Pahlavi Texts, Part I — SBE Vol. 5 (trans. E. W. West, 1880)
English·1879–1910·trans. E. W. West·388 passages
The text · part 3 of 18
All evil having departed from the world mankind become like the archangels, and the resurrection takes place, which is described with many of the same details as are mentioned in Bund. XXX.
Accompanying this Persian version in B29 is another
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fragment from the same source, which treats of the same subjects as the third chapter of the Bahman Yast, but is differently arranged. It confines itself to the millennium of Hiashédar, and may possibly be some modification of the contents of the folios missing from the version described above. After some introductory matter this fragment contains a paraphrase (less accurate than the preceding) of Chap. III, 23-49 of the Bahman Yast; it then proceeds to state that Hashédar destroys the wolf race, so that wolves, thieves, highway robbers, and criminals cease to exist. When Hashédar’s three-hundredth year has passed away the winter of Malkés arrives and destroys all animals and vegetation, and only one man survives out of ten thousand ; after which the world is repeopled from the enclosure made by Yim. Then comes the gathering of the nations to the great battle on the Euphrates, where the slaughter is so great that the water of the river becomes red, and the survivors wade in blood up to their horses’ girths. Afterwards, the Kayan king, Varg4vand, advances from the frontiers of India and takes possession of Iran to the great delight of the inhabitants, but only after a great battle; and then Péshyétani is summoned from Kangdez to restore the religious ceremonies.
A German translation of some passages in the Bahman Yast, with a brief summary of the greater part of the remainder, was published in 1860 in Spiegel’s Traditionelle Literatur der Parsen, pp. 128-135.
6. THE SHAYAST LA-SHAYAST.
Another treatise which must be referred to about the same age as the Bundahis, though of a very different character, is the Shayast l4-shayast or ‘the proper and improper.’ It is a compilation of miscellaneous laws and customs regarding sin and impurity, with other memoranda about ceremonies and religious subjects in general. Its name has, no doubt, been given to it in modern times!, and has pro-
' But perhaps before the compilation of the prose Sad-dar Bundahis, or Bundahis of a hundred chapters, which seems to refer to the Shiyast la-shayast
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bably arisen from the frequent use it makes of the words shayad, ‘ it is fit or proper, and 14 shayad, ‘it is not fit or proper.’ And, owing to its resemblance to those Persian miscellanies of traditional memoranda called Rivdyats, it has also been named the Pahlavi Rivayat, though chiefly by Europeans.
It consists of two parts, which are often put together in modern MSS., and bear the same name, but are widely separated in the oldest MSS. These two parts, consisting respectively of Chaps. I-X and XI-XIV in the present translation, are evidently two distinct treatises on the same and similar subjects, but of nearly the same age. That they were compiled by two different persons, who had access to nearly the same authorities, appears evident from Chaps. XI, 1, 2, XII, 11, 13-16, 18, 20 being repetitions of Chaps. I, 1, 2, X, 4, 20-23, 7, 31, with only slight alterations ; such repetitions as would hardly be made in a single treatise by the same writer. Minor repetitions in the first part, such as those of some phrases in Chaps. II, 65, IV, 14, repeated in Chap. X, 24, 33, might readily be made by the same writer in different parts of the same treatise. To these two parts of the Sh4yast 14-shayast a third part has been added in the present translation, as an appendix, consisting of a number of miscellaneous passages of a somewhat similar character, which are found in the same old MSS. that contain the first two parts, but which cannot be attributed either to the same writers or the same age as those parts.
The first part commences with the names and amounts of the various degrees of sin, and the names of the chief commentators on the Vendidad. It then gives long details regarding the precautions to be taken with reference to corpses and menstruous women, and the impurity they occasion; besides mentioning (Chap. II, 33-35) the pollution in its opening words, as follows:—‘ This book is on “the proper and improper” which is brought out from the good, pure religion of the Mazdayasnians ;’ though this term may possibly relate to its own contents. There is also a Persian treatise called ShAyast na-sh4yast, which gives a good deal of information obtained from the Persian Rivayats, and copies of which are contained in the MSS. Nos. 56 and 116 of the Ouseley collection in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. -
INTRODUCTION. Ixi
There is also a Persian treatise called ShAyast na-sh4yast, which gives a good deal of information obtained from the Persian Rivayats, and copies of which are contained in the MSS. Nos. 56 and 116 of the Ouseley collection in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. -
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caused by a serpent. It next describes the proper size and materials of the sacred thread-girdle and shirt, giving some details about the sins of running about uncovered and walking with one boot, and thence proceeding to the sin of unseasonable chatter. Details are then given about good works, and those who can and cannot perform them; in which reference is made to Christians, Jews, and those of other persuasions (Chap. VI, 7). The next subjects treated of are reverencing the sun and fire, the sin of extinguishing fire, confession and renunciation of sin, atonement for sins, especially mortal sins, both those affecting others and those only affecting one’s own soul ; with a digression (Chap. VIII, 3) prohibiting the rich from hunting. The remainder of this first treatise is of a miscellaneous character, referring to the following subjects :—The Hasar of time, priests passing away in idolatry, the discussion of religion, ceremonies not done aright, throwing a corpse into the sea, evil of eating in the dark, the four kinds of worship, when the angels should be invoked in worship, the ephemeral nature of life, proper looseness for a girdle, when the sacred cake set aside for the guardian spirits can be used, maintaining a fire where awoman is pregnant, providing a tank for ablution, the Gathas not to be recited over the dead, food and drink not to be thrown away to the north at night, unlawful slaughter of animals, how the corpse of a pregnant woman should be carried, forgiveness of trespasses, evil of walking without boots, when the sacred girdle is to be assumed, breaking the spell of an inward prayer, ten women wanted at childbirth, and how the infant is to be treated, sin of beating an innocent person, evil of a false judge, men and women who do not marry, a toothpick must be free from bark, acknowledging the children of a handmaid, advantage of offspring and of excess in almsgiving, prayer on lying down and getting up, Avesta not to be mumbled, doubtful actions to be avoided or consulted about, evil of laughing during prayer, crowing of a hen, treatment of a hedgehog, after a violent death corruption does not set in immediately, necessity of a dog's gaze, putrid meat and hairy cakes or butter unfit for ceremonies, when a woman can do priestly duty, &c.
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The second part also commences with the names and amounts of the various degrees of sin, followed by the proper meat-offerings for various angels and guardian spirits. Next come miscellaneous observations on the following subjects :—The simplest form of worship, necessity of submitting to a high-priest, advantage of a fire in the house, sin of clothing the dead, presentation of holy-water to the nearest fire after a death, nail-parings to be prayed over, advantage of light at childbirth, offerings to the angels, maintaining a fire where a woman is pregnant and a child is born, a toothpick must be free from bark, acknowledging the children of a handmaid, advantage of offspring and of excess in almsgiving, evil of drawing well-water at night, food not to be thrown away to the north at night, advantage of prayer at feasts, treatment of a hedgehog, praying when washing the face, the proper choice of a purifying priest, no one should be hopeless of heaven, necessity of a wife being religious as well as her husband, the ceremonies which are good works, and the cause of sneezing, yawning, and sighing. These are followed by a long account of the mystic signification of the Gathas, with some information as to the errors which may be committed in consecrating the sacred cakes, and how the beginning of the morning watch is to be determined.
The third part, or appendix, commences with an account of how each of the archangels can be best propitiated, by a proper regard for the particular worldly existence which he specially protects. This is followed by a statement of the various degrees of sin, and of the amount of good works attributed to various ceremonies. Then come some account of the ceremonies after a death, particulars of those who have no part in the resurrection, the duty of submission to the priesthood, whether evil may be done for the sake of good, the place where people will rise from the dead, Aéshm’s complaint to Aharman of the three things he could not injure in the world, the occasions on which the Ahunavar formula should be recited, and the number of recitals that are requisite, &c. And, finally, statements of the lengths of midday and afternoon shadows, blessings invoked
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from the thirty angels and archangels who preside over the days of the month, and the special epithets of the same.
And, finally, statements of the lengths of midday and afternoon shadows, blessings invoked
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from the thirty angels and archangels who preside over the days of the month, and the special epithets of the same.
With regard to the age of this treatise we have no precise information. All three parts are found in a MS. (M6) which was written in A.D. 1397 (see p. xxix), and nearly the whole is also found in the MS. K20, which may be a few years older (see p. xxvii), and in which the first part of the Sh4yast l4-sh4yast is followed by a Persian colophon dated A.Y. 700 (A.D. 1331), copied probably from an older MS. The text in both these old MSS. seems to have been derived almost direct from the same original, which must have been so old when M6 was written that the copyist found some words illegible (see notes on Chaps. VIII, 19, X, 34, XII, 14, 15, &c.) Now it is known from a colophon that a portion of M6, containing the book of Ard4-Viraf and the tale of Gést-i Fry4né, was copied from a MS. written in A.D. 1249; and we may safely conclude that the Sh4yast 1l4-sh4yast was copied, either from the same MS., or from one fully as old. So far, therefore, as external evidence goes, there is every reason to suppose that the whole of the Shayast 14-shayast, with its appendix’, was existing in a MS. written about 630 years ago.
But internal evidence points to a far higher antiquity for the first two parts, as the compilers of those treatises evidently had access, not only to several old commentaries, but also to many of the Nasks, which have long been lost. Thus, the first treatise contains quotations from the commentaries of Afarg, Gégésasp, Kdshtand-bigéd, Méddkmah, Réshan, and Séshyans, which are all frequently quoted in the Pahlavi translation of the Vendidad (see Sls. I, 3, 4, notes); besides mentioning the opinions of Mardbad, Néryésang, Nés4t Barz-Mitré, and Vand-Adharmazd, who are rarely or never mentioned in the Pahlavi Vendidad. It also quotes no less than eleven of the twenty Nasks or books of the complete Mazdayasnian literature which are no longer extant, besides the Vendidad, the only Nask that still survives in the full extent it had in Sasanian times.
‘ Except Chaps. XXII, XXIII (see the note on the heading of Chap. XXII). - lxiv PAHLAVI TEXTS.
‘ Except Chaps. XXII, XXIII (see the note on the heading of Chap. XXII). - lxiv PAHLAVI TEXTS.
The Nasks quoted are the Stdgar (Sls. X, 8), the Bagh (X, 26), the Damdad (X, 22), the Paz6n (IX, 9), the Ratistaitih (X, 29), the Kidrast (X, 28), the Spend (X, 4), the Nihaddm (X, 3, 22, 23), the Dibasrigéd (X, 13), the Hasparam (X, 21), and the Sakadim (X, 25), very few of which are mentioned even in the Pahlavi Vendidad. The second treatise mentions only one commentator, Vand-Agharmazd, but it quotes eight of the Nasks no longer extant; these are the Stddgar (Sls. XII, 32), the Damdad (XII, 5, 15), the Spend (XII, 3, 11, 15, 29), the Bag-yasné (XII, 17), the Nihaddm (XII, 15, 16), the Hdsp4ram (XII, 1, 7, 14, 31, XIII, 17), the Sakaddm (XII, 2, 10, 12, XIII, 30), and the Hadékht (XII, 19, 30, XIII, 6, 10).
Of two of these Nasks, the Bagh and H4dékht, a few fragments may still survive (see notes on Sls. X, 26, Haug’s Essays, p. 134, B. Yt. III, 25), but those of the latter Nask do not appear to contain the passages quoted in the Shayast 14-shayast. With regard to the rest we only know that the Damdad, Hisp4ram, and Sakadim must have been still in existence about A.D. 881, as they are quoted in the writings of Zad-sparam and Mandséihar, sons of Yadén-Yim, who lived at that time (see pp. xlii, xlvi); and the Nih4adam and Hdsp4ram are also quoted in the Pahlavi Vendidad. It is true that the Dinkard gives copious information about the contents of all the Nasks, with two or three exceptions ; and the Dinkard seems to have assumed its present form about A.D. 900 (see Bund. X XXIII, 11, notes); but its last editor was evidently merely a compiler of old fragments, so there is no certainty that many of the Nasks actually existed in his time.
Thus far, therefore, the internal evidence seems to prove that the two treatises called Shayast l4-shayast, which constitute the first two parts of the present translation, are more than a thousand years old. On the other hand, they cannot be more than three centuries older, because they frequently quote passages from the Pahlavi Vendidad which, as we have seen (p. xlvi, note 1), could not have assumed its present form before the time of Khasré Néshirvan (A.D. 531-579). As they contain no reference to any
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xlvi, note 1), could not have assumed its present form before the time of Khasré Néshirvan (A.D. 531-579). As they contain no reference to any
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interference of the governing powers with the religion or priesthood, it is probable that they were written before the Muhammadan conquest (A.D. 636-651), although they do not mention the existence of any ‘king of the kings,’ the usual title of the Sasanian monarchs. And this probability is increased by there being no direct mention of Muhammadanism among the contemporary religions named in Chap. VI, 7, unless we assume that passage to be a quotation from an earlier book. We may, therefore, conclude, with tolerable certainty, that the Pahlavi text of the first two parts of the present translation of the Shdyast 14shayast was compiled some time in the seventh century ; but, like the Bundahis and Bahman Yast, it was, for the most part, a compilation of extracts and translations from far older writings, and may also have been rearranged shortly after the Muhammadan conquest.
The fragments which are collected in the appendix, or third part of the present translation, are probably of various ages, and several of them may not be more than seven centuries old. The commentator Bakht-afrid, whose work (now lost) is quoted in Chap. XX, 11, may have lived in the time of Khasré6 Néshirvan (see B. Yt. I, 7). And Chap. XXI must certainly have been written in Persia, as the lengths of noonday shadows which it mentions are only suitable for 32° north latitude. As regards the last two chapters we have no evidence that they are quite five centuries old.
For the Pahlavi text of the Shayast 14-shayast and its appendix we have not only the very old codex M6 (see p. xxix) for the whole of it, but also the equally old codex K20 (see p. xxvii) for all but Chaps. XV-XVII, XX, XXII, and XXIII in the appendix. In M6 the first two parts are separated by twenty folios, containing the Farhang-i Oimkhaddk, and the second part is separated from the first three chapters of the appendix by four folios, containing the Patit-i Khad; the next three chapters of the appendix are from the latter end of the second volume of M6, Chap. X XI is from the middle of the same, and the last two chapters are from some additional folios at the beginning of the fs] e
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first volume. In K20 the first two parts are separated by ninety-two folios, containing the Farhang-i Oim-khadak, Bundahis, Bahman Yast, and several other Pahlavi and Avesta texts ; Chap. XVIII precedes the first part, Chap. XIX precedes the second part, and Chap. XXI is in an earlier part of the MS.
In K20 the first two parts are separated by ninety-two folios, containing the Farhang-i Oim-khadak, Bundahis, Bahman Yast, and several other Pahlavi and Avesta texts ; Chap. XVIII precedes the first part, Chap. XIX precedes the second part, and Chap. XXI is in an earlier part of the MS.
Derived from K20 are the two modern copies P7 and Kai (see p. xxviii). Derived from M6 are the modern copy of the first two parts in Mg (No. 9 of the Haug collection in the State Library at Munich), a copy of Chaps. XIV, XV in L15 (No. 15 of the collection of Avesta and Pahlavi MSS. in the India Office Library at London), a copy of Chap. XX, 4-17 in O121 (No. 121 of the Ouseley collection in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, see p. xxx), and a copy of Chap. XVIII in Dastar Jamdspji’s MS. of the Bundahis at Bombay. While an independent Pahlavi version of Chap. XXIII occurs in a very old codex in the library of the high-priest of the Parsis at Bombay, which version has been used for the text of the present translation, because that chapter is incomplete in M6,
Pazand versions of some of the chapters, chiefly in the appendix, are to be found in some MSS,., but all derived apparently from M6. Thus, in the Pizand MSS. L7 and L22 (Nos. 7 and 22 in the India Office Library at London, see p. xxxi), written in Avesta characters, Chaps. XVIII, XX, XV follow the last chapter of the Bundahis, and Chap. XIV occurs a few folios further on. And in the Pazand MS. M7 (No. 7 of the Haug collection in the State Library at Munich), written in Persian characters, the following detached passages occur in a miscellaneous collection of extracts (fols. 126-133):—Chaps. XX, 14-16, X, 18, 19, IX, 9, 10, XX, 12, 13, 4, 5, VIII, 2, 4-14, XX, 11. A Persian version of Chap. XVIII also occurs in M5 (No. 5 of the same collection) on fol. 54.
It does not appear that the Shayast 14-shayast has ever been hitherto translated into any European language ', nor
1 Except Chap. XVIII, which was translated into German by Justi, as the last chapter of his translation of the Bundahis (see p. xxvi).
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54.
It does not appear that the Shayast 14-shayast has ever been hitherto translated into any European language ', nor
1 Except Chap. XVIII, which was translated into German by Justi, as the last chapter of his translation of the Bundahis (see p. xxvi).
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is any Persian or Gugarati translation of it known to the present translator, though a good deal of the matter it contains may be found in the Persian Rivayats, but generally given in a different form. Owing to the technical character of the treatise, it is hazardous for any one but a Parsi priest to attempt to translate it, so that errors will, no doubt, be apparent to the initiated in the present translation. At the same time it must not be forgotten that the laws and customs mentioned in the text were those current in Persia twelve centuries ago, which may be expected to differ, in many details, from those of the Parsis in India at the present day. This is a consideration which a Parsi translator might be too apt to ignore; so that his thorough knowledge of present customs, though invaluable for the decipherment of ambiguous phrases, might lead him astray when dealing with clear statements of customs and rules now obsolete and, therefore, at variance with his preconceived ideas of propriety.
7. CONCLUDING REMARKS.
The Pahlavi texts selected for translation in this volume are specimens of three distinct species of writings. Thus, the Bundahis and its appendix, which deal chiefly with cosmogony, myths, and traditions, may be roughly compared to the book of Genesis. The Bahman Yast, which professes to be prophetical, may be likened unto the Apocalypse. And the Shdyast 14-shayast, which treats of religious laws regarding impurity, sin, ritual, and miscellaneous matters, bears some resemblance to Leviticus. But, though thus dealing with very different subjects, these texts appear to have all originated in much the same manner, a manner which is characteristic of the oldest class of the Pahlavi writings still extant. All three are full of translations from old Avesta texts, collected together probably in the latter days of the Sasanian dynasty, and finally rearranged some time after the Muhammadan conquest of Persia; so that, practically, they may be taken as representing the ideas entertained of their prehistoric religion by Persians in the e 2
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sixth century, but modified so far as to suit the taste and exigencies of the tenth.
sixth century, but modified so far as to suit the taste and exigencies of the tenth.
But, notwithstanding the wide range of subjects embraced by these texts, it would be rash for the reader to assume that they afford him sufficient information for forming a decided opinion as to the character of the Parsi religion. The texts translated in this volume contain barely oneeleventh part of the religious literature extant in the Pahlavi language, without taking the Pahlavi versions of existing Avesta texts into account, which latter are even more important than the former, from a religious point of view, as they are considered more authoritative by the Parsis themselves, What proportion the literature extant may bear to that which is lost it is impossible to guess; but, omitting all consideration of the possible contents of the lost literature, it is obvious that the remaining ten-elevenths of that which is extant may contain much which would modify any opinion based merely upon the one-eleventh here translated. What the untranslated portion actually contains no one really knows, The best Pahlavi scholar can never be sure that he understands the contents of a Pahlavi text until he has fully translated it ; no amount of careful reading can make him certain that he does not misunderstand some essential part of it, and were he to assert the contrary he would be merely misleading others and going astray himself. How far the translations in this volume will enable the reader to judge of the Parsi religion may perhaps be best understood by considering how far a careful perusal of the books of Genesis, Leviticus, and the Revelation, which constitute one-eleventh part of the Protestant Bible, would enable him to judge of Christianity, without any further information.
But, though these translations must be considered merely as a contribution towards a correct account of medizval Zoroastrianism, the Bundahis does afford some very definite information upon one of the fundamental doctrines of that faith. The Parsi religion has long been represented by its opponents as a dualism ;' and this accusation, made in good faith by Muhammadan writers, and echoed more
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incautiously by Christians, has been advanced so strenuously that it has often been admitted even by Parsis themselves, as re: ids, the, medizval form of their faith. But neither party! ‘séem# to have fairly considered how any religion which admits the personality of an evil spirit, in order to account for the existence of evil, can fail to become a dualism to a certain extent. If, therefore, the term is to be used in controversy, it behoves those who use it to define the limits of objectionable dualism with great precision,|so as not to include most of the religions of the world, their own among the number.
If it be necessary for a dualism that the evil spirit be omnipresent, omniscient, almighty, or eternal, then is the
If it be necessary for a dualism that the evil spirit be omnipresent, omniscient, almighty, or eternal, then is the
’ Parsi religion no dualism. \(The Bundahis distinctly asserts that the evil spirit is not omniscient and almighty (Chap. I, 16); that his understanding is backward (I, 3, 9), so that he was not aware of the existence of Adharmazd till he arose from the abyss and saw the light (I, 9); that he is unobservant and ignorant of the future (I, 19) till it is revealed to him by Adharmazd (I, 21); that his creatures perish at the resurrection (I, 7, 21),and he himself becomes impotent (I, 21, III, 1) and will not be (I, 3, XXX, 32). Nowhere is he supposed to be in two places at once, or to know what is occurring elsewhere than in his own presence. So far, his powers are considerably less than those generally assigned by Christians to the devil, who is certainly represented as being a more intelligent and ubiquitous personage. | (On the other hand, Aharman is able to produce fiends and demons (Chap. I, 10, 24), and the noxious creatures are said to be his (III, 15, XIV, 30, XVIII, 2);: in which respects he has probably rather more power than the devil, although the limits of the latter’s means of producing evil are by no means well defined.
‘The origin and end of Aharman appear to be left as uncertain as those of the devil, and, altogether, the resemblance between these two ideas of the evil spirit is remarkably close; in fact, almost too close to admit of the possibility of their being ideas of different origin. “The only important differences are that Zoroastrianism does not believe in an
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eternity of evil as Christianity does} and that Christianity has been content to leave all its other ideas about the devil in a very hazy and uncertain form, while Zoroastrianism has not shrunk from carrying similar ideas to their logical conclusion, If, therefore,a belief in Aharman, as the author of evil, makes the Parsi religion a dualism, it is difficult to understand why a belief in the devil, as the author of evil, does not make Christianity also a dualism. At any rate, it is evident from the Bundahis that a Christian is treading on hazardous ground when he objects to Zoroastrianism on the score of its dualism.
At any rate, it is evident from the Bundahis that a Christian is treading on hazardous ground when he objects to Zoroastrianism on the score of its dualism.
Another misrepresentation of the Parsi religion is shown to have no foundation in fact, by a passage in the Selections of ZAd-sparam. \Several writers, both Greek and Armenian, contemporaries of the Sasanian dynasty, represent the Persians as believing that both Adharmazd and Aharman were produced by an eternal being, who is evidently a personification of the Avesta phrase for ‘boundless time.’ This view was apparently confirmed by a passage in Anquetil Duperron’s French translation of the Vendidad (XIX, 32-34), but this has long been known to be a mistranslation due to Anquetil’s ignorance of Avesta grammar ;\ So that the supposed doctrine of ‘boundless time’ being the originator of everything is not to be found in the Avesta; still it might have sprung up in Sasanian times.; But the Selections of Z4d-sparam (I, 24) distinctly state that Adharmazd produced the creature Zérvan (precisely the term used in the phrase ‘ boundless time’ in the Avesta). Here ‘time, although personified, is represented as a creature of Adharmazd, produced after the first appearance of Aharman ; which contradicts the statement of the Greek and Armenian writers completely, and shows how little reliance can be placed upon the assertions of foreigners regarding matters which they view with antipathy or prejudice.
With reference to the general plan of these translations of Pahlavi texts a few remarks seem necessary. In the first place, it will be obvious to any attentive reader of this introduction that a translator of Pahlavi has not merely to translate, but also to edit, the original text; and, in some
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- INTRODUCTION. xxi cases, he has even to discover it. Next, as regards the translation, it has been already mentioned (p. xxvi) that the translator’s object is to make it as literal as possible ; in order, therefore, to check the inevitable tendency of free translation to wander from the meaning of the original text, all extra words added to complete the sense, unless most distinctly understood in the original, are italicised in the translation. And in all cases that seem doubtful the reader's attention is called to the fact by a note, though it is possible that some doubtful matters may be overlooked.
And in all cases that seem doubtful the reader's attention is called to the fact by a note, though it is possible that some doubtful matters may be overlooked.
The notes deal not only with explanations that may be necessary for the general reader, but also with various readings and other details that may be useful to scholars; they are, therefore, very numerous, though some passages may still be left without sufficient explanation. References to the Vendidad, Yasna, and Visparad are made to Spiegel’s edition of the original texts, not because that edition is superior, or even equal, in accuracy to that of Westergaard, but because it is the only edition which gives the Pahlavi translations, because its sections are shorter and, therefore, reference to them is more definite, and because the only English translation of the Avesta hitherto existing! is based upon Spiegel’s edition, and is divided into the same sections.
No attempt has been made to trace any of the myths or traditions farther back than the Avesta, whence their descent is a fact that can hardly be disputed. To trace them back to earlier times, to a supposed Indo-Iranian personification or poetic distortion of meteorological phenomena, would be, in the present state of our knowledge, merely substituting plausible guesses for ascertained facts. In many cases, indeed, we have really no right to assume that an Avesta myth has descended from any such Indo- Iranian origin, as there have been ample opportunities for the infiltration of myths from other sources, yet unknown,
1 Bleeck’s Avesta; the Religious Books of the Parsees; from Professor Spiegel’s German Translation; London, 1864. Not much reliance can be placed upon the correctness of this translation, owing to defects in the German one,
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among the many nations with which the religion of the Avesta has come in contact, both before and since the time of Zaratist. For, notwithstanding the ingenious rhetoric of the expounders of myths, it is still as unsafe, from a scientific point of view, to disbelieve the former existence of Zaratist as it is to doubt that of Moses, or any other practically prehistoric personage, merely because mythic tales have gathered about his name in later times, as they always do about the memory of any individual who has become famous or revered.
In many cases the original Pahlavi word is appended, in parentheses, to its English equivalent in the translation. This has been done for the sake of explanation, when the word is technical or rare, or the translation is unusual. For, with regard to technical terms, it has been considered best, in nearly all cases, to translate them by some explanatory phrase, in preference to filling the translation with foreign words which would convey little or no distinct meaning to the general reader. Some of these technical terms have almost exact equivalents in English, such as those translated ‘resurrection’ and ‘demon,’ or can be well expressed by descriptive phrases, such as ‘sacred twigs’ and ‘sacred cakes.’ Other terms are only approximately rendered by such words as ‘archangel’ and ‘angel ;’ others can hardly be expressed at all times by the same English words, but must change according to the context, such as the term variously rendered by ‘worship, ceremonial, prayer, or rites. While the meaning of some few terms is so technical, complicated, or uncertain, that it is safer to use the Pahlavi word itself, such as Tandpdhar, Frasast, Gétikharid, Dvazdah-hémast, &c.
The following is a list of nearly all the technical terms that have been translated, with the English equivalents generally used to express them :—Afrin, ‘blessing;’? aharmdk, ‘apostate, heretic ;’ aharQbé, ‘righteous ;’ aharibd-d4d, ‘alms, almsgiving;’ akdin6, ‘infidel;’ ameshéspend, ‘archangel ;’ armést, ‘helpless ;? ast-hémand, ‘ material;’ atiséfrid, ‘ propitiation, offering ;’ bagh6é-bakht6, ‘divine providence ;’ baresém, ‘sacred twigs or twig-bundle;’
With regard to the orthography of Pahlavi names and words, advantage has been taken of the system of transliteration adopted for this series of Translations of the Sacred Books of the East, by making use of italics for the purpose of distinguishing between certain Pahlavi letters which were probably pronounced very nearly alike. Thus, besides the usual letters | for v and § for z, the Pahlavi letter @ is often used to denote those same sounds which, in such cases, are represented by the italic letters v and gz. An extension of the same mode of distinction to the letters 1 and r would be desirable, but has not been attempted in this volume; these two letters are usually written 4), but in a few words they are represented by \ or by J, in which cases they would be better expressed by the italics 7and r. Some attempt has been made to adhere to one uniform orthography in such names as occur frequently, but as there is no such uniformity in the various languages and writings quoted, nor even in the same manuscript, some deviations can hardly be avoided.
In conclusion it may be remarked that a translator of Pahlavi generally begins his career by undervaluing the correctness of Pahlavi texts and the literary ability of their authors, but he can hardly proceed far without finding abundant reason for altering his opinion of both. His depreciatory view of Pahlavi literature is generally due partly to want of knowledge, and partly to his trusting too much to the vile perversions of Pahlavi texts usually supplied by PAzand writers. But as his knowledge of Pahlavi increases he becomes better able to appreciate the literary merits of the texts. Ifthe reader should have already formed some such low estimate of the ability of Pahlavi writers, it may be hoped that these translations will afford him sufficient reason for changing his opinion ; if not, they will have signally failed in doing those writers justice.
THE
[5]
BUNDAHIS
OR
ORIGINAL CREATION.
OBSERVATIONS.
1. For all divisions into chapters and sections the translator is responsible, as the original text is written continuously, with very few stops marked.
2. Italics are used for any English words which are not expressed, or fully understood, in the original text, but are added to complete the sense of the translation.
3. Oriental words are usually ‘spaced.’ Italics occurring in them, or in names, are intended to represent certain peculiar Oriental letters. The italic consonants d, ”, v may be pronounced as in English; but g should be sounded like j, Av like wh, & like ch in ‘church,’ wn like ng, s like sh, g like French j. For further information, see ‘ Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Translations of the Sacred Books of the East’ at the end of the volume.
For further information, see ‘ Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Translations of the Sacred Books of the East’ at the end of the volume.
4. In Pahlavi words all circumflexed vowels and any final 6 are expressed in the Pahlavi original, but all other vowels are merely understood.
5. In the translation, words in parentheses are merely explanatory of those which precede them.
6. Abbreviations used are:—Av. for Avesta. Dé&d. for Dadistan-i Dinik. Huz. for Huzvaris. Mkh. for Mainy6-i-khard, ed. West. Pahl. for Pahlavi. Pz. for Pazand. Pers. for Persian. Sans. for Sanskrit. Vend. for Vendid4d, ed. Spiegel. Visp. for Visparad, ed. Sp. Yas. for Yasna, ed. Sp. Yte for Yast, ed. Westergaard.
7. The manuscripts mentioned in the notes are :—
K2o (about 500 years old), No. 20 in the University Library at Kopenhagen.
Ka2ob (uncertain date), a fragment of the text, No. 20b in the same library.
M6 (written a.p. 1397), No. 6 of the Haug Collection in the State Library at Munich.
TD (written about a.p. 1530), belonging to Mobad Tehmuras Dinshawji Anklesaria at Bombay.
BUNDAHIS.
Cuapter I, o. In the name of the creator Aftharmazd.
1. The Zand-4k4s (‘Zand-knowing or traditioninformed’)}, which is first about Adharmazd’s original creation and the antagonism of the evil spirit®, and afterwards about the nature of the creatures from the original creation till the end, which is the future existence (tanfi-! pasind). 2. ‘As revealed by the religion of the Mazdayasnians,so“it is declared that Adharmazd is supreme in omniscience and goodness,
1 The Pézand and most of the modern Pahlavi manuscripts have, ‘From the Zand-4k4s,’ but the word min, ‘from,’ does not occur in the old manuscript Kzo, and is a modern addition to M6. From this opening sentence it would appear that the author of the work gave it the name Zand-&kés.
* The Avesta Angra-mainyu, the spirit who causes adversity or anxiety (see Darmesteter’s Ormazd et Ahriman, pp. 92-95); the Pahlavi name is, most probably, merely a corrupt transliteration of the Avesta form, and may be read Ganrak-mafn6k, as the Avesta Spesta-mainyu, the spirit who causes prosperity, has become Spén4k-mafnék in Pahlavi. This latter spirit is represented by Aftharmazd himself in the Bundahis. The Pahlavi word for ‘spirit,’ which is read madénad by the Parsis, and has been pronounced minavad by some scholars and mfnéf by others, is probably a corruption of mafnék, as its Sasanian form was miné. If it were not for the extra medial letter in ganrak, and for the obvious partial transliteration of spén&k, it would be preferable to read gan4k, ‘smiting,’ and to derive it from a supposed verb gandan, ‘to smite’ (Av. ghna), as proposed by most Zendists. A Parsi would probably suggest gandan, ‘to stink.’
B2
4 BUNDAHIs.
ghna), as proposed by most Zendists. A Parsi would probably suggest gandan, ‘to stink.’
B2
4 BUNDAHIs.
and unrivalled in splendour; the region of light is the place of Atharmazd, which they call ‘endless light,’ and the omniscience and goodness of the unrivalled Aftharmazd is what they call ‘revelation’. 3. Revelation is the explanation of both spirits together ; one is he who is independent of unlimited time *, because Aftharmazd and the region, religion, and time of Adharmazd were and are and ever will be; whz/e Aharman‘ in darkness, with backward understanding and desire for destruction, was 2” the abyss, and it is Ae who will not be; and the place of that destruction, and also of that darkness, is what they call the ‘endlessly dark.” 4. And between them was empty space, ¢Aa?¢ is, what they call ‘air,’ in which is now ¢hety meeting, |
5. Both are limited and unlimited spirits, for the supreme is that which they call endless light, and the abyss that which is endlessly dark, so that between them is a void, and one is not connected with
1 Reading aham -kaf, ‘without a fellow-sovereign, peerless, unrivalled, independent.’ This rare word occurs three times in §§ 2, 3, and some Pazand writers suggest the meaning ‘ everlasting’ (by means of the Persian gloss hamfsah), which is plausible enough, but hAmakf would be an extraordinary mode of writing the very common word ham4i, ‘ ever.’
2 The word diné (properly dén6), Av. daéna, being traceable to a root df, ‘to see,’ must originally have meant ‘a vision’ (see Haug’s Essays on the Religion of the Parsis, znd ed. p. 152, note 2), whence the term has been transferred to ‘religion’ and all religious observances, rules, and writings; so it may be translated either by . ‘religion’ or by ‘revelation.’
8 This appears to be the meaning, but the construction of § 3 is altogether rather obscure, and suggestive of omissions in the text.
* The usual name of the evil spirit; it is probably an older corruption of Angra-mainyu than Ganra&k-matn6ék, and a less technical term. Its Sasanian form was Aharmanf.
CHAPTER 4, 3—10. 5
the other ; and, again, both spirits are limited as to their own selves. 6. And, secondly, on account of the omniscience of Atharmazd, both things are in the creation of Adharmazd, the finite and the infinite; for this they know is that which is in the covenant of both spirits.) 7. And, again, the complete sovereignty of the creatures of Adharmazd is in the future existence, and that also is unlimited for ever and everlasting ; and ‘the creatures of Aharman will perish at the time when! the future existence occurs, and that also is eternity.)
And, again, the complete sovereignty of the creatures of Adharmazd is in the future existence, and that also is unlimited for ever and everlasting ; and ‘the creatures of Aharman will perish at the time when! the future existence occurs, and that also is eternity.)
8. Adharmazd, through omniscience, knew that Aharman exists, azd whatever he schemes he infuses with malice and greediness till the end; and because He accomplishes the end by many means, He also produced spiritually the creatures which were necessary for those means, avd they remained three thousand years in a spiritual s¢aée, so that they were unthinking? and unmoving, with intangible bodies
9. (The evil spirit, on account of backward knowledge, was not aware of the existence of Adharmazd;| and, afterwards, he arose from the abyss, and came in unto the light which he saw. ro. Desirous of destroying, and because of zs malicious nature, he
1 Substituting amat, ‘when,’ for mfin, ‘which,’ two Huzvaris forms which are frequently confounded by Pahlavi copyists because their Pazand equivalents, ka and ke, are nearly alike.
* Reading aminfdér in accordance with M6, which has aminid4&r in Chap. XXXIV, 1, where the same phrase occurs. Windischmann and Justi read amfft4r, ‘uninjured, invulnerable,’ in both places. This sentence appears to refer to a preparatory creation of embryonic and immaterial existences, the prototypes, fravashis, spiritual counterparts, or guardian angels of the spiritual and material creatures afterwards produced.
p. 6
rushed in to destroy that light of Adharmazd unassailed by fiends, and he saw its bravery and glory were greater than his own; so he fled back to the gloomy darkness, and formed many demons and fiends ; and the creatures of the destroyer arose for violence.
11, Atharmazd, by whom the creatures of the evil spirit were seen, creatures terrible, corrupt, and bad, also considered them not commendable (bdrzisntk). 12. Afterwards, the evil spirit saw the creatures of Atharmazd; they appeared many creatures of delight (v4yah), enquiring creatures, and they seemed to him commendable, and he commended the creatures and creation of Adharmazd.
13. Then Adharmazd, with a knowledge! of which way the end of the matter would de, went to meet the evil spirit, and proposed peace to him, avd spoke thus: ‘Evil spirit! bring assistance unto my creatures, and offer praise! so that, in reward for it, ye (you and your creatures) may become immortal and undecaying, hungerless and thirstless.’
14. And the evil spirit shouted thus ?*: ‘I wz// not depart, I wz// not provide assistance for thy creatures, I wz// not offer praise among thy creatures, and I am not of the same opinion with thee as to good things. I w2d/ destroy thy creatures for ever and everlasting; moreover, I w#d/ force all thy creatures into disaffection to thee and affection for myself.’ 15. And the explanation thereof is this, that the evil spirit reflected in this manner, that
I w2d/ destroy thy creatures for ever and everlasting; moreover, I w#d/ force all thy creatures into disaffection to thee and affection for myself.’ 15. And the explanation thereof is this, that the evil spirit reflected in this manner, that
1 The Huz. khavitfinast stands for the P4z. danist with the meaning, here, of ‘ what is known, knowledge,’ as in Persian.
® Literally, ‘And it was shouted by him, the evil spirit, thus :' the usual idiom when the nominative follows the verb.
CHAPTER I, I I-20. 7
Adharmazd was helpless as regarded him’, therefore He proffers peace; and he did not agree, but bore on even into conflict with Him.
¥16. And Adharmazd spoke thus: ‘You are not omniscient and almighty, O evil spirit! so that it is not possible for thee to destroy me, and it is not possible for thee to force my creatures so that they wt not return to my possession. ’|
7. Then Adharmazd, through omniscience, knew that: If I do not grant a period of contest, then it will be possible for him to act so that he may be able to cause the seduction of my creatures to himself.} As even now there are many of the intermixture of mankind who practise wrong more than right. (18. And Adharmazd spoke to the evil spirit thus: ‘Appoint a period! so that the intermingling of the conflict may be for nine thousand years.’ For he knew that by appointing this period the evil spirit would be undone.\
19.‘ Then the evil spirit, unobservant and through ignorance, was content with that agreement \ just like two men quarrelling together, who propose a time thus: Let us appoint such-and-such a day for a fight.
20. Atharmazd also knew this, through omniscience, that within these nine thousand years, for three thousand years everything proceeds éy the will of Afharmazd, three thousand years ¢here 7s an intermingling of the wills of Adharmazd and Aharman, and the last three thousand years the evil " spirit is disabled,jand they keep the adversary away ? from the creatures.
1 The words dén val stand for dén valman. * That is, ‘the adversary is kept away.’ In Pahlavi the thirdp. 8 a1. [Afterwards, Atharmazd jrecited the Ahunavar thus: Yath4 ahd vairyé (‘as a heavenly lord is to be chosen’), &c.1 once, avd uttered the twenty-one words?; He also exhibited to the evil spirit His own triumph in the end, and the impotence of the evil spirit, the annihilation of the demons, and the resurrection azd undisturbed future existence of the creatures for ever and everlasting. 22. And the evil spirit, who perceived his own impotence and the annihilation of the demons, became confounded, and fell back to the gloomy darkness} even so as is declared in revelation, that, when one of its (the Ahunavar's) three Aarts was uttered, the evil spirit contracted Azs body through fear, and when two parts of it were uttered he fell upon zs knees, and when all of it was uttered ‘he became confounded
person plural is the indefinite person, as in English. These gooo years are in addition to the 3000 mentioned in § 8, as appears more clearly in Chap. XXXIV, 1.
1 This is the most sacred formula of the Parsis, which they have to recite frequently, not only during the performance of their ceremonies, but also in connection with most of their ordinary duties and habits. It is neither a prayer, nor a creed, but a declaratory formula in metre, consisting of one stariza of three lines, containing twenty-one Avesta words, as follows :—
Khshathreméa ahurdi 4, yim dregubyé dadad vastarem. And it may be translated in the following manner : ‘As a heavenly lord is to be chosen, so is an earthly master (spiritual guide), for the sake of righteousness, /o de a giver of the good thoughts of the actions of life towards Mazda; and the dominion is for the lord (Ahura) whom he (Mazda) has given as a protector for the poor’ (see Haug’s Essays on the Religion of the Parsis, 2nd ed. Pp. 125, 141).
2 The word m4rik must mean ‘word’ here, but in some other places it seems to mean ‘syllable’ or ‘ accented syllable.’
CHAPTER I, 21-26. 9
and impotent as to the harm he caused the creatures of Adharmazd, and he remained three thousand years in confusion ?. j
23. fAtharmazd created Azs creatures in the confusion of Aharman;/ first he produced Vohfiman (‘good thought’), by whom the progress of the creatures of Afharmazd was advanced.
24. The evil spirit first created? Mitékht (‘falsehood’), and then Akéman (‘evil thought’).
25. The first of Atharmazd’s creatures of the world was the sky, and his good thought (Vohtman), by good procedure®, produced the light of the world, along with which was the good religion of the Mazdayasnians; this was because the renovation (frashakard) * which happens to the creatures was known to him. 26. Afterwards avose Ardava-
1 This is the first third of the gooo years appointed in §§ 18, 20, and the second 3000 years mentioned in Chap. XXXIV, 1.
2 It is usual to consider d&dan (Huz. yehabfintan), when traceable to Av. da=Sans. dh4, as meaning ‘to create,’ but it can hardly be proved that it means to create out of nothing, any more than any other of the Avesta verbs which it is sometimes convenient to translate by ‘create.’ Before basing any argument upon the use of this word it will, therefore, be safer to substitute the word ‘produce’ in all cases.
® Or it may be translated, ‘ and from it Vohfiman, by good procedure,’ &c. The position here ascribed to Vohfiman, or the good thought of Aflharmazd, bears some resemblance to that of the Word in John i. 1-5, but with this essential difference, that Vohfiman is merely a creature of Adharmazd, not identified with him; for the latter idea would be considered, by a Parsi, as rather inconsistent with strict monotheism. The ‘light of the world’ now created must be distinguished from the ‘ endless light’ already existing with Adharmazd in § 2.
‘ The word frashakard, ‘what is made durable, perpetuation,’ is applied to the renovation of the universe which is to take place about the time of the resurrection, as a preparation for eternity.
Io . BUNDAHIS.
hist, and then Shatvatré, and then Spendarmad, and then Horvadad, and then Amerédad’.
27. From the dark world of Aharman were Akoman and Andar, and then Sdvar, and then Nakahéd, and then Tatrézv and Zairté 2.
28. Of Atharmazd’s creatures of the world, the first was the sky; the second, water; the third, earth; the fourth, plants; the fifth, animals; the sixth, mankind.
Cuapter II.
o. On the formation of the luminaries.
1, Adharmazd produced illumination between the sky and the earth, the constellation stars and those also not of the constellations 3, then the moon, and afterwards the sun, as I sha// relate.
1 These five, with Vohiman and Aftharmazd in his angelic capacity, constitute the seven Ameshaspends, ‘ undying causers of prosperity, immortal benefactors,’ or archangels, who have charge of the whole material creation. They are personifications of old Avesta phrases, such as Vohfi-mané6, ‘good thought;’ Asha-vahista, ‘perfect rectitude;’ Khshathra-vairya, ‘desirable dominion ;’ Spezta-4rmaiti, ‘bountiful devotion ;’ Haurvat4d, ‘ completeness or health ;’ and Ameret&d, ‘immortality.’
* These six demons are the opponents of the six archangels respectively (see Chap. XXX, 29); their names in the Avesta are, Akem-mané, ‘evil thought;’ Idra, Sauru, Naunghaithya, Tauru, Zairifa (see Vendidad X, 17,18 Sp., and XIX, 43 W.), which have been compared with the Vedic god Indra, Sarva (a name of Siva), the Nasatyas, and Sans. tura, ‘diseased,’ and garas, ‘decay,’ respectively. For further details regarding them, see Chap. XXVIII, 4-13.
§ The word akhtar is the usual term in Pahlavi for a constellation of the zodiac; but the term ap4khtar, ‘away from the akhtar,’ means not only ‘the north,’ or away from the zodiac, but also ‘a
CHAPTER I, 27-II, 4. IT
For further details regarding them, see Chap. XXVIII, 4-13.
§ The word akhtar is the usual term in Pahlavi for a constellation of the zodiac; but the term ap4khtar, ‘away from the akhtar,’ means not only ‘the north,’ or away from the zodiac, but also ‘a
CHAPTER I, 27-II, 4. IT
2. First he produced the ce/estzal sphere, and the constellation stars are assigned to it by him; especially these twelve whose names ave Varak (the Lamb), Tér4 (the Bull), Dé-patkar (the Two-figures or Gemini), Kalaéang (the Crab), Sér (the Lion), Khisak (Virgo), Tarazik (the Balance), Gazdim (the Scorpion), Nim4sp (the Centaur or Sagittarius), Vahik? (Capricornus), Dal (the Waterpot), and Mé4hik (the Fish); 3. which, from their original creation, were aivided into the twenty-eight subdivisions of the astronomers ?, of which the names are Padévar, Pésh-Parviz, Parviz, Paha, Avésar, Besn, Rakhvad, Taraha, Avra, Nahn, Miy4n, Avdem, Mashéha, Spar, Husru, Srob, Nur, Gél, Garafsa, Varant, Gau, Got, Muru, Bunda, Kahtsar, Vaht, Miy4n, Kaht*. 4. And all his original creations, planet,’ which is in the zodiac, but apart from the constellations. The meaning of akhtar, most suitable to the context here, appears to be the general term ‘constellation.’
? Written Nah&zik here, both in Kzo and M6, which may be compared with Pers. nah 4z, ‘ the leading goat of a flock ;’ but the usual word for ‘Capricornus’ is Vahtk, asin Chap. V, 6. None of the other names of the signs of the zodiac are written here in Pazand, but it may be noted that if the ah in Vahfk were written in Pazand (that is, in Avesta characters), the word would become the same as Nahasik in Pahlavi.
* Literally, ‘fragments of the calculators,’ khurdak-i ham4rikan. These subdivisions are the spaces traversed daily by the moon among the stars, generally called ‘lunar mansions.’
5 All these names are written in P&azand, which accounts for their eccentric orthography, in which both K2o and M6 agree very closely. The subdivision Parviz is evidently the Pers. parvén, which includes the Pleiades, and corresponds therefore to the Sanskrit Nakshatra Krittika. This correspondence leads to the identification of the first subdivision, Padévar, with the Nakshatra Asvini. The P&zand names are so corrupt that no reliance can be placed upon them, and the first step towards recovering the true
12 BUNDAHIS.
residing in the world, are committed to them’; so that when the destroyer arrives they overcome the adversary and their own persecution, and the creatures are saved from those adversities.
residing in the world, are committed to them’; so that when the destroyer arrives they overcome the adversary and their own persecution, and the creatures are saved from those adversities.
5. As a specimen of a warlike army, which is destined for battle, they have ordained every single constellation of those 6480 thousand small stars as assistance; and among those constellations four chieftains, appointed on the four sides, are leaders.
6. On the recommendation of those chieftains the many unnumbered stars are specially assigned to the various quarters and various places, as the united strength azd appointed power of those constellations. 7. As it is said that Tistar is the chieftain of the east, Satavés the chieftain of the west, Vanand the chieftain of the south, avd Hapték-ring the chieftain of the north, 8. The great oe which they
Pahlavi names would be to transliterate the Pazand back into Pahlavi characters. The ninth subdivision is mentioned in Chap. VII, 1 by the name Avrak. ,
1 That is, to the zodiacal constellations, which are supposed to have special charge of the welfare of creation.
2 Of these four consteHations or stars, which are said to act as leaders, there is no doubt that Hapt6k-ring, the chieftain of the north, is Ursa Major; and it is usually considered that Tistar, the chieftain of the east, is Sirius ; but the other two chieftains are not so well identified, and there may be some doubt as to the proper stations of the eastern and western chieftains. It is evident, however, that the most westerly stars, visible at any one time of the year, are those which set in the dusk of the evening; and east of these, all the stars are visible during the night as far as those which rise at daybreak, which are the most easterly stars visible at that time of the year. Tistar or Sirius can, therefore, be considered the chieftain of the eastern stars only when it rises before daybreak, which it does at the latter end of summer ; and Haptékring or Ursa Major is due north at midnight (on the meridian below the pole) at about the same time of the year. These stars, there-
CHAPTER I, 5-8. 13
call a G&h (period of the day), which they say is the great one of the middle of the sky, till 7us¢ before the destroyer came was the midday (or south) one of the five, that is, the Rapttvin'.