Pahlavi Texts, Part I — SBE Vol. 5 (trans. E. W. West, 1880)
English·1879–1910·trans. E. W. West·388 passages
The text · part 2 of 18
[5] c
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glorious, omniscient, wise, powerful, and supreme, dy what as well-thought, well-said, azd well-done in thought, word, and deed, and the good augury of all the celestial angels and terrestrial angels upon the virtuous creation, I beseech.
‘Written at the second fortunate conjunction (akhtar) in the high-priestship (dastfrih) of the God-devoted, allsagacious cultivator of righteousness, the lover of good works who is God-discerning, spirit-surveying, avd approved by the good, the high-priest of the good religion of the Mazdayasnians, the glorified! Spendyad son of M4h-vindad, son of Rastém, soz of Shatréyar.
‘The writing? of the Bandahis was set going by the coming of the Arabs to the country of Iran, whose heterodoxy (dds-dinih) and ignorance have arisen from not understanding the mysteries of Kayan® orthodoxy (hadinéih) and of those revered by the upholders of the religion. From their deep seats it draws the purport of benedictions, avd from dubious thinking of actions 7¢ draws words of true meaning, the disclosure of which is entertaining knowledge.
‘On account of evil times, even he of the undecayed family of the Kayans and the Kay4n upholders of the religion are mingled with the obedient and just of those heterodox; and by the upper class the words of the orthodox, uttered in assembled worship, are considered as filthy vice. He also whose wish was to learn propriety (var4g) through this treatise (farhang), might provide z¢ for himself, from various places, by trouble and day and night painstaking, d4¢ was not able.’
The text of Chap. I then commences (without any intermediate stop) with the words zak zand-ak4sih, ‘that knowledge of tradition.’ As the whole text of the Bundahis occupies about 203 pages in TD, and each page contains
' Literally, ‘immortal-soulled,’ a term implying generally that the person is dead ; but it seems to have been applied to King Khfsré I (Néshirvan) during his lifetime. The time when this priest lived has yet to be discovered.
3 Reading zektib(n-i, equivalent to Paz. nivis-i; the MS. has zak tibna,
3 The hero tribe or princely race of the KayAnian dynasty, from which later Persian rulers have fancied themselves descended.
INTRODUCTION. XXXV
The time when this priest lived has yet to be discovered.
3 Reading zektib(n-i, equivalent to Paz. nivis-i; the MS. has zak tibna,
3 The hero tribe or princely race of the KayAnian dynasty, from which later Persian rulers have fancied themselves descended.
INTRODUCTION. XXXV
seventeen lines rather longer than those in K20, it is evident that the text in TD must be more than twice the length of that in K20, which occupied originally about eighty-three pages of twenty lines each. This additional text consists not only of additional matter in many of the chapters, but also of extra chapters, which give the work a more complete appearance than it presents in the manuscripts hitherto known. The whole number of chapters in TD appear to be forty-two, the general character of the contents of which may be gathered from the following list of the headings of each chapter, with the space it occupies in TD, and a reference to the corresponding chapter of the translation in this volume (such chapters as seem to be entirely wanting in K20 being marked with an asterisk) :—
1. The knowledge of tradition, first about Afharmazd’s original creation and the antagonism of the evil spirit, afterwards about the nature of the creatures of the world, from the original creation till the end; 19 pages; see Chap. I.
2. On the formation of light; 11 pages; see Chap. IE.
3. The rush of the destroyer at the creatures ; 6 pages; see Chaps. III, IV.
4. On the opposition of the two spirits, that is, in what manner the arch-fiends have come spiritually in opposition to the celestial angels; 10 pages; see Chap. V for two of the middle pages.
5. On the waging of the conflict (4rdik) of the creations of the world, encountering the evil spirit; 1 page; see Chap. VI.
6. The second conflict the water waged; 3 pages; see Chap. VII. ;
7. The third conflict the earth waged; 1 page; see
Chap. VIII.
8. The fourth conflict the plants waged; $ page; see Chap. IX.
g. The fifth conflict the primeval ox waged; 4 page; see Chap. X.
*10. The sixth conflict Gayémard waged ; 14 page.
*11. The seventh conflict the fire waged; 4 page.
*12, The eighth conflict the constellations waged ; } page. Cc 2
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*13. The ninth conflict the celestial angels waged with the evil spirit ; three lines.
*14. Tenth, the stars practised ron-intermeddling (agQmégisn); 4 page.
*15. On the species of those creations; 2$ pages.
16. On the nature of lands; 14 page; see Chap. XI.
17. On the nature of mountains ; 44 pages ; see Chap. XII.
18, On the nature of seas; 24 pages; see Chap. XIII.
19. On the nature of rivers; 54 pages; see Chaps. XX, XXI.
20. On the nature of lakes; 1} page; see Chap. XXII.
21. On the nature of the five classes of animals ; 5% pages ; see Chap. XIV.
22. On the nature of men; 74 pages; see Chap. XV}.
23. On the nature of generation of every kind; 5 pages; see Chap. XVI.
24. On the nature of plants ; 34 pages; see Chap. XXVII.
XXII.
21. On the nature of the five classes of animals ; 5% pages ; see Chap. XIV.
22. On the nature of men; 74 pages; see Chap. XV}.
23. On the nature of generation of every kind; 5 pages; see Chap. XVI.
24. On the nature of plants ; 34 pages; see Chap. XXVII.
25. On the chieftainship of men and animals and every single thing; 24 pages; see Chap. XXIV.
26. On the nature of fire; 44 pages; see Chap. XVII. *27. On the nature of sleep; 24 pages.
*28. On the nature of wind and cloud and rain; 94 pages. *29. On the nature of noxious creatures; 44 pages ?, * 30, On the nature of the wolf species; 2 pages.
31. On things of every kind that are created by the spirits®, and the opposition which came upon them; 7} pages; see Chaps. XVIII, XIX.
32. On the religious year; 4 pages; see Chaps. XXV, XXVI.
* 33. On the great exploits of the celestial angels; 174 pages.
34. On the evil-doing of Aharman and the demons; 7 pages, as in Chap. XXVIII.
* TD contains half a page more near the beginning, and a page and a half more at the end.
* Probably Chap. XXIII of the translation forms a part either of this chapter or the next.
3 This word is doubtful.
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*35. On the body of man and the opinion of the world?!; 7 pages.
36. On the spzritual chieftainship of the regions of the earth; 34 pages, as in Chap. XXIX.
*37. On the Xinvad bridge and the souls of the departed; 54 pages.
*38. On the celebrated provinces of the country of Iran, the residence of the Kay4ns; 5 pages.
* 39. On the calamities of various millenniums happening to the country of Iran; 83 pages %.
40. On the resurrection and future existence; 63 pages; see Chap. XXX. ‘
41. On the race and offspring of the Kay4ns; 82 pages, as in Chaps. XXXI-X XXIII.
42. On the computation of years of the Arabs ; 23 pages; see Chap. XXXIV.
Comparing this list of contents with the text in K20, as published in Westergaard’s lithographed facsimile edition, it appears that TD contains, not only fifteen extra chapters, but also very much additional matter in the chapters corresponding to Chaps. I, II, V, XVI, XXVIII, and XXXI of the translation in this volume, and smaller additions to those corresponding to Chaps. III, IV, XV, XVII, and XXXIV. The arrangement of the chapters in TD is also much more methodical than in the Indian MSS., especially with regard to Chaps. XX, XXI, XXII, and XXVII, which evidently occupy their proper position in TD; and so far as Chap. XX is concerned, this arrangement is confirmed by the insertion of its first sentence between Chaps. XIII and XIV in the Indian MSS., which indicates that the whole chapter must have been in that position in some older copy. In fact, the Indian MSS. must probably be now regarded merely as collections of
1 The meaning is doubtful and must depend upon the context.
2 This chapter begins with a translation of the first fargard of the Vendidad, and concludes with an account of buildings erected by various kings.
In fact, the Indian MSS. must probably be now regarded merely as collections of
1 The meaning is doubtful and must depend upon the context.
2 This chapter begins with a translation of the first fargard of the Vendidad, and concludes with an account of buildings erected by various kings.
3 Containing an account of the kings reigning in the various millenniums, and concluding with prophecies similar to those in the Bahman Yast,
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extracts from the original work; this has been long suspected from the fragmentary character of the text they contain, but it could hardly be proved until a more complete text had been discovered.
Whether TD may be considered as a copy of the text as it stood originally, or merely of an after recension of the work, can hardly be determined with certainty until the whole contents of the manuscript have been carefully examined ; it is, therefore, to be hoped that its owner will be induced to publish a lithographed facsimile of the whole, after the manner of Westergaard’s edition. So far as appears in the lengthy and valuable extracts, with which he has kindly favoured me, no decided difference of style can be detected between the additional matter and the text hitherto known, nor any inconsistencies more striking than such as sometimes occur in the Indian MSS. On the other hand, it will be noticed that heading No. 25 in the list of contents seems to be misplaced, which is an argument against the text being in its original state; and the style of the Bundahis is so much less involved and obscure than that of the Selections of Zad-sparam (see Appendix to the Bundahis), which treat of some of the same subjects, that it may be fairly suspected of having been written originally in a different age. But the writer of the text, as it appears in TD, calls Zad-sparam! one of his contemporaries (see Chap. XX XIII, 10, 11 of the translation); it may, therefore, be suspected that he merely re-edited an old text with some additions of his own, which, however, are rather difficult to distinguish from the rest. No stress can be laid upon peculiarities of orthography in TD, as they are, in all likelihood, attributable to copyists long subsequent to Z4d-sparam’s contemporaries.
Any future translator of the Bundahis will probably have to take the text in TD as the nearest ‘accessible approach to the original work ; but the present translation is based, as heretofore, upon the text in K20, corrected in many places from M6, but with due care not to adopt
‘ He writes the name Zad-sparham,
INTRODUCTION. XXXIX
readings which seem due to the illegibility of the original from which M6 was copied, as already explained. In Chaps. XXVIII, XXIX, XXXI, XXXII, and XXXIII, however, TD has been taken as a principal authority, merely checked by K20, and having its additional passages carefully indicated; and in Chap. XX XI, K20b has also been consulted.
In Chaps. XXVIII, XXIX, XXXI, XXXII, and XXXIII, however, TD has been taken as a principal authority, merely checked by K20, and having its additional passages carefully indicated; and in Chap. XX XI, K20b has also been consulted.
Since the present translation was printed, any lingering doubts, as to the genuineness of the text in TD, have been, in a great measure, dissipated by the discovery that a small fragment! of an old MS. of the Bundahis, which has long been in Europe, is evidently a portion of a text of similar character to TD, and of exactly the same extent. This small fragment consists of two folios belonging to an old MS. brought from Persia by the late Professor Westergaard in 1843-44, and which is evidently the codex mentioned by him in the preface to his Zend-Avesta, p. 8, note 3. These two folios, which are numbered 130 and 131 in Persian words, now form the commencement of this old mutilated MS., of which the first 129 folios have been lost. They contain very little more than one page of the Bundahis text, namely, the last sentences of the last chapter (corresponding to Bund. XXXIV, 7-9), followed by a colophon occupying less than two pages. This fragment of the text contains some additional details not found in the Indian MSS., as well as a few other variations of no great importance. It may be translated as follows :—
‘[. . . . Sahm? was in those reigns of AQz6b6, Kavad, and Mantskihar.] Kai-Kayds, till 42s going to the sky, seventy-five years, and after that, seventy-five years, altogether a hundred and fifty years; Kai-Khisrébé sixty
1 I am indebted to Professor G. Hoffmann, of Kiel, for directing my attention to this fragment, and also for kindly sending me a facsimile of it. It hdd been recognised as a portion of the Bundahis by Dr. Andreas some years ago, and probably by the owner of the MS., the late Professor Westergaard, long before that.
? See Bund. XXXI, 27. As the beginning of this sentence is lost, its translation is uncertain. Details not found in K2o and M6 are here enclosed in brackets, and words added by the translator to complete the sense are printed in italics.
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years; Kai-Léhardsp a hundred and twenty years; Kai- Vistasp, till the coming of the religion, thirty years; [total (mar) one thousand years'. Then the millennium reign came to Capricornus, and Zaratihast? the Spitaman, with tidings (pétkhambarih) from the creator Adharmazd, came to King Vistasp ; and Vistasp was king,]| after receiving the religion, ninety years.
‘The Ask4nians should bear the title in an uninterrupted sovereignty two hundred and so many‘ years; and Artakhshatar, son of Papak, and the number of the SAsdnians dear it four hundred and sixty years, until the withering Arabs obtained a place® [as far as the year 447 of the Persians ; now ?¢ zs the Persian year 527]°.’
The colophon, which follows, states that the MS. was finished on the thirteenth day of the ninth month A.Y. 936 (A. D. 1567), and was written by Mitré-ap4n, son of Anéshakrdban, soz of Ristam. This MS. is, therefore, of nearly the same age as TD; but there has been no opportunity of collating the fragment of it, which is still extant, with the corresponding portion of TD. That it was a MS. of the same character as TD (that is, one containing the same text as K20, but with much additional matter) appears clearly
! From the beginning of Frédiin’s reign, when the millennium of Sagittarius commenced,
* The usual way of spelling Zaratist in old MSS., excepting K20 and a few others.
3 Here written correctly Alaksandar-i Ardmaf,
* Reading va and; as the final letter is d and not d it cannot be read nAvad as a variant of navad, ‘ninety.’
5 The words are, vad ginak ayaft khfské-i Taztkand, but the exact meaning is rather doubtful.
* The last date is doubtful, as the Pahlavi text gives the ciphers only for ‘five and twenty-seven,’ omitting that for ‘hundred.’ These Persian dates must either have been added by some former copyist, or Chap. XXXIV must have been appended to the Bundahis at a later date than the ninth century, when the preceding genealogical chapters were probably added to the original work (see p. xliii). ‘The Persian year 527 was a. D. 1158.
INTRODUCTION. xli
XXXIV must have been appended to the Bundahis at a later date than the ninth century, when the preceding genealogical chapters were probably added to the original work (see p. xliii). ‘The Persian year 527 was a. D. 1158.
INTRODUCTION. xli
from the fragment translated above. Regarding its original extent, it is possible to make an approximate estimate, by calculating the quantity of text which the 129 lost folios must have contained, from the quantity actually existing on folio 130. According to this calculation, the original extent of the text of the Bundahis in this MS. must have been very nearly 30,000 words; and it is remarkable that a similar calculation of the extent of the text in TD, based upon the actual contents of ten folios out of 103, gives precisely the same result. This coincidence is a strong argument in favour of the absolute identity of the text lost from Westergaard’s MS. with that actually existing in TD; it shows, further, that the original extent of the Bundahis may now be safely estimated at 30,000 words, instead of the 13,000 contained in K20 when that MS. was complete. That this fragment belonged to a separate MS,, and is not the folio missing from the end of TD, is shown not only by its containing more of the text than is said to be missing, but also by the first folio of the fragment being numbered 130, instead of 103, and by its containing fifteen lines to the page, instead of seventeen, as would be necessary in order to correspond with TD. / Regarding the age of the Bundahis many opinions have been hazarded, but as they have been chiefly based upon minute details of supposed internal evidence evolved from each writer’s special misinterpretation of the text, it is unnecessary to detail them. The only indication of its age that can be fairly obtained from internal evidence, is that the text of the Bundahis could not have been completed, in its present form, until after the Muhammadan conquest of Persia (A.D. 651). This is shown not only by the statements that the sovereignty ‘went to the Arabs’ (Chap. XXXIV, 9), that ‘now, ¢hrough the invasion of the Arabs, they (the negroes) are again diffused through the country of Iran’ (Chap. XXIII, 3), and that ‘whoever keeps the year by the revolution of the moon mingles summer with winter avd winter with summer’ (Chap. XXV, 19, referring probably to the Muhammadan year not corresponding with the seasons), but also, more positively xlii PAHLAVI TEXTS.
by the following translation of an extract from Chap. 39 in TD :—
XXV, 19, referring probably to the Muhammadan year not corresponding with the seasons), but also, more positively xlii PAHLAVI TEXTS.
by the following translation of an extract from Chap. 39 in TD :—
‘And when the sovereignty came to Yazdakard he exercised sovereignty twenty years, and then the Arabs rushed into the country of Iran in great multitude. Yazdakard did not prosper (14 s4kaft6) in warfare with them, and went to Khirds4n and Tirkistan to seek horses, men, and assistance, and was slain by them there. The son of Yazdakard went to the Hinds and fetched an army of champions ; before it came, conducted unto Khfrds4n, that army of champions dispersed. The country of Iran remained with the Arabs, and their own irreligious law was propagated by them, and many ancestral customs were destroyed ; the religion of the Mazdayasnians was weakened, and washing of corpses, burial of corpses, and eating of dead matter were put in practice. From the original creation until this day evil more grievous than this Aas not happened, for through their evil deeds—on account of want, foreign habits (Aniranih), hostile acts, bad decrees, and bad religion—ruin, want, and other evils have taken lodgment.’
None of these passages could have been written before the Muhammadan conquest; but the writer, or editor, of the text as it appears in TD, supplies the means of approximating much more closely to the date of his work, in a passage in Chap. 41 of TD, in which he mentions the names of several of his contemporaries (see Chap. XX XIII, 10, 11), Among these, as already noticed, he mentions ‘Zad-sparham son of Yad4n-Yim,’ who must have been the writer of the Selections of Z4d-sparam, a translation of which is added as an appendix to the Bundahis in this volume. This writer was the brother of Mandskihar son of Yd4n-Yim, who wrote the Dadistan-i Dinik!, and from colophons found in certain MSS. of the Dadistan (which will be more particularly described in the next section of this introduction) it appears that this Mandssihar was
1 It is quite possible that Mandssthar was also the reviser of the Bundahis; see the note on Dadakth-i Ashévahisté in Chap. XXXIII, ro, eee
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XXXIII, ro, eee
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high-priest of Pars and Kirm4n in A. Y. 250 (A.D, 881). This date may, therefore, be taken as a very close approximation to the time at which the Bundahis probably assumed the form we find in TD; but that MS., having been written about 650 years later, can hardly have been copied direct from the original. Whether that original was merely a new edition of an older Pahlavi work, as may be suspected from the simplicity of its language, or whether it was first translated, for the most part, from the Avesta of the Damdad Nask, in the ninth century, we have no means of determining with certainty. Judging, however, from Chap. I, 1, the original Bundahis probably ended with the account of the resurrection (Chap. XXX), and the extra chapters, containing genealogical and chronological details (matters not mentioned in Chap. I, 1), together with all allusions to the Arabs, were probably added by the revising editor in the ninth century. The last, or chronological, chapter may even have been added at a later date.
A Gugarti translation, or rather paraphrase, of the Bundahis was published in 1819 by Edal Darab Jamshéd JamAsp Asa, and a revised edition of it was published by Peshutan Rustam in 18771, In the preface to the latter edition it is stated that the translator made use of two MSS., one being a copy of a manuscript written in Iran in A.Y. 776 by Rustamji Meherwanji Margaban Sheheriar 2, and the other a MS. written in India by Dastar Jamshédji Jamaspji in a. y. 11393. It is also mentioned that he was four years at work upon his translation. The editor of the new edition states that he has laboured to
! Bundehes ketab, ine dunia-ni awal-thi te 4kher sudhi pedaes-ni sahruat-ni hakikat ; bigi-var sudh4rine skapAwan4r, Peshutan bin Rustam; Mumbai, 1877.
? There is no doubt whatever that the writer of the preface is referring to M6, although his description is incorrect. M6 was written at Bhrok in India 4.¥. 766 by Pésh6tan Ram KAmdfn Shaharyar Néryésang Shahmard Shaharyar Bahram Afdirmazdy&r Ramyar; but some portion of it (probably not the Bundahis) was copied from a MS. written a. y. 618 (a.p. 1249) by Rastam Mihirap4n Marzapan Dahisn-ayar, who must be the copyist mentioned in the preface to the Gugarati translation.
* This is probably the copy derived from M6, and mentioned in p. xxx as being now in the library of Dastdr JamAspji Minochiharji, xliv PAHLAVI TEXTS.
improve the work by collecting all the further information he could find, qn the various subjects, in many other Pahlavi works. The result of all this labour is not so much a mere translation of the Bundahis, as a larger work upon the same subject, or a paraphrase more methodically arranged, as may be seen from the following summary of its contents :—
The result of all this labour is not so much a mere translation of the Bundahis, as a larger work upon the same subject, or a paraphrase more methodically arranged, as may be seen from the following summary of its contents :—
The headings of the fifty-nine chapters, which form the first part of the work, are:—Ahuramazd’s covenant, account of the sky, of the first twelve things created, of Mount Alborg, of the twelve signs of the zodiac, of the stars, of the soul, of the first practices adopted by the creatures of the evil spirit Ahereman, of Ahereman’s first breaking into the sky, of Ahereman’s coming upon the primeval ox, of Ahereman’s arrival in the fire, of Ahereman’s coming upon Gaiomard, of the coming of Ahuramazd and Ahereman upon Gaiomard at the time of his creation, of the lustre residing in both spirits; further account of the arrangement of the sky, another account of all the mountains, of depressions for water, of great and small rivers, of the eighteen rivers of fresh water, of the seven external and seven internal liquids in the bodies of men, of the period in which water falling on the earth arrives at its destination, of the three spiritual rivers, of the star Tehestar’s destroying the noxious creatures which Ahereman had distributed over the earth, of the prophet Zarathost’s asking the creator Ahuramazd how long these noxious creatures will remain in the latter millenniums, of driving the poison of the noxious creatures out of the earth, of the divisions of the land, of the creator Ahuramazd’s placing valiant stars as club-bearers over the heads of the demons, of all the things produced by the passing away of the primeval ox, of the 282 species of beasts and birds, of the bird named Kamros, of the bird named Karsapad and the hollow of Vargamkard, of the birds who are enemies opposed to the demons and fiends, of the bitter and sweet plants among the fifty-five kinds of grain and twelve kinds of herbs, of the flowers of the thirty days, of the revolution of the sun and moon and stars, and how
INTRODUCTION. xlv
xlv night falls, and how the day becomes light, of the seven regions of the earth, of depressions, of the creatures of the sea, of the flow and ebb of the tide, of the three-legged ass, of the Gahambars, of Rapithvan, of the revolution of the seasons, of the production of mankind from the passing away of Gaiomard, of the production of offspring from the seed of men, of all fires, of all the clever work produced in the reign of King Jamshed and the production of the ape and bear, of the production of the Abyssinian and negro from Zohak, of the splendour and glory of King Jamshed, of the soul of Kersdsp, of Kersdsp’s soul being the first to rise, of the names of the prophet Zarathost’s pedigree, of his going out into the world, of his children, of the orders given by Ahereman to the demons when the creator Ahuramazd created the creatures, of the weeping and raging of the evil spirit Ahereman, of the weeping of the demon of Wrath in the presence of Ahereman when the prophet Zarathost brought the religion, of the computation of twelve thousand years.
The headings of the thirteen chapters, which form the second part, are: — Account of the last millenniums, of the appearance of Hosedar-bAmi, of his going out into the world, of the appearance of Hosedar-mah, of Sosios, of the fifty-seven years, of giving the light of the sun to men on the day of the resurrection, of the rising again of the whole of mankind on that day, of the resurrection, of the means of resurrection, of the annihilation of the evil spirit Ahereman and the demons and fiends on the day of resurrection, of the creator Ahuramazd’s making the earth and sky one after the resurrection, of the proceedings of all creatures after the resurrection.
The third part contains an abstract of the contents of the hundred chapters of the Sad-dar Bundahis, and concludes with an account of the ceremonial formula practised when tying the kusti or sacred thread-girdle.
xlvi PAHLAVI TEXTS.
4. THE SELECTIONS OF ZAD-SPARAM.
In some manuscripts of the Dadistan-i Dinik the ninetytwo questions and answers, which usually go by that name, are preceded and followed by Pahlavi texts which are each nearly equal in extent to the questions and answers, and treat of a variety of subjects, somewhat in the manner of a Rivayat. Of the texts which follow the questions and answers the following are the principal :—
Of the texts which follow the questions and answers the following are the principal :—
Incantations for fever, &c.; indications afforded by natural marks on the body; about the hamistak4n (‘the ever-stationary,’ or neutral state of future existence) and the different grades in heaven; copy of an epistle! from Herbad MA4ndsfihar son of YOd4n-Yim?, which he addressed to the good people of Sirkan %, about the decisions pronounced by Herbad Z4d-sparam son of Yddan-Yim ; copy of a letter from Herbad MA4ndsfihar son of Yddan- Yim to his brother, Herbad Z4d-sparam, on the same subject, and replying to a letter of his written from Nivshapthar; copy of a notice by Herbad Mandskihar, son’ of Yidan-Yim and high-priest (rad) of Pars and Kirman, of the necessity of fifteenfold ablution on account of grievous sin, written and sealed in the third month A.y. 250 (A.D. 881); memoranda and writings called ‘Selections of Zad-sparam son of YOd4n-Yim,’ the first part treating of many of the same subjects as the Bundahis, together
This long epistle contains one statement which is important in its bearing upon the age of certain Pahlavi writings. It states that Nishahpfhar was in the council of Anéshak-riibén Khisré, king of kings and son of Kavad, also that he was Mobad of Mobads and a commentator. Now this is the name of a commentator quoted in the Pahlavi Vend. III, 151, V, 112, VIII, 64, and very frequently in the Nfrangist&n ; it is also a title applied to Arda-Virf (see AV. J, 35). These facts seem to limit the age of the last revision of the Pahlavi Vendidad, and of the composition of the Pahlavi Nirangistén and Ard4-Virafnamak to the time of King Khfisré Néshirvan (a.p. 531-579). The statement depends, of course, upon the accuracy of a tradition three centuries old, as this epistle must have been written about a. p. 880.
3 Some Parsis read this name Géshnajam, others Yfid4n-dam.
* Mr. Tehmuras Dinshawji thinks this is the place now called Sfrgan, about thirty parasangs south of Kirman, on the road to Bandar Abbis, which is no doubt the case.
INTRODUCTION, xl vii
with legends regarding Zaratdst and his family ; the second part about the formation of men out of body, life, and soul; and the third part about the details of the renovation of the universe. The last part of these Selections is incomplete in all known MSS., and is followed by some fragments of a further series of questions and answers regarding the omniscient wisdom, the evil spirit, Kangdez, the enclosure formed by Yim, &c.
The last part of these Selections is incomplete in all known MSS., and is followed by some fragments of a further series of questions and answers regarding the omniscient wisdom, the evil spirit, Kangdez, the enclosure formed by Yim, &c.
A translation of so much of the Selections of Z4d-sparam as treats of the same subjects as the Bundahis, has been added as an appendix to the translation of that work in this volume, because the language used in these Selections seems to have an important bearing upon the question of the age of the Bundahis. The time when the Selections themselves were written is fixed with considerable precision by the date (A. D. 881), when their author's brother, Mandskihar, issued his public notice, as mentioned above. But Zad-sparam uses, in many places, precisely the same words as those employed in the Bundahis, interspersed with much matter written in a more declamatory style; it is, therefore, evident that he had the Bundahis before him to quote from, and that work must consequently have been written either by one of his contemporaries, or by an older writer. So far the Selections merely confirm the information already obtained more directly from TD (see p. xxxviii); but the involved style of their language seems to prove more than this. In fact, in none of the text of the DAadistan-i Dinik and its accompaniments is there much of the simplicity of style and directness of purpose which are the chief characteristics of most of the language of the Bundahis. So far, therefore, as style can be considered a mark of age, rather than a mere personal peculiarity of a contemporary writer, the contrast between the straightforward language of the Bundahis and the laboured sentences of M4ndskihar and Z4d-sparam, sons of Yid4n-Yim, tends to prove that the bulk of the Bundahis was already an old work in their days, and was probably saved from oblivion through their writings or influence. That this original Bundahis or Zand- 4kas was an abridged translation of the Avcsta of the xl viii PAHLAVI TEXTS.
Damdad Nask appears pretty evident from Z4d-sparam’s remarks in Chap. IX, 1, 16 of his Selections.
That this original Bundahis or Zand- 4kas was an abridged translation of the Avcsta of the xl viii PAHLAVI TEXTS.
Damdad Nask appears pretty evident from Z4d-sparam’s remarks in Chap. IX, 1, 16 of his Selections.
The first part of these Selections consists of ‘sayings about the meeting of the beneficent and evil spirits,’ and the first portion of these ‘sayings’ (divided into eleven chapters in the translation) is chiefly a paraphrase of Chaps. I-XVII of the Bundahis (omitting Chaps. II, V, and XVI). It describes the original state of the two spirits, their meeting and covenant, with a paraphrase of the Ahdnavar formula; the production of the first creatures, including time; the incursion of the evil spirit and his temporary success in deranging the creation, with the reason why he was unable to destroy the primitive man for thirty years ; followed by the seven contests he carried on with the sky, water, earth, plants, animals, man, and fire, respectively, detailing how each of these creations was modified in consequence of the incursion of the evil spirit. In the account of the first of these contests the Pahlavi translation of one stanza in the Gathas is quoted verbatim, showing that the same Pahlavi version of the Yasna was used in the ninth century as now exists. The remainder of these ‘sayings,’ having no particular connection with the Bundahis, has not been translated.
With regard to the Pahlavi text of the Selections, the present translator has been compelled to rely upon a single manuscript of the D4distén-i Dinik, brought by Westergaard from Kirman’ in 1843, and now No. 35 of the collection of Ayesta and Pahlavi MSS. in the University Library at Kopenhagen; it may, therefore, be called K35. This MS. is incomplete, having lost nearly one-third of its original bulk, but still contains 181 folios of large octavo size, written fifteen to seventeen lines to the page; the first seventy-one folios of the work have been lost, and about thirty-five folios are also missing from the end; but the whole of the ninetytwo questions and answers, together with one-third of the
1 That is, so far as the late Professor Westergaard could remember in 1878, when he kindly lent me the MS. for collation with my copy of the text, already obtained from more recent MSS. in Bombay, the best of which turned out to be a copy of K35.
INTRODUCTION. xlix
for collation with my copy of the text, already obtained from more recent MSS. in Bombay, the best of which turned out to be a copy of K35.
INTRODUCTION. xlix
texts which usually precede them, and three-fifths of those which usually follow them, are still remaining. This MS. has lost its date, but a copy! of it exists in Bombay (written when it was complete) which ends with a colophon dated A. Y. 941 (A.D.1572), as detailed in p. xxxiii; this may either be the actual date of that copy, or it may have been merely copied from K35, which cannot be much older. The latter supposition appears the more probable, as this colophon seems to be left incomplete by the loss of the last folio in the Bombay copy, and may, therefore, have been followed by another colophon giving a later date.
This copy of K35 was, no doubt, originally complete, but has lost many of its folios in the course of time; most of the missing text has been restored from another MS., but there are still twelve or more folios missing from the latter part of the work; it contains, however, all that portion of the Selections which is translated in this volume, but has, of course, no authority independent of K35. The other MS. in Bombay, from which some of the missing text was recovered, is in the library of Dastdr JamAspji Minochiharji ; it is a modern copy, written at different periods from forty to sixty years ago, and is incomplete, as it contains only one-fourth of the texts which usually follow the ninety-two questions and answers, and includes no portion of the Selections of Zad-sparam.
Another MS. of the Dadistan-i Dinik and its accompaniments, written also at Kirm4n, but two generations earlier than K35 (say, about A. D. 1530), has been already mentioned (see p. xxxiii). It is said still to contain 227 folios, though its first seventy folios are missing ; it must, therefore, begin very near the same place as K35, but extends much further, as it supplies about half the text still missing from the
' The fact of its being a copy of K35 is proved by strong circumstantial evidence. In the first place, it contains several false readings which are clearly due to mis-shapen letters and accidental marks in K35, so that it is evidently descended from that MS. But it is further proved to have been copied direct from that MS., by the last words in thirty-two of its pages having been marked with interlined circles in K35 ; the circle having been the copyist’s mark for finding his place, when beginning a new page after turning over his folios.
[5]
p. 1
Bombay copy of K35, though it has lost about fourteen folios at the end. This MS. must be either the original from which K35 was copied, or an independent authority of equal value, but it has not been available for settling the text of the Selections for the present translation. |
5. THE BAHMAN YAST.
This MS. must be either the original from which K35 was copied, or an independent authority of equal value, but it has not been available for settling the text of the Selections for the present translation. |
5. THE BAHMAN YAST.
The Bahman Yast, usually called the ‘Zand of the Vohdman Yast,’ professes to be a prophetical work, in which Adharmazd gives Zaratdst an account of what was to happen to the Iranian nation and religion in the future.
It begins with an introduction (Chap. I) which states that, according to the Stidgar Nask, Zaratdst having asked Atharmazd for immortality, was supplied temporarily with omniscient wisdom, and had a vision of a tree with four branches of different metals which were explained to him as symbolical of four different periods, the times of Vist4sp, of Ardakhshir the Kaydnian, of Khasré Néshirvan, and of certain demons or idolators who were to appear at the end of a thousand years. It states, further, that the commentaries of the VohQman, Horvadad, and Astad Yasts mentioned the heretic Mazdak, and that Khisr6é Néshirvan summoned a council of high-priests and commentators, and ordered them not to conceal these Yasts, but to teach the commentary only among their own relations.
The text then proceeds (Chap. ITI) to give the details of the commentary on the Vohfiman Yast as follows :—Zaratast, having again asked Adharmazd for immortality, is refused, but is again supplied with omniscient wisdom for a week, during which time he sees, among other things, a tree with seven branches of different metals, which are again explained to him as denoting the seven ages of the religion, its six ages of triumph in the reigns of Vistasp, of Ardakhshir the Kaydnian, of one of the Askanian kings, of Ardakhshir Papakan and Shahpar I and II, of Vahram Gér, and of Khisr6 Noéshirvan, and its seventh age of adversity when
INTRODUCTION. li
Iran is to be invaded from the east by hordes of demons or idolators with dishevelled hair, who are to work much mischief, so as to destroy the greater part of the nation and mislead the rest, until the religion becomes nearly extinct. The details of this mischief, written in a tone of lamentation, constitute the greater part of the text, which also notices that the sovereignty will pass from the Arabs, Ramans, and these leathern-belted demons (Tirks) to other Tarks and non-Tfranians who are worse than themselves.
The details of this mischief, written in a tone of lamentation, constitute the greater part of the text, which also notices that the sovereignty will pass from the Arabs, Ramans, and these leathern-belted demons (Tirks) to other Tarks and non-Tfranians who are worse than themselves.
Distressed at this narrative Zaratist asks Atharmazd (Chap. III, 1) how the religion is to be restored, and these demons destroyed? He is informed that, in the course of time, other fiends with red banners, red weapons, and red hats, who seem to be Christians, will appear in the northwest, and will advance either to the Arvand (Tigris) or the Euphrates, driving back the former demons who will assemble all their allies to a great conflict, one of the three great battles of the religions of the world, in which the wicked will be so utterly destroyed that none will be left to pass into the next millennium.
Zaratdst enquires (III, 12) how so many can perish, and is informed that, after the demons with dishevelled hair appear, Hishédar, the first of the last three apostles, is born near Lake Frazdan; and when he begins to confer with Adharmazd a Kay4n prince is born in the direction of Kinistan (Samarkand), who is called Vahram the Vargavand, and when he is thirty years old he collects a large army of Hindu (Bactrian) and int (Samarkandian) troops, and advances into Iran, where he is reinforced by a numerous army of Iranian warriors, and defeats the demon races with immense slaughter, in the great conflict already mentioned, so that there will be only one man left to a thousand women.
The writer then proceeds to describe the supernatural agencies employed to produce this result: how the evil spirit (III, 24) comes to the assistance of the demonworshippers ; how Adharmazd sends his angels to Kangdez, to summon Péshyétand, the immortal son of Vistasp, with his disciples, to re-establish the sacred fires and restore the d2 lii PAHLAVI TEXTS.
religious ceremonies ; and how the angels assist them against the evil spirits, so that Vahram the Vargavand is enabled to destroy the fiendish races, as already detailed, and Péshyétani becomes supreme high-priest of the Iranian world.
religious ceremonies ; and how the angels assist them against the evil spirits, so that Vahram the Vargavand is enabled to destroy the fiendish races, as already detailed, and Péshyétani becomes supreme high-priest of the Iranian world.
Finally, the writer gives some details regarding the missions of the last three apostles, returning for that purpose (III, 44) to the birth of Hdshédar, the first of the three, whose millennium witnesses both the invasion and the destruction of the fiendish races. Hfshédar proves his apostolic authority, to the satisfaction of Vargavand and the people, by making the sun stand still for ten days and nights. His mission is to ‘bring the creatures back to their proper state;’ and it is not till near the end of his millennium that Péshyétand appears, as before described. As this millennium begins with the invasion of the fiendish races and the fall of the Sasanian dynasty, it must have terminated in the seventeenth century, unless it was to last more than a thousand years. A very brief account is then given of the millennium of Hdshédar-mah, the second of the three apostles, whose mission is to make ‘the creatures more progressive’ and to destroy ‘the fiend of serpent origin’ (Az-i Dah4k). During his millennium (which appears to be now in progress) mankind become so skilled in medicine that they do not readily die; but owing to their toleration of heretics the evil spirit once more attains power, and releases Az-i Dahak, from his confinement in Mount Dimavand, to work evil in the world, till Adharmazd sends his angels to rouse Keresdsp the Samén, who rises from his trance and kills Az-i Dahak with his club at the end of the millennium. Afterwards, Sdshyans, the last apostle, appears to ‘make the creatures again pure;’ when the resurrection takes place and the future existence commences.
Whether this text, as now extant, be the original commentary or zand of the Vohiman Yast admits of doubt, since it appears to quote that commentary (Chap. II, 1) as an authority for its statements; it is, therefore, most probably, only an epitome of the original commentary. Such an epitome would naturally quote many passages verbatim
INTRODUCTION. liti
II, 1) as an authority for its statements; it is, therefore, most probably, only an epitome of the original commentary. Such an epitome would naturally quote many passages verbatim
INTRODUCTION. liti
from the original work, which ought to bear traces of translation from an Avesta text, as its title zand implies a Pahlavi translation from the Avesta (see p. x). There are, in fact, many such traces in this epitome, as indicated by the numerous sentences beginning with a verb, the mode of addressing Adharmazd, the quotation of different opinions from various commentators, and other minor peculiarities. Some of these might be the result of careful imitation of other commentaries, but it seems more likely that they are occasioned by literal translation from an original Avesta text. In speculating, therefore, upon the contents of the Bahman Yast it is necessary to remember that we are nfost probably dealing with a composite work, whose statements -‘may be referred to the three different ages of the Avesta original, the Pahlavi translation and commentary, and the Pahlavi epitome of the latter; and that this last form of the text is the only old version now extant.
With regard to the age of the work we have the external evidence that a copy of it exists in a manuscript (K20) written about five hundred years ago, and that this copy is evidently descended from older manuscripts as it contains several clerical blunders incompatible with any idea of its being the original manuscript, as witness the omissions noted in Chaps. II, 10, 13, 14, 22, 27, 45, III, 30, 32, the misplacement of II, 18, and many miswritings of single words. Owing to the threefold character of the work, already noticed, the internal evidence of its age can only apply to its last recension in the form of an epitome, as an oriental editor (to say nothing of others) generally considers himself at liberty to alter and add to his text, if he does not understand it, or thinks he can improve it. That this liberty has been freely exercised, with regard to these professed prophecies, is shown by the identification of the four prophetical ages of the Stidgar Nask in the first chapter of the Bahman Yast being different from that given in the Dinkard, The Dinkard quotes the Stddgar Nask (that is, its Pahlavi version) as identifying the iron age with some period of religious indifference subsequent to the time of Atar6-p4d son of M4raspend, the supreme high-priest and liv PAHLAVI TEXTS.
prime ministerof ShahpdrII (A.D. 309-379); but the Bahman Yast (Chap. I, 5) quotes the Nask as identifying the same age with the reign of an idolatrous race subsequent to the time of Khfsr6é Néshirvan (A.D. 531-579). This example is sufficient to show that the compiler of the extant epitome of the Bahman Yast commentary largely availed himself of his editorial license, and it indicates the difficulty of distinguishing his statements from those of the former editors. At the same time it proves that the epitome could not have been compiled till after Iran had been overrun by a foreign race subsequent to the reign of Khdsré Néshirvan. It is remarkable that the compiler does not mention any later Sasanian king, that he does not allude to Muhammadanism, and speaks of the foreign invaders as Turanians and Christians, only mentioning Arabs incidentally in later times ; at the same time the foreign invasion (which lasts a thousand years) is of too permanent a character to allow of its having reference merely to the troublous times of Noéshirvan’s successor.
Perhaps the most reasonable hypotheses that can be founded upon these facts are, first, that the original zand or commentary of the Bahman Yast was written and translated from the Avesta in the latter part of the reign of Khdsré Néshirvan, or very shortly afterwards, which would account for no later king being mentioned by name; and, secondly, that the epitome now extant was compiled by some writer who lived so long after the Arab invasion that the details of their inroad had become obscured by the more recent successes of Turanian rulers, such as the Ghaznavis and Salgfigqs of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. It is hardly possible that the epitomist could have lived as late as the time of Gingiz Khan, the great Mongol conqueror (A.D. 1206-1227), as that would bring him within 150 years of the date of the extant manuscript of his work, which has no appearance of being an immediate copy of the original ; but the rule of the Salgdqs would certainly have afforded him sufficient materials for his long description of the iron age. The Avesta of the Bahman Yast was probably compiled from older sources (like the rest of the Avesta) during a ee
INTRODUCTION. lv
the reigns of the earlier Sasanian monarchs; but it was, no doubt, very different in its details from the epitome of its commentary which still exists.
The Avesta of the Bahman Yast was probably compiled from older sources (like the rest of the Avesta) during a ee
INTRODUCTION. lv
the reigns of the earlier Sasanian monarchs; but it was, no doubt, very different in its details from the epitome of its commentary which still exists.
These hypotheses, regarding the threefold origin of the present form of this Yast, derive some confirmation from the inconsistencies in its chronological details ; especially those relating to the periods of the invaders’ reign and of Hishédar’s birth. The Zoroastrians have for ages been expecting the appearance of Hdshédar, the first of their last three apostles, but have always had to postpone their expectations from time to time, like the Jews and other interpreters of prophecy; so that they are still looking forward into the future for his advent, although his millennium has long since expired according to the chronology adopted in the Bahman Yast. This chronology, of course, represents the expectations of Zoroastrians in past times, and seems to express three different opinions, First, we have the statement that the last great battle of the demonraces is to take place at the end of Zaratdst’s millennium (see Chap. III, 9), when the wicked will be so destroyed (compare III, 22, 23) that none will pass into the next millennium (III, 11), which is that of Hdshédar (III, 43). And that the reign of evil is to precede the end of Zaratist’s millennium is evidently assumed also in Chap. II, 41, 63. Such opinions may reasonably be traced to the original Avesta writer, who must have expected only a short reign of evil to arise and fall near the latter end of Zaratist’s millennium, which was still far in the future, and to be followed by the appearance of Hashédar to restore the ‘good’ religion. Secondly, we are told (I, 5, II, 22, 24, 31) that the invasion of the demon-races, with its attendant evils, is to take place when Zaratist’s millennium is ended ; on their appearance Hashédar is born (III, 13), and when he is thirty years old (compare III, 14 with III, 44) Vahram the Vargavand is also born, who at the age of thirty (III, 17) advances into Iran with an innumerable army to destroy the invaders. Such statements may be attributed to the original Pahlavi translator and commentator who, writing about A.D. 570-590, would have before his eyes the disastrous
\vi PAHLAVI TEXTS.
Such statements may be attributed to the original Pahlavi translator and commentator who, writing about A.D. 570-590, would have before his eyes the disastrous
\vi PAHLAVI TEXTS.
reign of Adharmazd IV, the son and successor of Khasré Néshirvan, together with the prowess of the famous Persian general Bahram XK 6pin, which drove out all invaders. This writer evidently expected the reign of the demon-races to last less than a century, but still at some period in the near future; merely illustrating his theme by details of the disasters and wars of his own time. Thirdly, we find it stated (III, 44) that Hashédar will be born in 1600, which seems to mean the sixteen hundredth year of Zaratdst’s millennium, or six hundredth of his own (say A.D. 1193- 1235), also that the reign of the demon-races is to last a thousand years (III, 34), and that Péshyétand does not come to restore the religion till near the end of the millennium (III, 51); it also appears (III, 49) that Vargavand occupies a prominent position when Hashédar comes from his conference with Atharmazd at thirty years of age (III, 44, 45). Such details were probably inserted by the compiler of the epitome, who had to admit the facts that the reign of the demon-races had already lasted for centuries, and that Hfshédar had not yet appeared. To get over these difficulties he probably adopted the opinions current in his day, and postponed the advent of Hdshédar till the beginning of the next century in his millennium, and put off the destruction of the wicked, as a more hopeless matter, till near the end of the millennium. Both these periods are now long since past, and the present Zoroastrians have still to postpone the fulfilment of the prophecies connected with their last three apostles, or else to understand them in a less literal fashion than heretofore.
For the Pahlavi text of the Bahman Yast the translator has to rely upon the single old manuscript K20, already described (p. xxvii), in which it occupies the 134 folios immediately following the Bundahis ; these folios are much worn, and a few words have been torn off some of them, but nearly all of these missing words can be restored by aid of the Pazand version. The Pahlavi text is also found in the modern copies of K20 at Paris and Kopenhagen, but these copies (P7 and K21) have no authority independent of K20. In India this text has long been exceedingly rare,
INTRODUCTION. Ivii
and whether any copy of it exists, independent of K20, is doubtful.
The Pahlavi text is also found in the modern copies of K20 at Paris and Kopenhagen, but these copies (P7 and K21) have no authority independent of K20. In India this text has long been exceedingly rare,
INTRODUCTION. Ivii
and whether any copy of it exists, independent of K20, is doubtful.
The Pazand version is more common in Parsi libraries, but contains a very imperfect text. Of this version two modern copies have been consulted; one of these occupies fols. 38-62 of a small manuscript, No. 22 of the Haug collection in the State Library at Munich ; the other is a copy of a manuscript in the library of the high-priest of the Parsis in Bombay. Both these MSS. are evidently descended from the same original, which must have been a very imperfect transliteration of a Pahlavi text closely resembling that of K20, but yet independent of that MS., as a few words omitted in K20 are supplied by these Pazand MSS. (see B.Yt. II, 13, 14, 22, &c.) To a certain extent, therefore, these Pazand MSS. are of some assistance in settling the text of a few sentences, but the greater part of their contents is so imperfect as to be utterly unintelligible; they not only omit Chaps. I, 1-8, IT, 17, 30-32, 40, III, 9, 12, 17— 44, 58-63 entirely, but also words and phrases from nearly every other section of the text. Adhering scrupulously to the Pahlavi original for a few consecutive words, and then widely departing from it by misreading or omitting all difficult words and passages, this Pazand version is a complete contrast to the Pazand writings of Néryésang, being of little use to the reader beyond showing the extremely low ebb to which Pahlavi learning must have fallen, among the Parsis, before such unintelligible writings could have been accepted as Pazand texts.
There is also a Persian version of the Bahman Yast, a copy of which, written A. D. 1676, is contained in a large Rivayat MS. No. 29, belonging to the University Library at Bombay. According to the colophon of this Persian version it was composed in A.D. 1496 by Rustam Isfendiyar of Yazd, from an Avesta (Pazand) MS. belonging to his brother Jamshéd. This Persian version contains less than three per cent of Arabic words, and is more of a paraphrase than a translation, but it adheres very closely to the meaning of the Pahlavi text from Chaps. I, 1 to III, 9, where a dislocation occurs, evidently owing either to the displacement
\viii PAHLAVI TEXTS.
of two folios in an older MS., or to the second page of a folio being copied before the first, so that §§ 10-14 follow §§ 15-22. From the middle of § 22 the folios of the older MS. seem to have been lost as far as the end of Hashédar’s millennium (§ 51), to which point the Persian version leaps, but the remainder of this paraphrase is much more diffuse than the Bahman Yast, and is evidently derived from some other Pahlavi work.
seem to have been lost as far as the end of Hashédar’s millennium (§ 51), to which point the Persian version leaps, but the remainder of this paraphrase is much more diffuse than the Bahman Yast, and is evidently derived from some other Pahlavi work.
This conclusion of the Persian version describes how adversity departs from the world, and ten people are satisfied with the milk of one cow, when Hiashédar-m4h appears and his millennium commences. On his coming from his conference with Adharmazd the sun stands still for twenty days and nights, in consequence of which twothirds of the people in the world believe in the religion. Meat is no longer eaten, but only milk and butter, and a hundred people are satisfied with the milk of one cow. Hashédar-méh destroys the terrible serpent, which accompanies apostasy, by means of the divine glory and Avesta formulas ; he clears all noxious creatures out of the world, and wild animals live harmlessly among mankind ; the fiends of apostasy and deceit depart from the world, which becomes populous and delightful, and mankind abstain from falsehood. After the five-hundredth year of Hashédar-mdh has passed away, Sdshyans (SAsan) appears, and destroys the fiend who torments fire. The sun stands still for thirty days and nights, when all mankind believe in the religion, and the year becomes exactly 360 days. Dahak escapes from his confinement, and reigns for a day and a half in the world with much tyranny ; when Séshyans rouses S4m Nariman, who accepts the religion and becomes immortal. S4m calls upon Dah&k to accept the religion, but the latter proposes that they should together seize upon heaven for themselves, whereupon S4m kills him. All evil having departed from the world mankind become like the archangels, and the resurrection takes place, which is described with many of the same details as are mentioned in Bund. XXX.
Accompanying this Persian version in B29 is another