam in the previous November or December, he proceeded to enforce his views by a judicious intermingling of argument, entreaty, and threats. He also contemplated making preparations (Ep. I, xi, 4, II, vii, 3) for travelling himself to Sirk4n, notwithstanding his age (Ep. II, ix, 1), to arrange the matters in dispute upon a satisfactory basis, Whether he actually undertook this journey is unknown, but that his brother must have finally submitted to his authority appears from Z4d-sparam retaining his position in the south, as has been already noticed (p. xiv).
The matter in dispute between Zad-sparam and the orthodox Mazda-worshippers may seem a trivial one to people of other religions, but, inasmuch as the ceremonial uncleanness of a person insufficiently purified after contact with the dead would contaminate every one he associated with, the sufficiency of the mode of purification was quite as important to the community, both priests and laity, as avoidance of breach of caste-rules is to the Hindd, or refraining from sacrifices to heathen gods was to the Jew, the early Christian, or the Muhammadan. And much more important than any disputes about sacraments, infallibility, apostolic succession, ritual, or observance of the Sabbath can possibly be to any modern Romanist or Protestant.
And much more important than any disputes about sacraments, infallibility, apostolic succession, ritual, or observance of the Sabbath can possibly be to any modern Romanist or Protestant.
In his mode of dealing with this matter Mandskihar displays at once the moderation and tact of a statesman accustomed to responsibility, the learning and zeal of a well-informed priest, and the kindly affection of a brother. That he was not without rivals and enemies appears from his casual allusions to Zaratdst, the club-footed, and Atardpad in Ep. II, i, 13, v, 14, ix,11; but in all such allusions, as well as in his denunciation of heretical opinions, he refrains from coarse invective, and avoids the use of exaggerated language, such as too often disfigures and weakens the arguments in polemical discussions.
Indirectly these epistles throw some light upon the condition of the Mazda-worshippers after more than two
INTRODUCTION, XXVil
centuries of ceaseless struggle with the ever-advancing flood of Muhammadanism which was destined to submerge them. Shiraz, Sirkan, Kirm4n, R4i, and Sarakhs are still mentioned as head-quarters of the old faith; and we are told of assemblies at Shiraz and among the Tughazghuz, the former of which appears to have had the chief control of religious matters in Pars, Kirm4n, and the south, acting as a council to the high-priest of Pars and Kirm4n, who was recognised as the leader of the religion (Dd. XLV, 5). We also learn, from Ep. I, iii, 11, II, v, 14, that the leaders of the Mazda-worshippers, if not their high-priests, were still in the habit of maintaining troops; and, from Ep. II, i, 9, that when a high-priest became very old his worldly duties were performed by four of the most learned priests, forming a committee, which had full authority to deliberate and act for him in all worldly matters, Manfsihar even speaks of emigrating by sea to China, or by land to Asia Minor (Ep. II, viii, 5), in order to escape from the annoyances of his position.
II, viii, 5), in order to escape from the annoyances of his position.
But the statements which are most important to the Pahlavi scholar, in these epistles, are the date attached to the third epistle, corresponding to A.D. 881, and the mention of Nishahpdhar in Ep. I, iv, 15,17 as the supreme officiating priest and councillor of king Khdsré Néshirvan (A.D. 531-579), engaged apparently in writing commentaries on the Avesta. The date of these epistles not only limits that of the Dadistan-i Dinik to the latter half of the ninth century, but also fixes those of the larger recension of the Bundahis and of the latest revision of the Dinkard within the same period, because it is stated in Bd. XX XIII, 10, 11 that the writer of that chapter was a contemporary of Zad-sparam, son of Y(id4n-Yim, and Atdr-pad, son of Hémid, the former of whom was evidently the brother of MAmisfihar, and the latter is mentioned in Dinkard III, cccexiii as the latest editor of that work. The actual compiler of a great part of the Dinkard (especially of the fourth and fifth books) was, however, the somewhat earlier writer Atdr-frobag, son of Farukhfizad (Dd. LXXXVIII, 8, Ep. I, iii, 9). The name of Nishahpdhar is also mentioned as that
XXViil PAHLAVI TEXTS.
of a commentator in the Pahlavi Vendidad and Nirangistan, which works must, therefore, have been revised since the middle of the sixth century. And as we are informed in the book of Arda-Viraf (I, 35) that ‘there are some who call him by the name of Nikhshahpar,’ we ought probably to refer that book to the same age. These epistles, therefore, enable us, for the first time, to fix the probable dates of the latest extensive revisions of six of the most important Pahlavi works that are still extant ; and from the relationship of these to others we can readily arrive at safer conclusions, regarding the age of Pahlavi literature in general, than have been hitherto possible.
4. THE APPENDIX.
For the sake of elucidating certain matters, mentioned in the writings of MAndséihar, further information than could be given in the foot-notes has been added in the shape of an appendix.
To a brief summary of the Avesta legends, relating to the ancient hero Keresdsp, has been added a translation of a Pahlavi legend regarding the fate of his soul, in which several of his more famous exploits are detailed. This legend is found in the Pahlavi Rivayat preceding the Dadistan-i Dinik in the manuscripts BK and J, and is evidently derived from the fourteenth fargard of the Sddkar Nask, whose contents, as described in the ninth book of the Dinkard, are also given. It is likewise found in the later Persian Rivayats, with several modifications which are duly noticed.
The Nirang-i Kusti, or ceremony of tying the sacred thread-girdle, is also described in detail, with a translation of the ritual accompanying it, partly from actual observation, and partly from Gugarati accounts of the rite.
The Nirang-i Kusti, or ceremony of tying the sacred thread-girdle, is also described in detail, with a translation of the ritual accompanying it, partly from actual observation, and partly from Gugarati accounts of the rite.
It having become necessary to ascertain with certainty whether the term ‘next-of-kin marriage’ was a justifiable translation of khvétQk-das, as used by Pahlavi writers, an extensive examination of all accessible passages, which throw any light upon the meaning of the word, has been
INTRODUCTION. XX1X
made. The result of this enquiry can be best understood from the details collected, but it may be stated in general terms that, though ‘ marriage among kinsfolk’ might fairly represent the varying meaning of khvétik-das in different ages, its usual signification in Pahlavi literature is more accurately indicated by ‘next-of-kin marriage.’
Some apology is perhaps due to the Parsi community for directing attention to a subject which they consider disagreeable. But, by the publication of a portion of the Dinkard, they have themselves placed the most important passage, bearing on the subject, within the reach of every European Orientalist; thus rendering it easy for any prejudiced translator to represent the practice of such marriages as having been general, instead of their being so distasteful to the laity as to require a constant exertion of all the influence that the priesthood possessed, in order to recommend them, even in the darkest ages of the faith. To avoid such one-sided views of the matter, as well as to hinder them in others, has been the special aim of the present translator in trying to ascertain the exact meaning of the obscure texts he had to deal with.
The translations from the Pahlavi Vendidad, regarding the Bareshnim ceremony and the purifications requisite after finding a corpse in the wilderness, will be found necessary for explaining many allusions and assertions in the Epistles of Mandsfihar.
The text followed in all passages translated from the Dinkard is that contained in the manuscript now in the library of Dastdr Sohrabji Rustamji, the high-priest of the Kadmi sect of Parsis in Bombay. It was written A. D. 1669, and was brought from Persia to Surat by Mulla Bahman in 1783. All other known copies of the Dinkard are descended from this manuscript, except a codex, brought from Persia by the late Professor Westergaard in 1843, which contains one-fifth of the Dinkard mostly written in 1574, and is now in the University Library at Kopenhagen.
For translations from the Pahlavi Vendidad the text adopted, wherever available and not evidently defective, has been that of L4, a manuscript of the Vendidad with
XXX PAHLAVI TEXTS,
Pahlavi, Z. and P. IV, in the India Office Library in London.
For translations from the Pahlavi Vendidad the text adopted, wherever available and not evidently defective, has been that of L4, a manuscript of the Vendidad with
XXX PAHLAVI TEXTS,
Pahlavi, Z. and P. IV, in the India Office Library in London.
‘The date of this manuscript has been lost with its last folio, but its text is in the same handwriting as that of three others, in Kopenhagen and Bombay, which were written A.D. 1323-4. A considerable portion of the beginning of this manuscript has also been lost, and is replaced by modern folios of no particular value.
In conclusion, the translator must take the opportunity of thankfully acknowledging the kindness and readiness with which Dastdr Peshotanji Behramji Sanjan4, the highpriest of the Parsis in Bombay, and Dastir Jamaspji Minochiharji JamA4sp-As4-n4, of the same city, have always furnished him with any information he applied for, not only on those matters specially mentioned in the footnotes, but also on many other occasions,
E. W. WEST.
MUNICH, September, 1882.
ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THIS VOLUME.
Acc. for accusative case ; Af. Zarat. for Afring4n-i Zarat@st ; anc. Pers. for ancient Persian; App. for Appendix to this volume ; Ar. for Arabic; AV. for the Book of Arda-Viraf, ed. Hoshangji and Haug; Av. for Avesta; B2g for Persian Rivayat MS. No. 29 of the University Library in Bombay ; Bd. and Byt. for Bundahis and Bahman Yast, as translated in vol. v of this series; BK for an old imperfect copy of K35 written in Kirman, but now in Bombay; Chald. for Chaldee ; comp. for compare ; Dd. for Dadistan-f Dintk, as translated in this volume; Dk. for Dinkard; Ep. for Epistles of Méanfsfihar, as translated in this volume; Farh. Okh. for Farhang-i Oim-khadfk, ed. Hoshangji and Haug ; Gen. for Genesis ; Haug’s Essays for Essays on the Sacred Language, Writings, and Religion of the Parsis, by M. Haug, 2nd edition; Hn. for Hadékht Nask, as published with AV.; Huz. for Huzvaris; Introd. for Introduction ; J. for Dd. MS. belonging to Dast(ir JamAspji Minochiharji in Bombay; K35 for Dd. MS. No. 35 of the University Library in Kopenhagen; L4 for Vend. MS. No. 4 of the India Office Library in London; Lev. for Leviticus; M5, M7, Mro, M14 for MSS. Nos. 5, 7, 10, 14 of the Haug Collection in the State Library in Munich; Mkh. for Mainyé-i-khard, ed. West; n. for foot-note; nom. for nominative case; p. for page; Pahl. for Pahlavi; Pz. for Pazand; Pers. for Persian; p. p. for past participle; Sir. for Sirozah, ed. Westergaard; Sls. for Shayast-la-sh4yast, as translated in vol. v of this series; TD for Bd. MS. belonging to Mr. Tehmuras Dinshawji in Bombay ; TK for Dd. MS. belonging to the same; trans. D. for translated by Darmesteter, in vol. iv of this series; Vend., Visp., and Yas. for Vendidad, Visparad, and Yasna, ed. Spiegel; Yt. for Yast, ed. Westergaard; Z.D.M.G. for Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft; Zs. for Selections of Z4d-sparam, as translated in vol. v of this series.
iv of this series; Vend., Visp., and Yas. for Vendidad, Visparad, and Yasna, ed. Spiegel; Yt. for Yast, ed. Westergaard; Z.D.M.G. for Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft; Zs. for Selections of Z4d-sparam, as translated in vol. v of this series.
eer tT OL oe eee > er
A A
DADISTAN-I DINIK
OR °
THE RELIGIOUS OPINIONS
OF
MANUSKIHAR, SON OF YUDAN-YIM,
DASTOR OF
PARS AND KIRMAN,
A.D. 881.
[18] B
OBSERVATIONS.
1. For all divisions into chapters and sections the translator is responsible, as the manuscripts merely indicate the beginning of each question and reply.
2. Italics are used for any English words which are not expressed, or fully understood, in the original text, but are added to complete the sense of the translation.
3. Italics occurring in Oriental words, or names, represent certain peculiar Oriental letters (see the ‘ Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets’ at the end of this volume). The italic d, J, 2, r, v may be pronounced gs in English; but g should be sounded like j, 47 like wh, 4 like ch in ‘church,’ s like sh, and 2 like French j.
4. In Pahlavi words the only vowels expressed in the original text are those circumflexed, initial a, and the letter 6; italic d is written like t, y and / like n or the Avesta 0, v and g like g, and ad like 4 in the Pahlavi character (see the latter part of § 1 of the Introduction).
5. Inthe translation, words in parentheses are merely explanatory of those which precede them.
6. For the meaning of the abbreviations used in the notes, see the end of the Introduction.
4. The manuscripts mentioned are :—
BK, an old imperfect copy of K35 written in Kirm4n, but now in Bombay.
J (about 60 years old), belonging to Dastir Jamaspji Minochiharji in Bombay.
K35 (probably written a.p. 1572), No. 35 in the University Library at Kopenhagen; upon the text of which this translation is based.
Ms (written a.p. 1723), a MS. of miscellaneous texts in Persian letters, No. 5 of the Haug Collection in the State Library at Munich,
M14 (a modern copy of a MS. in the library of the Parsi highpriest in Bombay), No. 14 in the same Collection.
TD, a MS. of the Bundahis belonging to Mébad Tehmuras Dinshawji in Bombay.
SO SES TST il etn cee
Aa A
DADISTAN-I DINIK.
SomE chapters of the enquiries which Mitrékharshéd, son of Atdvd-mah4n 1 and others of the good religion made of the glorified (anoshakéraban) MAndséthar?, son of Yodan-Yim, and the replies given by him in explanation.
Cuapter I.
o. Through the name and power and assistance of the creator Adharmazd and all good Jdeings, all the heavenly and earthly angels, and every creature and creation that Adhavmazd set going for his own angels and all pertaining to the celestial spheres.
Cuapter I.
o. Through the name and power and assistance of the creator Adharmazd and all good Jdeings, all the heavenly and earthly angels, and every creature and creation that Adhavmazd set going for his own angels and all pertaining to the celestial spheres.
‘The name Atfir-m4h4n occurs in a Pahlavi inscription, dated a.y. 378 (a.pD. 1009), in one of the Kanheri caves, near Bombay (see Indian Antiquary, vol. ix, pp. 266, 267), and Adharm4h is mentioned in Hoffmann’s Ausztige aus syrischen Akten persischer Martyrer (Leipzig, 1880), p. 203; so that this name must have been commonly used by Parsis in former times, though unknown now.
* He calls himself pontiff and director of the priests of P4rs and Kirm4n in a.y. 250=a. D. 881, and was, therefore, the leader of the religion (see Chaps. XLV, 5, XCIV, 13, and Ep. III, 21). Besides these titles of pésfip4f, ‘leader,’ farm4d4r, ‘director,’ and rad, ‘pontiff or executive high-priest,’ he is also called aérpat khfid4i, ‘priestly lordship,’ in the heading to Ep. III, and has the general title aérpat, ‘ priest,’ in those of Ep. I and II. The reading of the name of his father, Yidfn-Yim (Pers. Guvan-Gam, ‘the youthful Gamshéd’), is merely a guess; the Parsis read either Géshna-gam or Gédan-dam; and, perhaps, Gishna-dam, ‘breathing virility,’ is a likely alternative reading.
B 2
4 DADISTAN-{ DiNfkK.
1. Zo those of the good religion, who are these enquirers owing to devout force of demeanour and strength of character, the type of wisdom and standard of ability—-and of whom, moreover, the questions, seeking wisdom, contemplating good works, and investigating religion, are specified—the blessing azd reply of MAndséihar, son of Yddan- Yim, are these:—2. That is, forasmuch as with full affection, great dignity, and grandeur you have blessed me in this enquiring epistle', so much as you have blessed, axd just as you have blessed, with full measure azd perfect profusion, may it happen fully likewise unto you, in the first place, and ¢o your connections, separately for yourselves and dependents; may it come upon you for a long period, and may it be connected with a happy end.
3. As ¢o that which you ordered to write about wishes for an interview and conversation w7zthk me, and the friendliness and regard for religion of yourselves and our former aisczp/e? (lanmanak kadmén) —who is a servant of the sacred beings (yazd4n6)* and a fellow-soldier in struggling with the fiend, alike persistent in reliance upon the good religion of Mazda-worship—I am equally desirous of that one path of righteousness when z¢s extension is to a place in the best existence‘, azd equally hopeful
1 Regarding this epistle, nothing further is known that can be gathered from the text of this reply to it, which gives the substance of the questions it contained.
2 This disciple appears to have been previously sent by Man(skihar to the community he is addressing, most probably to serve as their high-priest.