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Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1A complicated ceremonial, requiring for its proper observance and 1 A. Roberts and W. A. Rambaut, The Writings of Irenzeus, vol. i. p. xv. x SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA, _ consequent efficacy the ministrations of a highly trained priestly class, has ever been one of the most effective means of promoting hierarchical aspirations. Even practical Rome did not entirely succeed in steering clear of the rock of priestly ascendancy attained by such-like means. There, as elsewhere, ‘the neglect or faulty performance of the worship of each god revenged itself in the corresponding occurrence; and as it was a laborious and difficult task to gain even a knowledge of one’s religious obligations, the priests who were skilled in the law of divine things and pointed out its requirements—the pontifices—could not fail to attain an extraordinary influence!.’ The catalogue of the duties and privileges of the priest of Jupiter might well find a place in the Talmud. ‘The rule— that no religious service can be acceptable to the gods, unless it be performed without a flaw—was pushed to such an extent, that a single sacrifice had to be repeated thirty times in succession on account of mistakes again and again committed; and the games, which formed part of the divine service, were regarded as undone, if the pre-siding magistrate had committed any slip in word or deed, or if the music even had paused at a wrong time, and so had to be begun afresh, frequently for several, even as many as seven, times in succession?.’? Great, however, as was the influence acquired by the priestly colleges of Rome, ‘it was never forgotten—least of all in the case of those who held the highest position—that their duty was not to command, but to tender skilled advice*’ The Roman statesmen submitted to these transparent tricks rather from considerations of political expediency than from religious scruples; and the Greek Polybius might well say that ‘the strange and ponderous ceremonial of Roman religion was invented solely on account of the multitude which, as reason had no power over it, required to be ruled by signs and wonders*.’ The devout belief in the efficacy of invocation and sacri- 1 Mommsen, History of Rome, translated by W. P. Dickson, vol. i. p.181. 3 Ibid. vol. ii. p. 400. 5 Ibid. vol.i. p. 179. * Ibid. vol. iii. p. 455. INTRODUCTION. xi
2P. Dickson, vol. i. p.181. 3 Ibid. vol. ii. p. 400. 5 Ibid. vol.i. p. 179. * Ibid. vol. iii. p. 455. INTRODUCTION. xi ficial offering which pervades most of the hymns of the Rig-veda, and which may be assumed to reflect pretty faithfully the religious sentiments of those amongst whom they were composed, could not but ensure to the priest, endowed with the gift of sacred utterance, a considerable amount of respect and reverence on the part of the people. His superior culture and habitual communion with the divine rulers of the destinies of man would naturally entitle him to a place of honour by the side of the chiefs of clans, or the rulers of kingdoms, who would not fail to avail themselves of his spiritual services, in order to secure the favour of the gods for their warlike expeditions or political undertakings. Nor did the Vedic bard fail to urge his claims on the consideration and generosity of those in the enjoyment of power and wealth. He often dwells on the supernatural virtues of his compositions and their mysterious efficacy in drawing down divine blessings on the pious worshipper. In urging the necessity of frequent and liberal offerings to the gods, and invoking worldly blessings on the offerer, the priestly bard may often be detected pleading his own cause along with that of his employer, as Kava does when he sings (Rig-veda VIII, 2, 13), ‘Let him be rich, let him be foremost, the bard of the rich, of so illustrious a Maghavan! as thou, O lord of the bay steeds!’ Though the Danastutis, or verses extolling, often in highly exaggerated terms, the munificence of princely patrons, and generally occurring at the end of hymns, are doubtless, as a rule, later additions, they at least show that the sacerdotal office must have been, or must gradually have become during this period, a very lucrative one. Although there is no reason to suppose that the sacrificial ceremonial was in early times so fully developed as some scholars would have us believe, the religious service would seem to have been already of a sufficiently advanced nature to require some kind of training for the priestly office. In course of time, while the collection of hymns were faithfully 1 Maghavan, the mighty or bountiful, is a designation both of Indra and the wealthy patron of priests. Here it is evidently intended to refer to both. xii SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA,
3In course of time, while the collection of hymns were faithfully 1 Maghavan, the mighty or bountiful, is a designation both of Indra and the wealthy patron of priests. Here it is evidently intended to refer to both. xii SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA, handed down as precious heirlooms in the several families, and were gradually enriched by the poetical genius of succeeding generations, the ceremonial became more and more complicated, so as at last to necessitate the distribution of the sacerdotal functions among several dictinct classes of priests. Such a distribution of sacrificial duties must have taken place before the close of the period of the hymns, and there can be little doubt that at that time the position of the priesthood in the community was that of a regular profession, and even, to some extent, a hereditary one}. A post of peculiar importance, which seems to go back to avery early time, was that of the Purohita (literally ‘ praepositus’), or family priest to chiefs and kings. From the comparatively modest position of a private chaplain, who had to attend to the sacrificial obligations of his master, he appears to have gradually raised himself to the dignity of, so to say, a minister of public worship and confidential adviser of the king. It is obvious that such a post was singularly favourable to the designs of a crafty and ambitious priest, and must have offered him exceptional opportunities for promoting the hierarchical aspirations of the priesthood ?, In the Rig-veda there is, with the single exception of the - Purusha-sdkta, no clear indication of the existence of caste in the proper, Brahmanical sense of the word. That institution, we may assume, was only introduced after the Brahmans had finally established their claims to the highest * See J. Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, I, p. 239 seq. * See Max Miiller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 485 seq.; A. Weber, Indische Studien, X, 31 seq. In Rig-veda IV, 50, 8, Vamadeva is made to say,‘ That king alone, with whom the Brahman walks in front (pfirva eti), lives well-established in his house; for him there is ever abundance of food ; before him the people bow of their own accord.’ If Grassmann was right in excluding verses 7-11 as a later addition, as I have no doubt he was (at least with regard to verses 7-9), these verses would furnish a good illustration of the gradually increasing importance of the office of Purohita. Professor Ludwig seems to take the verses 7-11 as forming a separate hymn; but I doubt not that he, too, must consider them on linguistic grounds, if on no other, as considerably later than the first six verses. The fact that the last pda of the sixth verse occurs again as the closing formula of the hymns V, 55; VIII, 40; and X, 121 (though also in VIII, 48, 13, where it is followed by two more verses) seems to favour this view. INTRODUCTION. Xili
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
Romanised transliteration as printed by the translator, not the original script. This is what we hold.
1A complicated ceremonial, requiring for its proper observance and 1 A. Roberts and W. A. Rambaut, The Writings of Irenzeus, vol. i. p. xv. x SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA, _ consequent efficacy the ministrations of a highly trained priestly class, has ever been one of the most effective means of promoting hierarchical aspirations. Even practical Rome did not entirely succeed in steering clear of the rock of priestly ascendancy attained by such-like means. There, as elsewhere, ‘the neglect or faulty performance of the worship of each god revenged itself in the corresponding occurrence; and as it was a laborious and difficult task to gain even a knowledge of one’s religious obligations, the priests who were skilled in the law of divine things and pointed out its requirements—the pontifices—could not fail to attain an extraordinary influence!.’ The catalogue of the duties and privileges of the priest of Jupiter might well find a place in the Talmud. ‘The rule— that no religious service can be acceptable to the gods, unless it be performed without a flaw—was pushed to such an extent, that a single sacrifice had to be repeated thirty times in succession on account of mistakes again and again committed; and the games, which formed part of the divine service, were regarded as undone, if the pre-siding magistrate had committed any slip in word or deed, or if the music even had paused at a wrong time, and so had to be begun afresh, frequently for several, even as many as seven, times in succession?.’? Great, however, as was the influence acquired by the priestly colleges of Rome, ‘it was never forgotten—least of all in the case of those who held the highest position—that their duty was not to command, but to tender skilled advice*’ The Roman statesmen submitted to these transparent tricks rather from considerations of political expediency than from religious scruples; and the Greek Polybius might well say that ‘the strange and ponderous ceremonial of Roman religion was invented solely on account of the multitude which, as reason had no power over it, required to be ruled by signs and wonders*.’ The devout belief in the efficacy of invocation and sacri- 1 Mommsen, History of Rome, translated by W. P. Dickson, vol. i. p.181. 3 Ibid. vol. ii. p. 400. 5 Ibid. vol.i. p. 179. * Ibid. vol. iii. p. 455. INTRODUCTION. xi
2P. Dickson, vol. i. p.181. 3 Ibid. vol. ii. p. 400. 5 Ibid. vol.i. p. 179. * Ibid. vol. iii. p. 455. INTRODUCTION. xi ficial offering which pervades most of the hymns of the Rig-veda, and which may be assumed to reflect pretty faithfully the religious sentiments of those amongst whom they were composed, could not but ensure to the priest, endowed with the gift of sacred utterance, a considerable amount of respect and reverence on the part of the people. His superior culture and habitual communion with the divine rulers of the destinies of man would naturally entitle him to a place of honour by the side of the chiefs of clans, or the rulers of kingdoms, who would not fail to avail themselves of his spiritual services, in order to secure the favour of the gods for their warlike expeditions or political undertakings. Nor did the Vedic bard fail to urge his claims on the consideration and generosity of those in the enjoyment of power and wealth. He often dwells on the supernatural virtues of his compositions and their mysterious efficacy in drawing down divine blessings on the pious worshipper. In urging the necessity of frequent and liberal offerings to the gods, and invoking worldly blessings on the offerer, the priestly bard may often be detected pleading his own cause along with that of his employer, as Kava does when he sings (Rig-veda VIII, 2, 13), ‘Let him be rich, let him be foremost, the bard of the rich, of so illustrious a Maghavan! as thou, O lord of the bay steeds!’ Though the Danastutis, or verses extolling, often in highly exaggerated terms, the munificence of princely patrons, and generally occurring at the end of hymns, are doubtless, as a rule, later additions, they at least show that the sacerdotal office must have been, or must gradually have become during this period, a very lucrative one. Although there is no reason to suppose that the sacrificial ceremonial was in early times so fully developed as some scholars would have us believe, the religious service would seem to have been already of a sufficiently advanced nature to require some kind of training for the priestly office. In course of time, while the collection of hymns were faithfully 1 Maghavan, the mighty or bountiful, is a designation both of Indra and the wealthy patron of priests. Here it is evidently intended to refer to both. xii SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA,
3In course of time, while the collection of hymns were faithfully 1 Maghavan, the mighty or bountiful, is a designation both of Indra and the wealthy patron of priests. Here it is evidently intended to refer to both. xii SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA, handed down as precious heirlooms in the several families, and were gradually enriched by the poetical genius of succeeding generations, the ceremonial became more and more complicated, so as at last to necessitate the distribution of the sacerdotal functions among several dictinct classes of priests. Such a distribution of sacrificial duties must have taken place before the close of the period of the hymns, and there can be little doubt that at that time the position of the priesthood in the community was that of a regular profession, and even, to some extent, a hereditary one}. A post of peculiar importance, which seems to go back to avery early time, was that of the Purohita (literally ‘ praepositus’), or family priest to chiefs and kings. From the comparatively modest position of a private chaplain, who had to attend to the sacrificial obligations of his master, he appears to have gradually raised himself to the dignity of, so to say, a minister of public worship and confidential adviser of the king. It is obvious that such a post was singularly favourable to the designs of a crafty and ambitious priest, and must have offered him exceptional opportunities for promoting the hierarchical aspirations of the priesthood ?, In the Rig-veda there is, with the single exception of the - Purusha-sdkta, no clear indication of the existence of caste in the proper, Brahmanical sense of the word. That institution, we may assume, was only introduced after the Brahmans had finally established their claims to the highest * See J. Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, I, p. 239 seq. * See Max Miiller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 485 seq.; A. Weber, Indische Studien, X, 31 seq. In Rig-veda IV, 50, 8, Vamadeva is made to say,‘ That king alone, with whom the Brahman walks in front (pfirva eti), lives well-established in his house; for him there is ever abundance of food ; before him the people bow of their own accord.’ If Grassmann was right in excluding verses 7-11 as a later addition, as I have no doubt he was (at least with regard to verses 7-9), these verses would furnish a good illustration of the gradually increasing importance of the office of Purohita. Professor Ludwig seems to take the verses 7-11 as forming a separate hymn; but I doubt not that he, too, must consider them on linguistic grounds, if on no other, as considerably later than the first six verses. The fact that the last pda of the sixth verse occurs again as the closing formula of the hymns V, 55; VIII, 40; and X, 121 (though also in VIII, 48, 13, where it is followed by two more verses) seems to favour this view. INTRODUCTION. Xili
The source text as printed, transcribed diplomatically. Where the source language uses a non-Latin script that reaches us only through a Victorian romanisation, this layer is labelled transliteration, because that is what we hold.
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