VII, vii, 3-28 ; viii, 2, 10, 23, 32-36, 42, 43, 47, 61, they must, of course, be treated as interpolations of a later date than the events themselves. And there are several passages that may belong to either class.
57. It has been already shown, in § 54, that the death of Alexander, which the Bundahis places in A.R. 273, must have occurred in A.R. 308 according to other traditional records. If this error of thirty-five years stood alone, it might be considered accidental; but when we find that the Bundahis supplies only 284 years for the AskAnians, to fill up the whole interval of 548 years between Alexander and Ardashir, son of Papak, we must conclude that these two errors were intended for the purpose which they both fulfil, that of postponing the end of the tenth millennium. On the other hand, the Sds4nians who ruled for 425 years, are allowed 460 years in the Bundahis, which just counterbalances the thirty-five years omitted after the time of Himai. This third error may be considered unintentional, as it probably arose from counting the year of each succession twice over, first in the reign of the deceased king, and again in that of his successor.
58. The extent to which the Bundahis chronology is distorted, by these three errors, will be better understood on inspection of the following tabular statement than from any description of the results, merely observing that the year of the religion (A.R.) is given according to Bundahis dates in the first column, and according to real dates in the second. Several intermediate events have been inserted,
INTRODUCTION. XXXIli
for the sake of illustration, and each of their Bundahis dates includes its proper proportion of the errors }:—
Bd. date. Real date. Real date. Bd. date. A.R. 265, A.R. 300. Invasion by Alexander . . B.C. 331, B.C. 331. 19 273) », 308. Death of Alexander. . . ,, 323, 9, 323.
» 321, 5, 400. Real date of A.R. 400 . . x» 231, 5, 275. » 400, 4, 553. Bd.dateofa.R. 400. . . 5, 78, 4, 196.
» 528, ,, 800, Real date of a.R.800 . . A.D. 170, ,, » 537, » 886. Accession of Ardashir . . ,, 226, ,, 39. » 625, 5, 900. Real dateof a.R. goo . 1 270, A.D. 10.
» 647, » 939. Accession of Shahpfhar Il. 9» 3090, 5 §3. 2» 713) 5, ooo, Real date of A.R. 1000 . . = 4, 370, 4, 118, » 786, ,, 1068, Accession of Yazdakard II. ,, 438, 5, 91.
» ooo, ,, 1265. Hd. date of A.R. 1000. 1» 635, 5) 405.
» 017, ,, 1281. Death of Yazdakard III. » 651, 4, 422.
59. The object of preparing this statement has been to ascertain the reason for the intentional errors in the Bundahis chronology, and the probable period at which they were introduced. It has been mentioned, in § 57, that the effect of both the errors, which are not accidental, has been to postpone the end of the tenth millennium, but they also postpone the dates of some other events which are mentioned in the Zoroastrian legends.
60. Thus, we are told in Dk. VII, vii, 9, that benightedness arises after A.R. 400, which is postponed by the errors from B.C. 231 to 78, but both of these times seem to have been equally unpropitious to the Zoroastrians. Then we learn (ibid. 10, 11) that in the fifth and sixth centuries, say A.R. 440-560, orthodoxy is still upheld by four successive high-priests. This period is postponed by the errors from B.C. 191-71 to 156-36 (see p. xxxi, n. 2), and Zoroastrianism was probably flourishing the whole time. So far, no reason for the alterations can be discovered, as the vague description of events, supplied by the old writer, appears to be
1 The basis of calculation is the real date of each event and real century, but the Bd. date of each Bd. century. The only Bd. data are 284 years from the death of Alexander to the accession of Ardashir, and 460 years from the latter to the death of Yasdakard III, as stated in § 57.
[47] c
XXXiV PAHLAVI TEXTS.
just as applicable to the original periods as to the altered ones.
date of each Bd. century. The only Bd. data are 284 years from the death of Alexander to the accession of Ardashir, and 460 years from the latter to the death of Yasdakard III, as stated in § 57.
[47] c
XXXiV PAHLAVI TEXTS.
just as applicable to the original periods as to the altered ones.
61. We are further informed (Dk. VII, viii, 2-45) that much evil and misery occur in the ninth and tenth centuries (A.R. 800-1000), at all events until the birth of Adshédar (ibid. 55-57) in A.R. 971; and such events as war, invasion, fall of monarchy, oppression, persecution, infidelity, and apostasy are mentioned. Adshédar confers with the archangels in A.R. 1001 (ibid. 58-60), and the evils afterwards pass away till A.R. 1400-1500 (ibid. ix, 3), when frightful winters occur. The evil period A.R. 800-971 was originally A.D. 170-341, or from the middle of the reign of Vologeses III to the middle of that of Shahpdhar II. But the Bundahis postpones ‘this period to A.D. 451-608, or from the time of the Armenian revolt in the reign of Yasdakard II, to that of the first total defeat of a Persian army by the Arabs near Dhf-Qér in the reign of Khisré II. The evil times were probably expected to continue till the end of the millennium, or later, as in the case of Zaratist himself; for Atshédar does not go to his conference till A.R. 1001, and might not be expected to begin to preach till A.R. 1011. These dates, originally A.D. 371-381, comprising the remainder of the reign of Shahpdhar II, would be altered by Bd. to A. D. 636-645, a period which includes the last two great battles with the Arabs, that decided the downfall of the Sds4nian dynasty, though king Yazdakard III lived some six years longer a a fugitive }.
62. It is hardly possible that king Ardashir (A.D. 226-
241) and his chancellor Tanvasar, when collecting and revising their sacred books, would have compiled the original traditional system of chronology, however general might have been the terms in which the evils were described by the records they possessed, because it would have been a voluntary confession that they had no power to remedy
1 The authorities consulted, for Persian historical facts and dates, have been Noldeke, Aufsdtse zur perstschen Geschichte; and A. von Gutschmid, Geschichte Irans und seiner Nachbarlander von Alexander dem Grossen bis sum Untergang der Arsaciden: edited by Néldeke.
INTRODUCTION. XXXV
von Gutschmid, Geschichte Irans und seiner Nachbarlander von Alexander dem Grossen bis sum Untergang der Arsaciden: edited by Néldeke.
INTRODUCTION. XXXV
the evils of their own time. But if they found the system in an ancient document, they might have been quite willing to admit that evils existed, owing to their enemies, which would have become much worse if they had not been mitigated by their own exertions. In fact, an old document prophesying evil which actually occurred at the time specified, could be used as evidence of the truth of their religion, and would therefore be carefully preserved. And it is quite certain that, if they had altered the chronology of an old document which foretold the time of the downfall of the monarchy, they could not have correctly guessed that time before the downfall occurred. For these reasons we must conclude that the original system of chronology, handed down by the Bundahis, was neither compiled nor altered in the time of Ardashir.
63. For the long reign of Shahpdhar II (A.D. 309-379) the original tradition predicted not only a continuation of evil times, but also the birth and education of a new apostle, Adshédar, for the next millennium, who was expected to put an end to evil for about four centuries. His birth was to take place in A. D. 341, and his conference was to commence in 371. These dates are so well defined that, if we could discover any important religious teacher to whom they could refer, we might be justified in believing that the original chronology was compiled in his time. Unfortunately, we know very little of the internal history of Persia during this reign; there was war with the Romans in 337-350 and 358-363, and on the eastern frontiers in the intervening period ; also a persecution of the Christians, beginning about 339; all of which fairly represent the predicted evils.
64. Regarding the priesthood and religious history of the reign, we have only the traditions handed down in Pahlavi texts to guide us. In these we are told that Atdrpad, son of Maraspend (Dk. VII, vii, 19), was born in the steel period (Dk. IX, viii, 4), and lived in the reign of king Shahpdhar II, son of Adharmazd (AV. p. 145 n), being high-priest over the religion (Dd. XX XVII, 36). He also collected and preserved the Nasks (Dk. VIII, i, 22),
Cc 2
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VII, vii, 19), was born in the steel period (Dk. IX, viii, 4), and lived in the reign of king Shahpdhar II, son of Adharmazd (AV. p. 145 n), being high-priest over the religion (Dd. XX XVII, 36). He also collected and preserved the Nasks (Dk. VIII, i, 22),
Cc 2
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and, after he had proved his orthodoxy by ordeal (Sg. X, 70, 71), the king proclaimed his intention of not allowing any more heterodoxy (Dk. IV, 271). In his old age he obtained a son, after devout prayer, and named him ZaratQst (Pandndmak, 1); but this son also bore the Avesta title of Avarethrabau (Dk. VII, vii, 20, 21; VIII, xiii, 18), who is called the son of Rastare-vaghemt in Yt. XIII, 106, showing that this latter Avesta title was adopted by Attrpid himself. Finally, we meet with another Atdrpad, son of Zarattist, described in Peshotan's Dk. III, cxxxvii, 2, as high-priest in the reign of Yazgdakard I (A.D. 399-420), son of Shahpdhar, and also mentioned in Pahl. Yas. p. 120, Il. 14, 15 Sp. (translated in Dk. VIII, i, 7 n).
65. We have here, evidently, three successive high-priests, father, son, and grandson, and all celebrated men. The father had been employed in collecting and revising, or probably translating, some of the sacred books, and then, after a religious discussion, submitted himself to the ordeal of melted metal, as a test of his orthodoxy. The king was convinced, and his proclamation meant persecution of the heterodox, such as was commenced about A.D. 339, as regards the Christians. So that we may safely assume that Atdvpdd’s ordeal took place shortly before this date, and probably shortly after 337, when the Roman war commenced. As we must also certainly assume that the original chronology could not have come into existence at a much later date than 341, when so remarkable an event as the birth of a new apostle was fixed by it to occur, we have to consider who this apostle could have been; and whether it may not have been intended to identify him with Atdpad’s own son.
66. In the first place, is such a suspicion consistent with known dates? To represent Adshédar, according to the original chronology, the son must have been born A.D. 341 (§ 63); and we may suppose that the time of Adshédar’s conference (371) would represent the time of Atdrpad’s
1 See S. B.E., vol. xxxvii, p. 415.
INTRODUCTION. XXXVI
To represent Adshédar, according to the original chronology, the son must have been born A.D. 341 (§ 63); and we may suppose that the time of Adshédar’s conference (371) would represent the time of Atdrpad’s
1 See S. B.E., vol. xxxvii, p. 415.
INTRODUCTION. XXXVI
death, when his son succeeded him in the high-priesthood. If Atarpad were aged eighty-one at his death, he would have been fifty-one at the birth of his son, or approaching old age; and he would have been born in 290, or nineteen years before the king. His grandson may have been born in 365, when his father ZaratQst was twenty-four, and may have succeeded that father in the high-priesthood about 400, the second year of king Yazdakard I. As all these dates are reasonably consistent with the few facts that are known, there seems to be no impossibility in the hypothesis that the original chronology of Adshédar’s birth may have had some connection with the date of the birth of Atrpad’s son. The dates assumed, with regard to these three highpriests, which may be slightly varied, are as follows: —
Atarpad, born 290, high-priest 320, died 371. Zarathst, ,, 341, » 371, 5 400. Atrpad, ,, 363, » 400, ,, 420, or later.
67. On the other hand, we must recollect that the time of the birth of AQshédar was not an isolated date which could be varied at pleasure, to suit any circumstances that might arise; but it was intimately connected with the dates of birth of three other apostles, which were each placed at the same distance from the ends of three other millenniums. It would perhaps be more difficult to suit a new millennial system of chronology, to the accidental year of a particular child’s birth, than to have the child born in a particular year of an old system already existing. And, if so, it may be safer to assume that Attrpad, knowing the year of the expected birth, took measures to secure the fulfilment of the prophecy, so far as the birth was concerned. If the child did not turn out so capable of regenerating the world as had been expected, that was a matter for posterity to explain. Under such circumstances of merely seeming fulfilment of a single particular, fraudulently obtained, the original prediction might be of any age.
68. It does not appear that the priestly councillors assembled by Khasré I (Byt. I, 7), made any alteration in
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Under such circumstances of merely seeming fulfilment of a single particular, fraudulently obtained, the original prediction might be of any age.
68. It does not appear that the priestly councillors assembled by Khasré I (Byt. I, 7), made any alteration in
XXXViii PAHLAVI TEXTS.
the original chronology, although they slightly revised the Pahlavi Vendidad. In fact, the priests, who must have been long expecting the end of Zaratdst’s millennium, were probably looking forward for the approaching downfall of the SAsAnian monarchy, which might readily be understood, as the surest sign of the termination of this period, from such statements as those in Dk. VII, viii, 1,2. At any rate, the alterations in the chronology, for the purpose of postponing the end of the tenth millennium till a. D. 635, would not have been made till some time after the termination of the monarchy in 651, but probably long before the compilation of the Bundahis about goo. The effects of these alterations upon the dates of the evil ninth and tenth centuries, and upon those of the birth, conference, and preaching of Adshédar, have been already stated in § 61. And their object has evidently been to adapt the . old predictions as much as possible to real events; for which purpose also, the predictions themselves have probably been often made more definite than they were originally.
.69. It follows, from the foregoing investigation, that the original chronology must have existed A.D. 341, and, in fact, we have found no sufficient reason for supposing that it was compiled as late as Sds4nian times. While the alterations, we find in the Bundahis, could have hardly been made till after 651.
70. Regarding the age in which Zaratist lived, the dates stated in the synopsis of traditional chronology (§ 55), are B.C. 660-583, while the reign of Vistasp, which extends to the fabulous length of 120 years, or 660-540, evidently represents a short dynasty, including Hystaspes and his next four forefathers, if we accept the traditional identification of Vistasp with the father of Darius I. But the names of those four forefathers, which are known on the unimpeachable authority of the Behistin inscription of Darius himself, render it almost impossible to accept this traditional identification, as they differ totally from those of the forefathers of Vistasp in the Avesta. The two dynasties are as follows :—
Unless it can be shown that these two series of names have the same meaning in two different languages, there seems little chance of proving the identity of the two dynasties. We may, however, quote the instances of the high-priest Atarpad= Atare-pAta and his son Zaratdst= Zarathustra being called Rastare-vaghet and Avarethrabau, respectively, in the Avesta (see § 64); but these latter names seem more like titles than translations.
We may, however, quote the instances of the high-priest Atarpad= Atare-pAta and his son Zaratdst= Zarathustra being called Rastare-vaghet and Avarethrabau, respectively, in the Avesta (see § 64); but these latter names seem more like titles than translations.
71. The date of Zoroaster and his religion has formerly been fully discussed by Windischmann? and others, and the question has been lately re-examined by Williams Jackson *. He divides the ancient statements, that have been made on the subject, into three classes: those which declare that Zaratist lived before B.C. 6000, those which associate his name with Ninus and Semiramis, and the native tradition which, as we have seen, places his life in the period B.C. 660-583. Singularly enough, the oldest writers, those who lived only two to four centuries after the traditional period of the lifetime of Zaratdst, are those who report that he lived some 6000 years before that period. Pliny the Elder (Nat. Hist. XXX, 2) quotes Eudoxus (B.C. 368) as stating that Zaratdst existed 6000 years before the death of Plato, that is, B.C. 6347, which is also confirmed by Aristotle. And he quotes Hermippus (about B.C. 250) as placing him 5oco years before the Trojan war, that is, B.C. 6184. A third mode of describing this period
1 These were the reigning sovereigns, but the last two are descended from a collateral branch, and their actual pedigree is as follows :—Kavi Kavata, Kavi Aipivanghu, Kavi Pisanangh, Manus, Uzava, Aurvadaspa, Kava Vistaspa (Bd. XXXI, 28, 29).
2 Zoroastrische Studien, von Fr. Windischmann, edited by Spiegel, 1863; Pp. 121-165, 260-313.
3 On the date of Zoroaster, by A.V. Williams Jackson; Journal of American Oriental Society, vol. xvii, pp. 1-22.
xl PAHLAVI TEXTS.
seems to have been used by Xanthus of Lydia (B.c. 500- 450)! who stated that Zaratdist lived 6000 years before Xerxes, as quoted by Diogenes Laertius, that is, B.C. 6485. 72. Three or four other classical writers mention similar - statements, and Jackson points out that these extravagant dates are probably owing to the European writers misunderstanding Persian statements with reference to the pre-existence of Zaratdst’s Fravashi. It will, in fact, be seen from the synopsis (§ 55) that the traditional account is that the spiritual body of Zaratast was framed together as early as the beginning of the fourth millennium, which occurred B.C. 6630, and this may be accepted as a close approximation to the three dates, B.C. 6347, 6184, and 6485, indicated by the ancient writers, considering that their statements are made in even thousands of years.
73. Pliny also mentions, on the authority of other writers who are not named, that another Zoroaster, a Proconnesian, lived a little before the time of Osthanes who accompanied Xerxes to Greece (B.C. 480). And, so far as time is concerned, this Zoroaster might have been the traditional Zaratdst who died 103 years before this journey of Osthanes.
480). And, so far as time is concerned, this Zoroaster might have been the traditional Zaratdst who died 103 years before this journey of Osthanes.
74. The old statements about Zoroaster or Oxyartes, the Magian king of Bactria in the time of Ninus and Semiramis, can hardly refer to the traditional Zaratist who is never represented as a king, although the supreme Zarathustra of the Avesta was apparently a ruling priest. The time in which this Bactrian lived is also very uncertain, for though Semiramis has recently been placed about B.C. 800, her position in Albirdni’s tables is certainly 1200 years earlier.
975. It seems, therefore, that the ancient statements, regarding the date of Zaratdst, reported by Pliny and corroborated by a few other classical writers, can be fully explained from the traditional system of chronology used in Pahlavi texts, by identifying the classical Zoroaster of the seventh millennium B.C. with the traditional Zaratdst
1 There are some doubts as to the correctness of these dates.
INTRODUCTION. xli
in his ante-natal spiritual state, after he had ceased to be a mere Fravashi, or primary idea, and had become an intelligent, moving, and personal existence, but still a spirit. While the later Zoroaster of Pliny, who flourished before the fifth century B.C., must have lived about the same time as the same traditional Zaratdst after he came into the worldly existence, and may reasonably be identified with him, although Pliny had little information to give about him.
76. It will be noticed that this explanation depends entirely upon the peculiarly artificial system of the traditional chronology, in which the whole of time is assumed to consist of twelve millenniums devoted to different purposes; and if this particular system had not been in use at the time the statements, quoted by Pliny and Diogenes Laertius, were made, those statements could not have been explained as referring to the same individual. But if they do not refer to the same individual, we have only the options of rejecting all the statements, or believing an impossible date to be literally correct; neither of which decisions would be altogether satisfactory to a judicious mind. The only reasonable conclusion seems to be that the chronology based upon the twelve millenniums was in use in the fifth century B.C., about which time the earliest quoted statement seems to have been made.
The only reasonable conclusion seems to be that the chronology based upon the twelve millenniums was in use in the fifth century B.C., about which time the earliest quoted statement seems to have been made.
77. It will also be observed that this millennial chronology is inextricably associated with the idea of the primeval existence of all good creations in the state of Fravashis. These are described as spiritual existences who remained three millenniums unthinking, unmoving, and intangible (Bd. I, 8); and the next three millenniums they still remained undisturbed by evil, mankind being represented, for that period, by Gaéyémard in the world (Bd. XXXIV, 1) and by the spiritual form of Zaratist in heaven (Dk. VII, ii, 15), while the animals were symbolized by the primeval ox for the same period. Six millenniums, which are half the duration of time, were thus appropriated to Fravashis, _ spiritual and embodied, probably before the birth of Plato, if we may rely upon classical statements ; and it must have xlii PAHLAVI TEXTS.
been before this date that the series of millenniums was arranged for all future history, till Time was expected to merge once more into Eternity at the renovation of the universe.
78. As we have seen that Zoroastrian tradition is very consistent in fixing the date of Zaratdst’s activity about the end of the seventh century B.C., it may be asked, why have Avesta scholars so strongly insisted upon its greater antiquity? They may have had several reasons, but three, at least, were important. First, they had the classical statements which, as we have seen (§ 71), generally placed Zaratist as far back as the seventh millennium B.C., on the testimony of persons who lived from two to four centuries after the traditional date of Zaratdst’s death. No one, of course, could believe in the literal accuracy of the number of millenniums, which referred, as we have seen, to an imaginary period of spiritual existence, but this number was considered merely as an exaggeration which might be reduced to any amount that seemed reasonable. At the same time, this evidence for antiquity was quite sufficient, in the second place, to discredit the traditional date, of which these old authorities seemed ignorant, though it was a period then comparatively recent. And, if this discredit had not been sufficient to shake the faith of Avesta scholars in the traditional date of Zaratdst, they still had a third reason for their scepticism, when they discovered that the language of the Avesta was not merely a sister of Sanskrit, but that a large portion of it was sister to the oldest Sanskrit with which they were acquainted, and which appeared to them certainly older than the time . of Gautama Buddha, who lived about one generation later than the traditional Zaratdst.
of Gautama Buddha, who lived about one generation later than the traditional Zaratdst.
79. How far Avesta scholars were justified in their conclusions must be left for future ages to determine; at present we have no really historical information about the origin of Zoroastrianism, and must still consider it as decidedly prehistoric; though, it may be admitted that the Parsi calendar, as used in Persia, so far agrees with tradition, . that it still bears witness to its own original institution in
INTRODUCTION. xiii
the reign of Darius Hystaspes, as will be seen from the following details.
80. The Parsi year consists of twelve months, each consisting of thirty days, with five additional days added at the end of the year, and the total number of 365 days never varies, so that, whenever a leap-year occurs in our calendar, the beginning of the Parsi year retreats one day in the Christian calendar. In this manner, the total number of days which the beginning of the Parsi year has retreated, since the institution of their calendar, records the number of leap-years which would have occurred in the same period of Christian years, if the regular leap-years had existed the whole time; and four times the number of leap-years would be the total number of years. But as leap-years have not been used the whole time, we have to calculate from astronomical data.
81. In the first place, we want to know at what season the Parsi year originally began, and we learn this from Bd. XXV, 7, 20, where we are told that the winter of the rectified year ends with the five extra days, and the spring begins with the first month; which means that the rectified year begins with the vernal equinox. We also have to observe that, retreating at the rate of one day every four years, the beginning of the year retreats all round the year in 1460 years; and we know from general history that the period, with which we have to deal, is much more than 1460 years and less than 2920. Then we have to ascertain the exact length of the tropical year, which astronomers say is 365-2422 days, with an infinitesimal decrement, quite inappreciable in the period we have in view.
82. We may calculate back from any vernal equinox which occurs not too far from noon, say that of March 22, 1865, when the beginning of the Parsi year, according to Persian reckoning, had retreated to August 24, 1864, or 210 days, in addition to a previous retreat of a whole year of 365 days, or altogether 575 days since the establishment of the calendar. So that the difference between the Parsi year of 365 days and the correct tropical year of 365-2422 days had then accumulated to a total of 575 days. Dividxliv PAHLAVI TEXTS.
So that the difference between the Parsi year of 365 days and the correct tropical year of 365-2422 days had then accumulated to a total of 575 days. Dividxliv PAHLAVI TEXTS.
ing the accumulated error of 575 days by the annual increment of 0-2422 of a day, we obtain a quotient of 2374 years, including A.D. 1865, as the time in which this error had accumulated, and this carries us back to B.C. 510 as an approximate date of the establishment of the Parsi calendar, with the first day of the year coinciding with the vernal equinox.
83. This date is, however, liable to some modifications for errors of observation on the part of the ancient astronomers, one of which errors, being constantly in one direction, must be taken into account. These old observers were not aware of the effect of refraction, which always makes the night seem somewhat shorter than it is in reality ; and this would lead them to antedate the vernal equinox by rather more than a day; so that they would observe an apparent equinox in B.C. 505 on the same day in the Parsi year as that on which the real equinox occurred in B.C. 510. The most probable date of the establishment of the Parsi calendar is therefore B.C. 505, with a margin of four to eight years in either direction for accidental errors of observation.
84. A few years before this period we know, from the cuneiform inscriptions of Behistdn, that Darius Hystaspes used an older calendar, when recording his early victories over insurgents, which consolidated his empire. It was a time when he was introducing many reforms in the government, and, being a believer in Auramazda, his most influential advisers would probably be Zoroastrian priests. If they thought it necessary to reform the old calendar, the adoption of strictly Zoroastrian names for the new months and days in the Parsi calendar would be fully explained.
85. But, besides this ordinary civil calendar, in which new-year’s day was constantly retreating, the Persians had a rectified calendar for religious purposes, which intercalated an extra month from time to time, for the purpose of bringing new-year’s day forward again to the vernal equinox, and restoring the festivals to their proper seasons. It is this calendar which is used in Bd. X XV, and its days
INTRODUCTION. xlv
and months are distinguished by the epithet véhi#akig (veh +i#+ak-+ig), ‘belonging to what is really good,’ or vehizak, ‘belonging to the really good,’ which, in this connection, may be best expressed by the word ‘ rectified.’
X XV, and its days
INTRODUCTION. xlv
and months are distinguished by the epithet véhi#akig (veh +i#+ak-+ig), ‘belonging to what is really good,’ or vehizak, ‘belonging to the really good,’ which, in this connection, may be best expressed by the word ‘ rectified.’
86. This intercalation is described by Albirdni in various passages! which inform us that, after the new-year’s day had retreated more than a month from the vernal equinox, the king would order the priests to arrange for the solemn proclamation of an extra month to be intercalated, between the last month of the year and the five extra days, by merely moving those five days from the end of the twelfth month to the end of the first month of the next year. The effect of this was to put an extra month into the earlier year which, beginning with the first month, would also end with the first month augmented by the five extra days as the usual termination of the year. All following years would begin with the second month, and end with the first month and the five extra days, until the second intercalation, when a year of thirteen months and five days would be again obtained, by merely moving the five extra days to the end of the second month which would thus become the last month of the year, while the third month would begin the year until the third intercalation. By these means, any number of intercalations could be made without any additional month being named, and the position of the five extra days always indicated the end of the rectified year, and that the rectified first month, which followed them, was to become the last month of the preceding year at the next rectification, or intercalation.
87. If the Parsi calendar, as used in Persia, were established B.C. 505, as we have calculated, it ought to have been rectified by an intercalation of one month about each of the following years :—B.C. 381, 257, 133, 10, A.D. 115, 239, 363, 487, 610. Albirdni (p. 121), however, has recorded only one intercalation of two months in the time of Yazdakard I (A.D. 399-420), son of Shahpdhar, when the
1 Sachau’s Albfrani’s Chronology of Ancient Nations, pp. 12, 13, 38, 53-56, 121, 184, 185, 220, 221.
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five extra days were removed to the end of the original eighth month Aban, where they remained until Albirdni’s own time (Alb. p. 56), about A.D. 1000. The reason for intercalating two months at once, was because the time for the seventh intercalation (A.D. 363) was already long past ; so the eighth was added three or four score years in | advance, being due in 487.
p. 56), about A.D. 1000. The reason for intercalating two months at once, was because the time for the seventh intercalation (A.D. 363) was already long past ; so the eighth was added three or four score years in | advance, being due in 487.
88. All that Albirani says about this double intercalation is quite in accordance with the original establishment of the calendar by Darius Hystaspes, and would render any date more than thirty-seven years later than his reign impossible’. With regard to the earlier intercalations (which must have occurred to account for the movement of the five extra days) that of A.D. 115 was neither in the reign of Vologeses I, nor in that of Vologeses III, one of whom must have been the Askdnian renovator of the Avesta. That of A.D. 239, if carried out punctually, would have been at the extreme end of the reign of Ardashir ; but the intercalations seem to have been usually delayed, as in the case of that of 363 which was delayed for thirty to fifty years, although it ought to have been carried out under the direction of one of those ultra-orthodox high-priests, Atdxpad son of Maraspend, or his son Zarattist, in the reign of Shahpdhar IT. .
89. It is worthy of notice that the names of both the days and months, which have come down to us in this calendar of Darius, include the names of the six Ameshaspeztas, which, according to Darmesteter’s hypothesis, were not invented till the time of Vologeses I, in the first century A.D. We have positive evidence that the calendar of twelve months of thirty days each, with five extra days to complete the year, must have been established in the time of Darius. This fact being recorded mechanically by the extent of the retreat of the Persian Parsis’ new-year’s day down to the present time, and by the number of months intercalated in their religious calendar down to the fifth
1 If the calendar had been established thirty-eight years after the death of Darius, the seventh intercalation would not have been due till one year after the death of Yazdakard I,
INTRODUCTION. xl vii
century A.D., being known from the position of the five extra days in the rectified calendar. We have no evidence of any change of names having been made in this calendar at any time; and only positive and indisputable evidence could be admitted, because reformers of calendars are hardly ever satisfied with mere change of names, and the calendar itself is a permanent witness that no alteration can have been made in any other particular, since the time of Darius.
go. Darmesteter’s theory of a late origin for the Avesta having been mentioned, it may be allowable to add, that the likelihood of this theory “does not increase upon closer examination. It is a brilliant hypothesis, very carefully prepared to meet ordinary criticism; but it does not appear to convince Avesta scholars in general, for want of sufficient evidence, as it is very necessary to distinguish carefully between possibilities and probabilities ; the former being not admissible as evidence, unless corroborated by positive facts. Its chief use has been in checking the tendency to exaggerate the age of the Avesta, but it seems itself to be an exaggeration in the opposite direction, a returning swing of the ever-restless pendulum of judgment. On the other hand, the traditional age of the religion cannot be fairly considered as exaggerated, for the chief difficulty in accepting it as sufficiently old, is that the nearer our researches penetrate to that time the less real light we obtain.
E. W. WEST.
April, 1897.
ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THIS VOLUME.
E. W. WEST.
April, 1897.
ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THIS VOLUME.
a.p. for Anno Domini; Alb. for Albirint’s Chronology of Ancient Nations, translated by Sachau; a.r. for Anno Religionis ; Ar. for Arabic; AV. for the Book of Arda-Viraf; Av. for Avesta; B for Bombay MS. of Dfnkard, brought from Iran in 1783; B.c. for Before Christ; Bd. for Bundahis (S. B. E.v, 1-1g1), and Band (volume); Beh. for BehistQn inscription; BK for an old copy of K35, made when this MS. was more complete than it is now; B.R. for Before the Religion; Byt. for Bahman Yast (S.B.E. v, 189-235); Chald. for Chaldee; Chap. for chapter; Chaps. for chapters ; Dd. for Dadistan-f Dintk (S. B. E. xviii, 1-276); Dk. for Dinkard (S. B. E. xxxvii, 1-397, 406-418, and this volume); ed. for editor or edition; Ep. for Epistles of Manfséthar (S. B.E. xviii, 277-366) ; Etudes iran. for Etudes iraniennes; Farh. Oim for Farhang-i Ofm-aévak; gen. for genitive case; Gesch. der Sas. for Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der SdasAniden; Gf. for the Tale of Gést-f Fryin6; Heb. for Hebrew; Ibid. for ibidem; Ind. vers. for Indian version; J. for Jamasp’s old MS.; K for University Library at Kopenhagen; L for India Office Library at London; 1. for line; ll. for lines; Mkh. for Mainyé-i Khirad (S.B.E. xxiv, 1-113); MS. for manuscript; MSS. for manuscripts; n. for footnote; nom. for nominative case; p. for page; Pahl. for Pahlavi; Pers. for Persian; pp. for pages; Pt. for Peshotan’s old MS.; S.B.E. for Sacred Books of the East; Sd. for Sad-dar (S. B. E. xxiv, 253-361); Sg. for Sikand-gumanik Vigar (S. B. E. xxiv, 115-251); Sls. for Shayast-l4-shayast (S. B. E. v, 237-406); Sp. for Spiegel’s edition ; T for Tehmuras’s MS. of Dd., Zs., &c.; Vd. for Vendidad, ed. Geldner; Vig. for Vigirkard-! Dinik; Visp. for Visperad, ed. Geldner ; vol. for volume; Westerg. Frag. for Westergaard’s Fragments; Yas. for Yasna, ed. Geldner; Yt. for Yast, ed. Geldner; YZ. for Geiger’s Yatkar-i Zariran; Z. for ZaratQst ; Zs. for Selections of Z4d-sparam, first series.
MARVELS OF ZOROASTRIANISM
AS STATED IN
THE SEVENTH AND FIFTH BOOKS
OF THE
DiINKARD
. AND IN THE SELECTIONS OF ZAD-SPARAM CHAPTERS XII-XXIV.
YY (47) B
OBSERVATIONS.
1. For all divisions into chapters and sections the translator is chiefly responsible, as the stops found in the manuscripts are not used systematically.
2. Italics are used for any English words which are not expressed, or fully understood, in the original text, but are added to complete the sense of the translation.
3. Italics occurring in Oriental words, or names, represent certain peculiar Oriental letters (see the ‘ Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets’ at the end of this volume), or certain abbreviated modes of writing Pahlavi letters. Italic a, 4, 4, d, ¢, & h, 2, & Rh, 1, p, r, sh, u, v, 2d indicate no change of pronunciation; but g should be sounded like j, Av like wh, & like ch in ‘church,’ s like sh, and Avesta z like French j.
Italic a, 4, 4, d, ¢, & h, 2, & Rh, 1, p, r, sh, u, v, 2d indicate no change of pronunciation; but g should be sounded like j, Av like wh, & like ch in ‘church,’ s like sh, and Avesta z like French j.
4. In the translation words in parentheses are merely explanatory of those that precede them, and often translate Pahlavi glosses in the original text.
5. For the meaning of the abbreviations, used in the notes, see the explanatory list after the Introduction. .
6. The manuscripts used for the Dinkard are :—
B (written a.p. 1659), the only independent authority for Book VII; it was brought from Iran to Surat in 1783, and one folio, at the end of Chap. iv, appears to be missing.
K 43 (written a.p. 1594 and later), No. 43 in the University Library at Kopenhagen, which contains another independent authority for Book V in its later portion.
4. The manuscripts used for the Selections of Zad-sparam are :—
K 35 (probably written a.p. 1572), No. 35 in the same library, which was brought from Irdn by Prof. Westergaard in 1843, along with No. 43.
T, a copy of a MS. about fifty years older, belonging to Ervad Tehmuras Dinshawji Ankalesaria of Bombay.
MARVELS OF ZOROASTRIANISM.
DINKARD.—BOOK VII.
Cuarter I. \ |
1. For the gratification of the creator Athaymazd, even through the complete superiority of the Mazdaworshipping religion, adorned by omniscience, in the world.
2. The seventh doo is about the marvellousness of the greatest reminder of the Mazda-worshipping religion, Zaratdst! of the Spitamas; also of the mindfulness of that illustrious oxe by Adharmazd, and of his religion, arisen through the word of Atharymazd, being blessed among those of the region of king Vistasp ; from the Exposition of the Good Religion *.
3. But, before that, there is purposely written whatever was the progress of the character and effect of the good religion and its first acceptor in the spiritual and worldly exes¢ences ; and, after that,
} Nearly always spelt Zaratfkhsht in the MS., the counterpart of the Persian form Zaratuhsht or Zaraduhsht.
? This Nikézé-f Véh-déné was evidently the name of an older book, from which the Dinkard quotes much of its information on religious matters.
B2
p. 4
the prophets, apostles, avd upholders in the period as far as Zaratdst, whose guardian spirit is reverenced, and their religion, which is this, due to the utterance and splendour with which they have been blessed with prophecy among mankind}.
B2
p. 4
the prophets, apostles, avd upholders in the period as far as Zaratdst, whose guardian spirit is reverenced, and their religion, which is this, due to the utterance and splendour with which they have been blessed with prophecy among mankind}.
4. According to the Mazda-worshipping religion and the Exposition of the Good Religion, it is the nature of Adharmaza's disposition and his knowledge as to the complete obtainment of the first creature, the archangel Vohdmané, and the first progress spiritually among the archangels azd the other sacred beings of the spiritual and worldly existences, and materially in Gayémard, the first man, through concurrent azd complete acceptance from the creator Atharmazd, and the needful atonement in his own period through meditation, and the smiting thereby of the fiend of that period and the opposition thereof, by thinking of the creator's teaching, chat constitute the whole of that first utterance? of the religion of Atharmazd.
5. According to the declaration of the good religion about the production of existence, which is the praise of him who was the causer of existence and creator, the beneficent spirit, the first craving among mankind was this, that ‘we be happy and de the creation of Adhazmazd;’ and the last, as regards the preservation of a remedy for mankind, is ¢hzs, that ‘the best is this, that the formation of lives de perfect now, though rendered sickly by him; and the spiritual existences of mankind 4e so now, though the destroyer 4as come to the creatures.’ 6, For
1 This preliminary matter occupies the whole of Chap. I. * The Yatha-ahd-vairy6, or most sacred religious formula of the Parsis.
CHAPTER I, 4-8. 5
human beings of the lineage of GAyémard this is the one thing good, when they shall perform their duty and good works; and one’s work is to smite one’s own opposing fiend ; an instance presentable to any of the lineage, that it is important for every one of you to smite his own opposing fiend, is the freedom from molestation which occurs thereby, and the noncontamination of the creatures by the destroyer; and it is that effect which the creator of creation has produced for it.
7. And this, too, is declared by the good religion, that through a true-spoken statement GAyémard attained to the good spiritual lordship? of the archangels (that is, 4e was fit for the supreme heaven 3).
8. And after Gayémard, at various periods until the ever-favouring® Zaratist of the Spitamas, whose guardian spirit is reverenced; much also was his acquaintance with knowledge, and 4zs work was the preservation of the mankind of that time in which he came into notice; moreover he became requisite for conference with the creator; and because of ¢hezr superior carrying on of destiny ‘, by command of the
' Reading hf-ahfth, Av. hvanghevi. This section is one of the numerous quotations from the Pahlavi version of a lost Avesta, text. When we are furnished with a complete Pahl.-Av. vocabulary, it will be possible to recover much of the original Avesta of such quotations, with some degree of certainty.
* Pahl. garé6dmanfg. Such glosses and comments, inserted by the Pahlavi translator, are always marked as parenthetical.
5 Pahl. ham4f-bAhar; it might be read hamAai-bfdar, ‘ever vigilant.’
‘ Reading vakhsh (= Pers. bakhsh), which is usually expressed by its Zvaris equivalent gad (traditionally gadman), and this means both ‘destiny’ and ‘the star, or glory, of destiny’ (Av. hvarené, Pers. khura). Here the first letter of vakhsh is omitted, and this error converts the word into khay4A, the Zv4ris of g4n, ‘life.’
6 DINKARD, BOOK VII.
creator, z¢ zs declared in the good religion, ‘hat the combined titles of prophet (vakhshvar), acceptor, and promoter ave enumerated of them.
9. As Gayémard passed away, z¢' came to Masyé and Masydadi ?, the second of worldly beings who were the progeny of Gayémard the first ; and z¢ zs declared, by the word of Adhavmazd, that he spoke to them, when they had been produced by him, thus: ‘ You are the men I produce, you are the parents of the parents of all embodied existence; and so do you men not worship the demons, for the possession of complete mindfulness is the best ¢4zmg produced by me for you, so that you may fully observe duty and ordinances with complete mindfulness. 10. And the bountifulness of Atharymazd was extolled by them, and they went on with their own duty; they also performed the will of the creator, enjoyed the advantage of the many duties of the world, and practised next-of-kin marriage for procreation, union, and the complete progress of the creations in the world, which are the best good works of mankind.
11. The creator showed them the sowing of corn, as declared in the words of Adhaymazd thus: ‘ This is thine, O Masyé! which is an ox; thine, too, is this corn ; and thine those other appliances; henceforth thou shouldst know ¢hem well.’
This must have also occurred twice in a previous copy of the MS. in § 28, where the word is written gn, ‘life,’ in the MS. B. In S.B.E, vol. xxxvii, Dk. VIII, xiii, 20, vakhsh has been erroneously translated ‘ word.’
1 The glorious destiny. §§ 9 and 1o have been previously translated in S. B.E., vol. xviii, pp. 411, 412.
® Literally ‘man and woman’ who grew up as plants from the earth fertilized by Gayémard, the prototype of the human race; see Bd. XV, 1-5.
CHAPTER I, 9-14. 7
§§ 9 and 1o have been previously translated in S. B.E., vol. xviii, pp. 411, 412.
® Literally ‘man and woman’ who grew up as plants from the earth fertilized by Gayémard, the prototype of the human race; see Bd. XV, 1-5.
CHAPTER I, 9-14. 7
12. This, too, is declared by the good religion, that Adhaymazd spoke to Hadish!, one of the sacred beings thoroughly worthy through righteousness, thus: ‘O Hadish, who art thoroughly worthy through righteousness! thou shouldst proceed to Masyé and Masy4ét, thou shouldst procure thy ? corn and bread from Masyé and Masy4ét, and shouldst bless theirs thus: “This corn comes up owing to you, and, as it came unto you from Atharymazd and the archangels, may the corn extend from you unto your descendants without disturbance from the demons ;” axd two Ahunavairs * are to be recited for the staying away of the demon and fiend.” 13. And Hadish, the thoroughly worthy through righteousness, went to Masyé and Masydaét, and he procured his corn and bread from Masyé and Masy4di, and z¢ was given by them; he also blessed them thus: ‘ May this corn come up from you, as from the archangels! as it came unto you from Atharmazd and the archangels, may it extend from you unto your descendants, without disturbance from the demons ;’ and two Ahunavairs were recited by him, for the staying away of the demon and fiend.
14. And, owing to the explanation of the sacred beings, Masyé and Masyéét attained also to the manufacture of clothing, the tending of sheep, housebuilding, and primitive carpentry, the agriculture and husbandry of the ancients, and the memory of their original state; and ¢hese proceeded from them through ¢her lineage, presenting an example and
' Mentioned in Visp. i, 9: ii, 11: ix, 5, and recognized as a spirit in Pahl. Visp. i, 31 (Sp.). The spirit who assists the husbandman, see Etudes iran. ii, 201.
® The MS. has ‘his,’ as in § 13, by mistake.
5 Two of the sacred Yatha-ahf-vairy6 formulas.
8 DINKARD, BOOK VII.
spreading zz the world, to artificers among the plenitude of artificers.
15. And after that, the destiny to be carried on came to SAmak !, who was their son, and the descent of their collateral descendants was on to each region and each quarter of theworld, o that extent which the creator chose for that region and quarter; ad thereby there was a completion of the progress and spreading of mankind into the various regions amd quarters.
16. At another time it came to Vaégered and Héshang? of the early law (pés-d4d@), for providing in the world the law of husbandry, or cultivation of the world, and of sovereignty ov protection of -the world. 17. And through their companionship . and united -force, given by religion, the sovereignty and cultivation of the world were prepared through progress and a succession of provisions of Atharmazd@’s creatures, as well as the religion appointed by Adhaymazd. 18. And through that glory of destiny (gad@) two-thirds of the demons of Mazané * and the seven evil-instructed ones of Aéshm were destroyed by Héshang.
19. After that it came to TAkhmérup‘ the wellarmed, and through that glory the demon and evil mankind, the wizard and witch, weve smitten by him; idolatry was also cast out by him, and he propagated in zs time the reverence and service of the creator ; the evil spirit, converted into the shape of a horse, was also carrying him for thirty winters.
1 See Bd. XV, 24-26.
® Grandsons of Samak, see Bd. XV, 28, and Sachau’s Albir@nt’s Chronology of Ancient Nations, pp. 206, 212.
5 The idolators of Mazandaran. See Yt. XIX, 26.
* Called ‘seven powers’ in Bd. XXVIII, 15.
5 See Bd. XXXI, 2, and Yt. XIX, 28, 29.
CHAPTER I, 15-24. 9
20. And it came, at another time, for the conference with Athaymazd, to Yim" the splendid, the son of Vivang,ha; and owing to his accepting the four classes of the religion, whzch are priesthood, warriorship, husbandry, and artisanship, ¢dere are the four classes which are priesthood. warriorship, husbandry, and artisanship, and thereby the world was improved, extended, and developed; he also rendered even the creatures, in a measure, immortal, undecaying, hungerless, thirstless, plentiful, and fully-settled. 21. And in the good religion? z¢ is declared, by the word of the creator Atharymazd to Yim, thus: ‘Then do thou widen my world! (that is, make up z/s measure more), then do thou extend my world! (that is, make z¢ up larger), and then thou shouldst accept from me the protection, nourishment, and chieftainship of the world; and do thou effect such watchfulness over z¢, ¢ha¢ no one shall be able to occasion the wounding or injury of another.’
22. And ¢his was accepted and done by Yim, as Atharmazd commanded him ; and through the same glory he widened the earth three-thirds larger than that whch it was theretofore. 23. And, in that realm of his, the cattle and men of the realm were made immortal by him, and the other creations, water, vegetation, and the various foods, imperishable. 24. And this, too, is declared by the good religion, that the world was made by him like the supreme heaven in pleasantness ; also the enclosure made by Yim, constructed by him according to all the commands of the creator *, about guarding the creatures from perishing through the winter of
1 See Bd. XXXI, 3-5, and Yt. XIX, 31-33. 3 In Vd. II, 4. ® As detailed in Vd. II, 22-31, 40, 41.
p. 10
XXXI, 3-5, and Yt. XIX, 31-33. 3 In Vd. II, 4. ® As detailed in Vd. II, 22-31, 40, 41.
p. 10
Mahrkis, and likewise many other wonders are reported by the good religion.
25. And it came, at another time, by command of the creator, to Frédin the Asptg4n? when he was in the pregnant womb, owing to the share of husbandry zm the avocations of the religion, through allotment from the glory of Yim, and through its triumphant splendour. 26. And Frédan, through that triumphant splendour, became a responder 4o Dahak? from the pregnant womb, and that degraded fiend was averted and paralysed by him; Aavzag come to nine years of age, he proceeded about his destruction, and through that victory Dahaék was smitten by him %, the creatures were saved and relieved thereby, those of Mazandar and Mada were smitten, their ravage and mischief weve removed from the region of Khvaniras, and the region of Khvantras was preserved for his three sons. 27. And owing to his husbandry, which is the third avocation of the religion, pestilence and disease were disturbed 4y the medical treatment even of pestilence itself, and he exhibited to mankind also many other wonders produced and useful occupation for the world.
28. And, in the life-czme of Frédin, the same destiny came to Afri#+, son of Frédin, owing to introduction 4y the creator, and was diffused in him, and he practised humility ; the life* which is perfect is brought through a prayer from Azs father Fréddn,
1 See Bd. XXXI, 7, 8, and Yt. XIII, 131; XIX, 36.
3 The Arab usurper, or usurping dynasty, that conquered Yim in his old age; see Bd. XXXI, 5, 6.
5 See Yt. XIX, 37. * See Bd. XXXI, 9, 10.
5 Probably ‘destiny ;’ the initial letter of vakhsh, ‘destiny,’ has been omitted, and this blunder converts the word into khay4, ‘life.’
CHAPTER I, 25-31. It
and that life' came to him from the creator through the blessing of Frédan.
29. And it came, through 4zs mother, to a descendant of Frédin and descendant of Atrté ; it proceeded with the angel Néryésang to M4ndséthar *, and its entire progress was in the lineage of Airié. 30. And it came to MAnts&ihar, the monarch of Ir4n, and through it many wonder-wrought actions weve performed by him; he smote Salm and Tag in revenge for Airié%, he was a responder Zo the superfluities of foreign countries, he arranged the realm of Iran, improved and fertilised the land of Iran, and made the country of Iran victorious over foreigners.
31. At another time it came to Afizébé, son of Tamasp *, a descendant of Mandséihar the monarch of Iran; and, through that destiny and glory combined, the new-born came to mature activity and the proportions of a man during childhood, through agriculture; he disclosed 4zs lamenting mother to the countries of Iran, he marched on to the destruction of foreigners, to drive out and make them outcast from the land of Iran; he also defeated the village-terrifier of the country of Iran, the wizard who frightened his father azd_ fellow-immortals, Frangrasiy4k of Tar®; and he developed and ferti-
1 See note 5 on preceding page.
? Here spelt Néresang and Manfisir. The former is the usual spiritual messenger of Aftharmazd; and for the lineage of the latter see Bd. XXXI, 9-14. It appears that the glorious destiny was preserved by the angel Néryésang for some generations, and he conveyed it to the grandfather of Manfissihar (see Chap. II, 70).
’ The three sons of FrédQn, among whom he divided his dominions, with the usual result of triumvirates.
* See Bd. XXXI, 23; XXXIV, 6.
5 See Yt. XIX, 56-64, 77, 82, 93, and Bd. XXXI, 14, 15, 18, 21, 22, 35; XXXIV, 6; where the Av. form Frangrasyan is further
p. 12
lised the country of Iran, and increased the many streams and cultivated lands in the country of Iran.
32. At another time it came to Kerésdspé the S4m4n!, owing to the share of warriorship which is the second avocation of the religion, through allotment from the glory of Yim; and, through it, the serpent Srébévar which was swallowing horses and swallowing men, the golden-heeled demon Gandarep6, and much other production of adversity dy the demon and the fiend—the murderess of the creatures—were destroyed by him.
33. At another time it came to Kat-Kobdd®, the progenitor of the Kay4ns; through it he arranged the realm of Iran, he united the sovereignty with himself in the Kay4n race, avd he thereby occasioned much splendour ad actions of advantage ¢o the creatures.
34. And it came to Patakhsrébé *, sox of Atryéfshv4°, sow of Téz, who was king of the Arabs, through the mindfulness of the archangel Ashavahist6, and his enquiry about it from its own tribe *— for the demon of greediness (426), with one similarly corrupted into Frastyav, as it is also hereafter in Chap. II, 68; Zs. XII, 3.
’ A famous hero whose exploits, like those of Hercules, have given birth to many legends; see S. B. E., vol. xviii, pp. 369-382.