Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Translations of the Sacred Books ofthe East . 3 . . . 373
INTRODUCTION
TO THE GRIHYA-SOUTRAS.
WE begin our introductory remarks on the literature of the Grthya-sitras with the attempt to collect the more important data which throw light on the development of the Grthya ritual during the oldest period of Hindu antiquity.
. . 373
INTRODUCTION
TO THE GRIHYA-SOUTRAS.
WE begin our introductory remarks on the literature of the Grthya-sitras with the attempt to collect the more important data which throw light on the development of the Grthya ritual during the oldest period of Hindu antiquity.
There are, as it seems, no direct traces of the Grthya ceremonies in the most ancient portion of Vedic literature. It is certain indeed that a number of the most important of those ceremonies are contemporaneous with or even earlier than the most ancient hymns of the Rigveda, as far as their fundamental elements and character are concerned, whatever their precise arrangement may have been. However, in the literature of the oldest period they play no part. It was another portion of the ritual that attracted the attention of the poets to whom we owe the hymns to Agni, Indra, and the other deities of the Vedic Olympus, viz. the offerings of the Srauta-Ritual with their far superior pomp, or, to state the matter more precisely, among the offerings of the Srauta-Ritual the Soma offering. In the Soma offering centred the thought, the poetry, and we may almost say the life of the Vasishzhas, of the Visv4mitras, &c., in whose families the poetry of the Rig-veda had its home. We may assume that the acts of the Grzhya worship, being more limited in extent and simpler in their ritual construction than the great Soma offerings, were not yet at that time, so far as they existed at all, decked out with the reciting of the poetic texts, which we find later on connected with them, and which in the case of the Soma offering came early to be used. Probably they were celebrated in simple unadorned fashion;
x - GRIHYA-SOTRAS.
Probably they were celebrated in simple unadorned fashion;
x - GRIHYA-SOTRAS.
what the person making the offering had to say was doubtless limited to short, possibly prose formulas, so that these ceremonies remained free from the poetry of the above-mentioned families of priests’. We think that the character of the verses given in the Grzhya-sitras, which had to be repeated at the performance of the different ceremonies, justifies us in making these conjectures. Some of these verses indeed are old Vedic verses, but we have no proof that they were composed for the purposes of the Gvzhya ceremonies, and the connection in which we find them in the Rig-veda proves rather the contrary. Another portion of these verses and songs proves to have been composed indeed for the very Gvihya ceremonies for which they are prescribed in the texts of the ritual: but these verses are more recent than the old parts of the Rig-veda. Part of them are found in the Rig-veda in a position which speaks for their more recent origin, others are not contained in the Rig-veda at all. Many of these verses are found in the more recent Vedic Samhitds, especially in the Atharva-veda, a Samhita which may be regarded in the main as a treasure of Grihya verses; others finally have not as yet been traced to any Vedic Samhita, and we know them from the Grthya-sitras only. We may infer that, during the latter part of the Rig-veda period, ceremonies such as marriage and burial began to be decked out with poetry as had long been the case with the Soma offering. The principal collection of marriage sentences? and the sentences for the
2 It is doubtful whether at the time of the Rig-veda the custom was established for the sacrificer to keep burning constantly a sacred Grvhya fire besides the three Srauta fires, There is, as far as I know, no express mention of the Gvzhya fire in the Rig-veda ; but that is no proof that it had then not yet come into use. Of the Srauta fires the garhapatya is the only one that is mentioned, though all three were known beyond a doubt. (Ludwig, Rig-veda, vol. iii, P- 3553 in some of the passages cited the word garhapatya does not refer to the garhapatya fire.)
2 Rig-veda X,85. It is clear that what we have here is not a hymn intended to be recited all at once, but that, as in a number of other cases in the Rig-veda, the single verses or groups of verses were to be used at different points in the performance of a rite (or, in other cases, in the telling of a story). Compare my paper, ‘Akhy4na-Hymnen im Rig-veda,’ Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, vol. xxxix, p. 83.—Many verses of Rig-veda X, 85 occur again in the fourteenth book of the Atharva-veda.
INTRODUCTION, x1
Compare my paper, ‘Akhy4na-Hymnen im Rig-veda,’ Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, vol. xxxix, p. 83.—Many verses of Rig-veda X, 85 occur again in the fourteenth book of the Atharva-veda.
INTRODUCTION, x1
burial of the dead? are found in the tenth Mazdala of the Rig-veda, which, for the most part, is known to be of later origin than the preceding portions of the collections*. If we look into the character of the verses, which these long Grihya songs are composed of, we shall find additional grounds for assuming their early origin. A few remarks about their metrical character will make this clear ®. There is no other metre in which the contrast between the early and later periods of Vedic literature manifests itself so clearly as in the Anushfubh-metre*. The Anushfubh hemistich consists of sixteen syllables, which are divided by the caesura into two halves of eight syllables each. The second of these halves has as a rule the iambic ending (v — v ¥), though this rule was not so strictly carried out in the early as in the later period’. The iambic ending is also the rule in the older parts of the Veda for the close of the first half, i.e. for the four syllables before the caesura °. We know that the later prosody, as we see it in certain late parts of Vedic literature, in the Pali Pitakas of the Buddhists, and later in the great epic poems, not only departs from the usage of the older period, but adopts a directly contrary course, i.e. the iambic ending of the first pada, which was formerly the rule, is not allowed at all later, and instead of it the prevailing ending is the antispast (v -—). It goes without saying that such a change in metzical usage, as the one just described, cannot have xii GRIHYA-SOTRAS,
1 Rig-veda X, 14-16, and several other hymns of the tenth book. Compare the note at Asvalayana-Grihya IV, 4. 6.
* Compare my Hymnen des Rig-veda, vol. i (Prolegomena), pp. 265 seq.
* Compare the account of the historical development of some of the Vedic metres which I have given in my paper, ‘ Das altindische Akhy4na,’ Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlindischen Gesellschaft, vol. xxxvii, and my Hymnen des Rig-veda, vol. i, pp. 26 seqq.
* The Trishfubh and Gagatt offer a much less promising material for investigation, because, so far as can now be made out, the departures from the old type begin at a later period than in the case of the Anush‘ubh.
* Compare Max Miiller’s introduction to his English translation of the Rigveda, vol. i, pp. cxiv seq.
* To demonstrate this, I have given in my last-quoted paper, p. 62, statistics with regard to the two hymns, Rig-veda I, 10 and VIII, 8; in the former the iambic ending of the first pada obtains in twenty out of twenty-four cases, in the latter in forty-two out of forty-six cases.
62, statistics with regard to the two hymns, Rig-veda I, 10 and VIII, 8; in the former the iambic ending of the first pada obtains in twenty out of twenty-four cases, in the latter in forty-two out of forty-six cases.
xii GRIHYA-SOTRAS, taken place at one jump. And accordingly a consideration of the Vedic texts reveals a transition period or rather a series of several transition periods between the old and the new standpoints. The first change is that every other ending of the first pada is allowed by the side of the iambic ending. The two forms of the ending, the one prevailing in the earliest, and the one prevailing in the later period of the prosody, the iambic (uv — uv “) and the antispastic (v ——*), are those that occur most frequently in the intermediate period, but besides them all other possible forms are allowed 1.
This is precisely the stage of metrical development which the great Grzhya songs of the tenth Mazdala of the Rigveda have reached. Let us consider, for instance, the marriage songs and the marriage sayings, X, 85, and see what kind of ending there is at the end of the first pada. Of the first seventeen verses of this Sdkta sixteen are in Anushtubh metre (verse 14 is Trish¢tubh); we have therefore thirty-two cases in which the metrical form of these syllables must be investigated. The quantity of the syllable immediately preceding the caesura being a matter of indifference, we have not sixteen but only eight a priori possible combinations for the form of the last four syllables of the pada ; I give each of these forms below, adding each time in | how many of the thirty-two cases it is used :
--—-vU-~ wv ¥ -—-—u--¥ vuvF ~vuvur vu-&
—-u-& luo aan we
32 * Compare the statistics as to the frequency of the different metrical forms at the ending of the first pida, p. 63 of my above-quoted paper, and Hymnen des Rig-veda, vol. i, p. 28, I have endeavoured in the same paper, p. 65 seq. to make it seem probable that this was the stage of prosody prevailing during the government of the two Kuru kings Parikshit and Ganamegaya.
INTRODUCTION. xiii
We see that all the possible combinations are actually represented in these thirty-two cases, and accordingly the metrical build of this Sdkta shows that it belongs to a period to which only the latest songs of the Rig-veda collection can be referred, but the peculiarities of which may be often noticed in the Atharva-veda and in the verses scattered throughout the Brahmaza literature!.
A hasty glance suffices to show that those verses of the Grthya ritual which do not appear in the Samhit4s, but which are quoted at full length in the Grzhya-sitras, are also in the same stage. For instance, the seven Anushfubh verses which are quoted Sankhayana-Grzhya I, 19, 5. 6, give us the following relations, if we investigate them as we did those in Rig-veda X, 85:
U--¥ —-vu-¥ v-u* -uuw vuve --vUYX —--—--—_¥
Hee DP ROR
p. 14
For instance, the seven Anushfubh verses which are quoted Sankhayana-Grzhya I, 19, 5. 6, give us the following relations, if we investigate them as we did those in Rig-veda X, 85:
U--¥ —-vu-¥ v-u* -uuw vuve --vUYX —--—--—_¥
Hee DP ROR
p. 14
Thus even the small number of fourteen hemistichs is enough to give us seven of the eight existing combinations, and no single one occurs at all often enough to allow us to call it predominant.
Or we may take the saying that accompanies the performance of the medh4ganana on the new-born child. In the version of Asvalayana * we have:
- =k ve medham te devak Savita
— valiv- = - medham te Asvinau devau. In the version adopted in the school of Gobhila® the xiv GRIHYA-SOTRAS.
1 For instance, in the verses which occur in the well-known story of Sunahksepa (Aitareya-Brahmana VII, 13 8eq.).
* Asvalayana-Grthya I, 15, 2.
* Mantra-Brahmaza I, 5, 9; cf. Gobhila-Grihya Il, 7, 21.
context of the first line is different, but the metre is the same: - = = -Ihyemedham te Mitravarusau.
Or the saying with which the pupil (brahmaérin) has to lay a log of wood on the fire of the teacher?:
- v- vu vl u--
Agnaye samidham aharsham
vur- ov -||- _ - Vv taya tvam Agne vardhasva.
There would be no object in multiplying the number of examples; those here given are sufficient to prove our proposition, that the development of the Grzhya rites in the form in which they are described to us in the Sftras, that especially their being accompanied with verses, which were to be recited by their performance, is later than the time of the oldest Vedic poetry, and coincides rather with the transition period in the development of the Anushfubh metre, a period which lies between the old Vedic and the later Buddhistic and epic form.
Besides the formulae intended to be recited during the performance of the various sacred acts, the Grzhya-sfitras contain a second kind of verses, which differ essentially from the first kind in regard to metre; viz. verses of ritualistic character, which are inserted here and there between the prose Sftras, and of which the subject-matter is similar to that of the surrounding prose. We shall have to consider these yag#agath4s, as they are occasionally called, later; at present let us go on looking for traces of the Grzhya ritual and for the origin of Grzhya literature in the literature which precedes the Sftras.
The Brahmaza texts, which, as a whole, have for their subject-matter the Vaiténika ceremonies celebrated with the three holy fires, furnish evidence that the Grzhya fire, together with the holy acts accomplished in connection with it, were also already known. The Aitareya-Brahmaza?® gives this
1 Asvalfyana-Grihya I, 21,1. In Pfraskara and in the Mantra-Brahmana only the first hemistich has the Anush‘ubh form. 3 Aitareya-Brahmaza VIII, 10, 9: etya gréhan paskad grvhyasyfgner upa-
‘INTRODUCTION. XV
The Aitareya-Brahmaza?® gives this
1 Asvalfyana-Grihya I, 21,1. In Pfraskara and in the Mantra-Brahmana only the first hemistich has the Anush‘ubh form. 3 Aitareya-Brahmaza VIII, 10, 9: etya gréhan paskad grvhyasyfgner upa-
‘INTRODUCTION. XV
fire the most usual name, the same name which is used for it in the Sidtras, gyzhya agni, and describes a ceremony to be performed over this fire with expressions which agree exactly with the style of the Grvzhya-sitras’. We often find in the Brahmaza texts also mention of the terminus technicus, which the Grihya-sitras use many times as a comprehensive term for the offerings connected with Grihya ritual, the word pakayag#a*. For instance, the Satapatha Brahmama’, in order to designate the whole body of offerings, uses the expression: all offerings, those that are Pakayag#as and the others. It is especially common to find the Pakayag#as mentioned in the Brahmama texts in connection with the myth of Manu. The Taittiriya Samhita* opposes the whole body of sacrifices to the PAkayag#as. The former belonged to the gods, who through it attained to the heavenly world; the latter concerned Manu: thus the goddess Id4 turned to him. Similar remarks, bringing Manu or the goddess Id4 into relation with the Pakayag#as, are to be found Taittiriya Samhita VI, 2, 5,4; Aitareya-Brahmama III, 40, 2. However, in this case as in many others, the Satapatha Brahmana contains the most detailed data, from which we see how the idea of Manu as the performer of Pakayag#as is connected with the history of the great deluge, out of which Manu alone was left. We read in the Satapatha Brahmaza®:
1 Some of the places in which the St. Petersburg dictionary sees names of the Grthya fire in Brahmama texts are erroneous or doubtful. Taittirtya Samhita V, 5,9, 2, not gréhya but gahya is to be read. Aup4sana, Satapatha Brahmama XII, 3, 5, 5, seems not to refer to a sacrificial fire. Following the identity of aupfsana and sabhya maintained in the dictionary under the heading aupasana, one might be tempted in a place like Satapatha Brahmana II, 3, 2, 3 to refer the words ya esha sabhayam agniz to the domestic fire. A different fire is however really meant (KAtydyana-Srauta-sitra IV, 9, 20).
3 Sankhayana I, 1,1: pakayag#an vyakhyasyamas ; I, 5, 1 = Paraskara I, 4, 1; katvarah pakayag#a hutoxhutah prahuta’ pr&sita iti.
SI, 4, a, 10: sarvan yagi#an ... ye ka pakayag#a ye Aetare.
‘I, 7,1, 3: sarvena vai yagitena devas suvargam lokam 4yan, pakayagstena Manur asramyat, &c.
5 I, 8,1, 6 seq. The translation is that of Prof. Max Miiller (India, what can it teach us? p. 135 seq.).
xvi GRIHYA-SOTRAS.
SI, 4, a, 10: sarvan yagi#an ... ye ka pakayag#a ye Aetare.
‘I, 7,1, 3: sarvena vai yagitena devas suvargam lokam 4yan, pakayagstena Manur asramyat, &c.
5 I, 8,1, 6 seq. The translation is that of Prof. Max Miiller (India, what can it teach us? p. 135 seq.).
xvi GRIHYA-SOTRAS.
‘Now the flood had carried away all these creatures, and thus Manu was left there alone. Then Manu went about singing praises and toiling, wishing for offspring. And he sacrificed there also with a P4&ka-sacrifice. He poured clarified butter, thickened milk, whey, and curds in the water as a libation.’ It is then told how the goddess Id4 arose out of this offering. I presume that the story of the Pakayag#a as the first offering made by Manu after the great flood, stands in a certain correlation to the idea of the introduction of the three sacrificial fires through Purdravas!. Purdravas is the son of Id4; the original man Manu, who brings forth Ida through his offering, cannot have made use of a form of offering which presupposes the existence of Id4, and which moreover is based on the triad of the sacred fires introduced by Purfravas; hence Manu’s offering must have been a Pakayag#a; we read in one of the Grzhya-sitras*: ‘All Pakayag#as are performed without Id.’
There are still other passages in the Brahmamza texts showing that the Grzhya offerings were already known; I will mention a saying of Yag#avalkya’s reported in the Satapatha Brahmaza*: he would not allow that the daily morning and evening offering was a common offering, but said that, in a certain measure, it was a Pakayag#a. Finally I would call attention to the offering prescribed in the last book of the Satapatha Brahmava* for the man ‘who wishes that a learned son should be born to him;’ it is there stated that the preparation of the Agya (clarified butter) should be performed ‘according to the rule of the Sthalipaka (pot-boiling),’ and the way in which the offering is to
1 It is true that, as far as I know, passages expressly stating this with regard to Purfravas have not yet been pointed out in the Brahmama texts; but the words in Satapatha Brihmaa XI, 5, 1, 14-17, and even in Rig-veda X, 95, 18 stand in close connection to this prominent characteristic of Purfiravas in the later texts.
2 Sankhdyana I, ro, 5. 3 II, 3, 1, a1.
* XIV, 9, 4, 18 = Brihadaraxyaka VI, 4, 19 (Sacred Books of the East, vol. xv, p. 220). Cf. Gréhya-samgraha I, 114 for the expression sthalipakavrit& which is here used, and which has a technical force in the Gvthya literature.
INTRODUCTION. xvii
be performed is described by means of an expression, upaghatam}, which often occurs in the Grshya literature in a technical sense.
220). Cf. Gréhya-samgraha I, 114 for the expression sthalipakavrit& which is here used, and which has a technical force in the Gvthya literature.
INTRODUCTION. xvii
be performed is described by means of an expression, upaghatam}, which often occurs in the Grshya literature in a technical sense.
We thus see that the Brahmama books are acquainted with the Grzhya fire, and know about the Grzhya offerings and their permanent technical peculiarities; and it is not merely the later portions of the Brahmama works such as the fourteenth book of the Satapatha Braéhmawa, in which we meet with evidence of this kind; we find it also in portions against the antiquity of which no objections can be raised.
While therefore on the one hand the Brahmama texts prove the existence of the Grthya ceremonial, we see on the other hand, and first of all by means of the Brahmana texts themselves, that a literary treatment of this ritualistic subject-matter, as we find it in the Brahmazas themselves with regard to the Srauta offerings, cannot then have existed. If there had existed texts, similar to the Brahmama texts preserved to us, which treated of the Grithya ritual, then, even supposing the texts themselves had disappeared, we should still necessarily find traces of them in the Brahmazas and Satras. He who will take the trouble to collect in the Brahmamwa texts the scattered references to the then existing literature, will be astonished at the great mass of notices of this kind that are preserved : but nowhere do we find traces of Gréhya Brahmaazas. And besides, if such works had ever existed, we should be at a loss to understand the difference which the Hindus make between the Srauta-sitras based on Sruti (revelation), and the Grzhya-sitras resting on Smriti (tradition) alone*. The sacred Grthya acts are regarded as ‘smArta,’ and when the question is raised with what right they can be considered as a duty resting on the sacrificer alongside of the Srauta acts, the answer is given that they too are based on a Sakh4 of the Veda, but that this S4kha is
1 See Grthya-samgraha I, 111. 112. * The Grzhya-sfitra of Baudhdyana is called Smarta-s{tra in the best known MS. of this work (Sacred Books of the East, vol. xiv, p. xxx).
[30]
XViii GRIHYA-SOTRAS.
hidden, so that its existence can only be demonstrated by reasoning 1.
112. * The Grzhya-sfitra of Baudhdyana is called Smarta-s{tra in the best known MS. of this work (Sacred Books of the East, vol. xiv, p. xxx).
[30]
XViii GRIHYA-SOTRAS.
hidden, so that its existence can only be demonstrated by reasoning 1.
But the Brahmama texts furnish us still in another way the most decisive arguments to prove that there have been no expositions of the Grihya ritual in Brahmaza form : they contain exceptionally and scattered through their mass sections, in which they treat of subjects which according to later custom would have been treated in the Grihya-sfitras. Precisely this sporadic appearance of Grihya chapters in the midst of expositions of a totally different contents leads us to draw the conclusion that literary compositions did not then exist, in which these chapters would have occupied their proper place as integral parts of a whole. Discussions of questions of Grithya ritual are found in the Brahmaza literature, naturally enough in those appendices of various kinds which generally follow the exposition of the principal subject of the Srauta ritual. Accordingly we find in the eleventh book of the Satapatha Brahmama*, among the manifold additions to subjects previously treated, which make up the principal contents of this book’, an exposition of the Upanayana, i.e. the solemn reception of the pupil by the teacher, who is to teach him the Veda. The way in which the chapter on the Upanayana is joined to the preceding one, is eminently characteristic; it shows that it is the merest accident which has brought about in that place the discussion of a subject connected with the Grzhya ritual, and that a ceremony such as the Upanayana is properly not in its proper place in the midst of the literature of Brahmava texts. A dialogue (brahmodya) between Uddalaka and Sauzeya precedes; the two talk of the Agnihotra and of various expiations (prayaskitta) connected with that sacrifice. At the end Sauéeya, filled with astonishment at the wisdom of Uddalaka, declares that he wishes to come to him as a pupil (up4y4ni bhagavantam), and Uddalaka
' Max Miiller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, pp. 94-96. + Satapatha Brahmaza XI, 5, 4. » Max Miiller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 359.
INTRODUCTION. xix
accepts him as his pupil. It is the telling of this story and the decisive words up4y4ni and upaninye which furnish the occasion for introducing the following section on the Upanayana’?. The subject is there treated in the peculiar style of the Brahmava texts, a style which we need not characterize here. I shall only mention one point, viz. that into the description and explanation of the Upanayana ceremony has been inserted one of those Slokas, such as we often find in the Grzhya-sdtras also, as a sort of ornamental amplification of the prose exposition?, ‘Here a Sloka is also sung,’ says the Brahmama $ :
tritiyasyam sa gayate sdvitrya saha brahmanak‘, From this passage we see, on the one hand, that the composition of such isolated ® Slokas explaining certain points of the Grihya ritual goes back to quite an early period; on the other hand, we are compelled to assume that the Slokas of this kind which are quoted in the Grzhyasitras differ nevertheless from the analogous Slokas of the early period, or at any rate that the old Slokas must have undergone a change which modernized their structure, so as to be received into the Grzhya-sftras ; for the metre of the Sloka just quoted, which has the antispast before the caesura in neither of its two halves, and which has even a double iambus before the caesura in one half, is decidedly of an older type than the one peculiar to the Slokas quoted in the Grzhya-siitras °,
1 This is also the way in which S&yama understands the matter; he makes the following remark : tam hopaninya ity upanayanasya prastutatvat taddharma asmin brahmase nirfipyante.
2 Cf. above, p. xiv; below, p. xxxv.
* Sect. 12 of the chapter quoted.
« « The teacher becomes pregnant by laying his right hand (on the pupil for the Upanayana); on the third day he (i.e. the pupil) is born as a Brahmana along with the S4vitrt (which is repeated to him on that day).’
5 It is not likely that verses of this kind are taken from more comprehensive and connected metrical texts.
® Cf. on this point below, p. xxxv.
b 2
/ xx GRIHYA-SOTRAS.
the pupil) is born as a Brahmana along with the S4vitrt (which is repeated to him on that day).’
5 It is not likely that verses of this kind are taken from more comprehensive and connected metrical texts.
® Cf. on this point below, p. xxxv.
b 2
/ xx GRIHYA-SOTRAS.
Another Grzhya section in the Satapatha Brahmaza seems to have found its place there through a similar accidental kind of joining on to a preceding chapter as the above-mentioned passage. In XI, 5,5 a story of the battle of the gods and Asuras is told: the gods beat the Asuras back by means of constantly larger Sattra celebrations and conquer for themselves the world of heaven. It seems to me that the description of the great Sattras celebrated by the gods is the occasion of the joining on of a section beginning with the words!: ‘There are five great sacrifices (mahayag#As); they are great Sattras: the offering to Beings, the offering to men, the offering to the Fathers (i.e. the Manes), the offering to the Gods, the offering to the Brahman.’ After this introduction follows an account of one of the five great offerings, namely of the Brahmayagy%a, i.e. of the daily Veda recitation (svidhyaya). The third Adhyaya of Asval4yana’s Grthya-sdtra begins in exactly the same way with the sentence; ‘Now (follow) the five sacrifices: the sacrifice to the Gods, the sacrifice to the Beings, the sacrifice to the Fathers, the sacrifice to the Brahman, the sacrifice to men,’ and then follows here also a discussion of the Brahmayag#a, which is entirely analogous to that given in the Satapatha Brahmana. Asvaldyana here does not content himself with describing the actual course of ceremonies as is the rule in the Sdtra texts ; he undertakes, quite in the way of the Brahmama texts, to explain their meaning : ‘In that he recites the Rzkas, he thereby satiates the gods with oblations of milk, in that (he recites) the Yagus, with oblations of ghee,’ &c. It is plain that the mode of exposition adopted by Asvalayana in this passage, which is different from the usual Sftra style, finds its explanation in the supposition that exceptionally in this case the author of the Grihya-sitra had before him a Brahmaza text, which he could take as his model, whether that text was the Satapatha itself or another similar text.
Among the extremely various prescriptions which we find
1 Satapatha Brahmaza XI, 5, 6, 1.
INTRODUCTION. xxi
Among the extremely various prescriptions which we find
1 Satapatha Brahmaza XI, 5, 6, 1.
INTRODUCTION. xxi
in the last sections of the Satapatha Brahmaaa, there is a rather long section, which also really belongs to the Grthya domain. To quote from this section!: ‘If a man wishes that a learned son should be born to him, famous, a public man, a popular speaker, that he should know all the Vedas, and that he should live to his full age, then, after having prepared boiled rice with meat and butter, they should both eat, being fit to have offspring,’ &c. Then follows a description of an Agya offering, after which the marital cohabitation is to be performed with certain formulas. This, however, is not the last of the acts through which the father assures himself of the possession of such a distinguished son; certain rites follow, which are to be performed at birth and after birth, the Ayushya ceremony and the Medhéganana. These rites are here prescribed for the special case where the father has the above-mentioned wishes for the prosperity of his child; but the description agrees essentially with the description of the corresponding acts in the Grthya-sfitras *, which are inculcated for all cases, without reference to a determined wish of the father. It is a justifiable conjecture that, although this certainly does not apply to the whole of ceremonies described in the Grihya-sitras, many portions of these ceremonies and verses that were used in connection with them, &c., were first developed, not as a universal rite or duty, but as the special possession of individuals, who hoped to attain special goods and advantages by performing the ceremony in this way.
It was only later, as I think, that such prescriptions
1 Satapatha Brahmana XIV, 9, 4,17 = Brihad Arasyaka VI, 4, 18 (Sacred Books of the East, vol. xv, p. 219 seq.).
® Cf. Prof. Max Miiller’s notes to the passage quoted from the Brshad Arasyaka. I must mention in this connection a point touched upon by Prof. Miiller, loc. cit. p. 222, note 1, viz. that Asvalayana, Grvhya I, 13, 1, expressly calls ‘the Upanishad’ the text in which the Pusavana and similar ceremonies are treated. It is probable that the Upanishad which Asvalayana had in mind treated these rites not as a duty to which all were bound, but as a secret that assured the realisation of certain wishes. This follows from the character of the Upanishads, which did not form a part of the Vedic course which all had to study, but rather contained a secret doctrine intended for the few.
xxii GRIHYA-SOTRAS.
assumed the character of universality, with which we find them propounded in the Grzhya-sitras.
xxii GRIHYA-SOTRAS.
assumed the character of universality, with which we find them propounded in the Grzhya-sitras.
It is scarcely necessary to go through the sections of the texts of other Vedic schools referring to the Grzhya ritual in the same way in which we have done it in the case of the Satapatha Brahmana. The data which we have produced from the great Brahmaaa of the white Yagur-veda, will be sufficient for our purpose, which is to give an idea of the stage in which the literary treatment of the Grvzhya ritual stood during the Brahmaza period. As we see, there were then properly no Grthya texts; but many of the elements which we find later in the Gvthya texts were either already formed or were in the process of formation. Most of the verses which are used for the Grthya acts— in so far as they are not verses composed in the oldest period for the Soma offering and transferred to the Grzhya ceremonies—bear the formal imprint of the Brahmama period ; the domestic sacrificial fire and the ritual peculiarities of the Pakayag#as which were to be performed at it, were known; descriptions of some such Pakayag#as were given in prose; there were also already Slokas which gave in metrical form explanations about certain points of the Grzhya ritual, just as we find in the Brahmaza texts analogous Slokas referring to subjects connected with the Srauta ritual.
Thus was the next step which the literary development took in the Sdtra period prepared and rendered easy. The more systematic character which the exposition of the ritualistic discipline assumed in this period, necessarily led to the taking of this step: the domain of the Grthya sacrifices was recognised and expounded as a second great principal part of the ritual of sacrifices alongside of the Srauta domain which was alone attended to in the earlier period. The Grthya-sitras arose which treat, according to the expression of Asvaldyana in his first sentence, of the grthy4nzi' as distinguished from the vaitanik4ni, or, as Sankh4yana says, of the pakayag#As, or, as Paraskara says, of the grihyasthalipakanam karma. The
1 Similarly Gobhila: grthyakarmaai.
INTRODUCTION. XXill
Grihya-sitras treat their subject of course in exactly the same style in which the sacrifices of the Srauta ritual had been treated by the Srauta-sitras, which they constantly assume to be known and which are the works of teachers of the same Vedic schools, and oftentimes even perhaps the works of the same authors. Only certain differences in the character of the two groups of texts are naturally conditioned on the one hand by the greater complexity of the Srauta sacrifices and the comparative simplicity of the Grihya sacrifices, on the other hand by the fact that the Srauta-sftras are entirely based on Brdhmamna texts, in which the same subjects were treated, while the Grzhyasitras,as we have seen, possessed such a foundation only for a very small portion of their contents.
It goes without saying that the above-mentioned statement that the subjects treated of in the Grzhya-sitras are Pakayag#as! or Grthyasthdlipakas should not be pressed with the utmost strictness, as though nothing were treated in the Grzhya-sitras which does not come under these heads. First of all the term SthalipAka is too narrow, since it does not include the offerings of sacrificial butter which constituted a great number of ceremonies. But besides many ceremonies and observances are taught in the Grthya-s(tras, which cannot in any way be characterised as sacrifices at all, only possessing some inner resemblance to the group of sacrifices there treated of, or standing in more or less close connection with them ?.
The Sftra texts divide the Pakayag#as in various ways; either four or seven principal forms are taken up. The
1 I believe with Stenzler (see his translation of Asvalfyana, pp. 2 seq.) that paikayagfta means ‘ boiled offering.’ It seems to me that the expression paka in this connection cannot be otherwise taken than in the word sthalfpaka (‘ pot-boiling "). Prof. Max Miiller (History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 203), following Hindu authorities, explains Pakayag#a as ‘a small sacrifice,’ or, more probably, ‘a good sacrifice.’ The definition of La¢yayana may be also here quoted (IV, 9, 2): pakayag#a ity atakshata ekagnau yagAan.
? Compare, for instance, the account of the ceremonies which are to be performed for the journey of the newly-married pair to their new home, Saikh4yana- Grthya I, 15, or the observances to which the Snataka is bound, Gobhila III, 5, &c. According to the rule Sahkhayana I, 12, 13 we are, however, to suppose a sacrifice in many ceremonies where there does not seem to be any.
Xxiv GRIHYA-SOTRAS.
According to the rule Sahkhayana I, 12, 13 we are, however, to suppose a sacrifice in many ceremonies where there does not seem to be any.
Xxiv GRIHYA-SOTRAS.
commonest division is that into the four classes of the hutas, ahutas, prahutas, prasitas!. The division into seven classes is doubtless occasioned by the division of the Raviryagfias and of the Somayagdas, which also each in- _Clude seven classes?; for the nature of the sacrifices in question would hardly of itself have led to such a division. The seven classes taken up are either those given by Gautama VIII, 15%: ‘ The seven kinds of Pakayagfas, viz. the Ashfaka, the Parvaza (Sthalipaka, offered on the new and full moon days), the funeral oblations, the Sravami, the Agrahayami, the Kaitri, and the Asvayugt’ Or else the seven classes are established as follows, the fourfold division being utilised to some extent‘: ‘ Huta, Prahuta, Ahuta (sic, not Ahuta), the spit-ox sacrifice, the Bali offering, the redescent (on the Agrahayana day), the Ashfaka sacrifice.’ According to the account of Prof. Biihler ®, the exposition of Baudhdyana, who gives this division, keeps closely to the course which it prescribes. For the rest, however, the Grihya texts with which I am acquainted do not follow any of these divisions, and this is easily accounted for, if we consider the artificial character of these classifications, which are undertaken merely for the sake of having a complete scheme of the sacrifices. On the contrary, as a whole the texts give an arrangement which is based on the nature of the ceremonies they describe. In many instances we find considerable variations between the texts of the different schools; often enough, in a given text, the place
1 Sankhayana I, §,1; 10, 7; Paraskara I, 4,1. Doubtless Prof. Biihler is right in finding the same division mentioned also Vasishtha XXVI, 10 (Sacred Pooks of the East, vol. xiv, p. 128). Asvalfyana (I, 1, 2) mentions only three of the four classes.
3 In Latydyana (V, 4, 22-24) all the sacrifices are divided into seven Haviryagita-samsths and into seven Soma-samsth4s, so that the Pakayag#fas do not form a class of their own; they are strangely brought in as the last of the Haviryagwtas. Cf. Indische Studien, X, 325.
* Sacred Books of the East, vol. ii, p. 214.
‘ Baudhayana Grthya-s{itra, quoted by Biihler, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xiv, p. xxxi; cf. Sdyaza’s Commentary on Aitareya-Bréhmana III, 40, 2 (p. 296 of Aufrecht’s edition).
5 Sacred Books of the East, vol. xiv, p. xxxii.
INTRODUCTION. XXV
which is assigned to a given chapter is not to be explained without assuming a certain arbitrariness on the part of the author. But, as a whole, we cannot fail to recognise in the arrangement of the different texts a certain agreement, which we will here merely try to explain in its main traits ; the points of detail, which would complete what we here say, will occur of themselves to any one who looks at the texts themselves.
The domestic life of the Hindus represents, so to speak, a circle, in which it is in a certain measure indifferent what point is selected as the starting-point. Two especially important epochs in this life are: on the one hand, the period of studentship of the young Brahmaéarin devoted to the study of the Veda; at the beginning of this period comes the ceremony of the Upanayana, at the end that of the Samavartana; on the other hand, marriage (viv4ha), which besides has a special importance for the Grhya ritual, from the circumstance, that as a rule the cultus of the domestic sacrificial fire begins with marriage. One can just as well imagine an exposition of the Grthya ritual, which proceeds from the description of the studentship to that of the marriage, as one which proceeds from the description of the marriage to that of the studentship. The Samavartana, which designates the end of the period of studentship, gives the Hindu the right and the duty to found a household’. On the other hand, if the exposition begins with the marriage, there follows naturally the series of ceremonies which are to be performed up to the birth of a child, and then the ceremonies for the young child, which finally lead up to the Upanayana and a description of the period of studentship. The Hirazyakesi-sfitra alone, of the Sdtras treated of in these translations, follows the first of the two orders mentioned ?; the other texts follow the other order,
* The same may be said with regard to two other Grzhya texts which also belong to the black Yagur-veda, the Manava and the Kashaka. See Jolly, Das Dharmasfitra des Vishsu und das K&ashkakagrshyasitra, p. 75; Von Bradke, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlaad. Gesellschaft, vol. xxxvi, p. 445.
XXVI GRIHYA-SOTRAS.
which has been already described by Prof. Max Miiller almost thirty years ago, and we cannot do better than to give his description’: ‘Then (i.e. after the marriage) follow the Samskéras, the rites to be performed at the conception of a child, at various periods before his birth, at the time of his birth, the ceremony of naming the child, of carrying him out to see the sun, of feeding him, of cutting his hair, and lastly of investing him as a student, and handing him to a Guru, under whose care he is to study the sacred writings, that is to say, to learn them by heart, and to perform all the offices of a Brahmarin, or religious student.’
In this way we find, as a rule, in the foreground in the first part of the Grzhya-sitras this great group of acts which accompany the domestic life from marriage to the. studentship and the Sam4vartana of the child sprung from wedlock. We find, however, inserted into the description of these ceremonies, in various ways in the different Sftras, the exposition of a few ritualistic matters which we have not yet mentioned. In the first place a description of the setting up of the sacred domestic fire, i.e. of the ceremony which in the domain of the Grzhya ritual corresponds to the agnyAdheya of the Srauta ritual. The setting up of the fire forms the necessary preliminary to all sacred acts ; the regular time for it is the wedding’, so that the fire used for the wedding acts accompanies the young couple to their home, and there forms the centre of their household worship. Accordingly in the Grihya-sitras the description of the setting up of the fire stands, as a rule, at the beginning of the whole, not far from the description of the wedding.
Next the introductory sections of the Grihya-sitras have to describe the type of the Grzhya sacrifice, which is universally available and recurs at all household ceremonies. This can be done in such a way that this type is described for itself, without direct reference to a particular sacrifice. This is the case in Paraskara, who in the first chapter of his
1 History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 204. 3 See, for instance, Paraskara I, 2,1: Avasathyadhfnam darakdle.
INTRODUCTION. | XXVii
Sdtra describes the rites recurring at each sacrifice, and then remarks: ‘This ritual holds good, whenever a sacrifice is offered)’ Similarly Asvalayana, in one of the first chapters of his work, enumerates the rites which are to be performed ‘whenever he intends to sacrifice*’ Other texts give a general description of the Grihya sacrifice by exemplifying it by one special sacrifice. SAnkh4yana® chooses for this the sacrifice which the bridegroom has to offer, when a favourable answer has been granted to his wooing ; Gobhila ‘ gives at least the greater part of the rules in question a propos of the full moon and of the new moon sacrifice; Hirazyakesin®, who opens his account at the period of the studentship of the young Brahmaza, describes the sacrificial type 4 propos of the Upanayana rite.
The sacrifices which are to be offered daily at morning and at evening, those which are celebrated monthly on the days of the new moon and of the full moon—the Grihya copies of the Agnihotra and of the Darsapfraamasa sacrifices—and, thirdly, the daily distribution of the Bali offerings: these ceremonies are commonly described along with what we have called the first great group of the Grthya acts, immediately preceding or following the Vivaha.
We find, as a second group of sacred acts, a series of celebrations, which, if the man has founded his household, are to be performed regularly at certain times of the year at the household fire. So the Sravda sacrifice, which is offered to the snakes at the time when, on account of the danger from snakes, a raised couch is necessary at night. At the end of this period the festival of the redescent is celebrated: the exchanging of the high couch for the low couch on the ground. Between these two festivals comes the Prishdtaka offering on the full-moon day of the month Asvayuga; it receives in the Grihya texts the place corresponding to that which actually belongs to
1 J, 1,5: esha eva vidhir yatra kvatid dhomas. ? J, 3,1: atha khalu yatra kva da hoshyant syat, &c. $ J, 7-10. * I, 6 seqq. ae On
XXVIil GRIHY A-SOTRAS.
it in the series of the festivals. Asa rule! the acts we have just mentioned are followed, in accordance with the natural series, by the Ashzaka festivals, which are celebrated during the last months of the year.
Alongside of these acts which are connected with fixed points of the year we find in the various Gvthya texts an account of a series of other ceremonies, which, in accordance with their nature, have no such fixed position in the system of the ritual. Thus, for instance, the rites which refer to the choice of a piece of ground to build a house or to the building itself; further, the rites connected with agriculture and cattle raising. In many texts we find together with this group of acts also an account of the ceremonies, related to fixed points in the year, which stand in connection with the annual course of Vedic study: the description of the opening festival and of the closing festival of the school term, as well as a point which generally follows these descriptions, the rules as to the anadhy4ya, i.e. as to the occasions which necessitate an intermission in the study of the Veda for a longer or for a shorter period. As a rule, the Grvzhya-sitras bring the account of these things into the group of acts which refer to the household life of the Gvshastha ; for the Adhy4pana, i.e. the teaching of the Veda, held the first place among the rights and duties of the Brahmaza who had completed his time at school. On the other hand these ceremonies can naturally also be considered as connected with the school life of the young Hindu, and accordingly they are placed in that division by Gobhila?, between the description of the Upanayana and that of the SamAvartana.
The sacred acts connected with the burial and the worship of the dead (the various kinds of Sraddha rites) may be designated as a third group of the ceremonies which are described to us in the Gvzhya-sfitras. Finally, a fourth group comprises the acts which are connected with the attainment of particular desires (k4my4ni). Among the
1 Not in Sénkhayana, who describes the Ash¢akds before these sacrifices. 3 III, 3.
Finally, a fourth group comprises the acts which are connected with the attainment of particular desires (k4my4ni). Among the
1 Not in Sénkhayana, who describes the Ash¢akds before these sacrifices. 3 III, 3.
texts here translated we find a somewhat detailed account of these ceremonies in the Gobhila-sitra and in the KhAdira-Grihya only}.
These remarks cannot claim to give a complete outline of the contents and arrangement of the Grzhya texts; they only aim at giving an idea of the fundamental traits, which in each particular text are modified by manifold variations, but which nevertheless are to these variations as the rule is to the exceptions.
We must now speak of the relations of the Gvthya-sftras to the two other kinds of Sftra texts, with which they have so many points of contact in the Srauta-sftras and the Dharma-sitras.
Prof. Biihler, in several places of the excellent introductions which he has prefixed to his translations of the Dharma-sitras, has called attention to the fact that the relation in which the Sdtra texts of the same school stand to each other is very different in different schools. Many schools possess a great corpus of Sftras, the parts of which are the Srauta-sitra, the Grthya-sitra, &c. This is, for instance, the case with the Apastambiya school?; its Sdtra is divided into thirty Prasnas, the contents of which are divided as follows:
I-XXIV: Srauta-sitra.
XXV: Paribhashds, &c.
XXVI: Mantras for the Grihya-sitra.
XXVII: Grihya-sitra.
XXVITI-XXIX: Dharma-sitra.
XXX: Sulva-sitra.
In other cases the single Sdtra texts stand more independently side by side; they are not considered as parts of one and the same great work, but as different works. Of course it is the Dharma-sftras above all which could be freed from the connection with the other Satra texts to such an extent, that even their belonging to a distinct Vedic school may be doubtful. The contents
1 Gobhila IV, 5 seq.; Khad. IV, 1 seq. ? Biihler, Sacred Books of the East, vol. ii, pp. xi seq.
XXX GRIHYA-SOTRAS.
The contents
1 Gobhila IV, 5 seq.; Khad. IV, 1 seq. ? Biihler, Sacred Books of the East, vol. ii, pp. xi seq.
XXX GRIHYA-SOTRAS.
of this class of Satras indeed have hardly any connection with the subdivisions and differences of the Vedic texts handed down in the various schools; there was no reason why Brahmans, who studied various Sakh4s of the Veda, should not learn the ordinances concerning law and morals given in these Sitras as they were formulated in the same texts. The Grzhya-sftras are not so independent of the differences of the Vedic schools. The close analogy between the sacrificial ritual of the Grihya acts and that of the Srauta acts, and the consequent necessity of taking into account the Srauta ritual in the exposition of the Grihya ritual, necessarily brought the Grzhya-sdtras into closer connection with and into greater dependence on the Srauta-sftras than in the case of the Dharma-sitras’. But above all, the Grzhya ceremonies demanded the knowledge of numerous Mantras, and accordingly as these Mantras were borrowed from the one or the other Mantra Sakha?, there followed in the case of the G7vzhya text in question an intimate connection with the corresponding Mantra school®. We find accordingly as a general rule, that each Grihya-sitra presupposes a Vedic Samhita, whose Mantras it quotes only in their Pratikas‘, and that besides each Grihya-sitra presupposes a previous
1 Professor Jolly in his article on the Dharma-s(itra of Vishwu, p. 71, note 1, points out that in the eyes of Hindu commentators also the Dharma-stitras differ from the Grthya-sfitras in that the former contain rather the universal rules, while the latter contain the rules peculiar to individual schools. Cf. Weber, Indische Literaturgeschichte, 2. Aufl., S. 296.
3 It seems as though the choice of the Mantras which were to be prescribed for the Grihya ceremonies had often been intentionally made so as to comprise as many Mantras as possible occurring in the Mantra-Sakh&, which served as foundation to the Grzhya texts in question.
3 When Govindasvimin (quoted by Biihler, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xiv, p. xiii) designates the Grzhyasastrani as sarvadhikarasi, this should not be understood literally. In general it is true the Grzhya acts are the same for the disciples of all the Vedic schools, but the Mantras to be used in connection with them differ.
* In the introduction to Gobhila I have treated of the special case where a Grihya-sftra, besides being connected with one of the great Samhitis, is connected also with a Gréhya-samhit& of its own, so to speak, with a collection of the Mantras to be used at the Grzhya acts.
INTRODUCTION. XXXi
* In the introduction to Gobhila I have treated of the special case where a Grihya-sftra, besides being connected with one of the great Samhitis, is connected also with a Gréhya-samhit& of its own, so to speak, with a collection of the Mantras to be used at the Grzhya acts.
INTRODUCTION. XXXi
knowledge of the ritual which is acquired through the study of the proper Srauta-sitra?. It is not necessary to quote the numerous places where the Grzhya-sitras either expressly refer to the Srauta-sitras, or point to them by repeating the same phrases or often even whole Satras. It will be sufficient to quote one out of many places, the opening words of the Asvalayana-Grihya, which in a way characterise this work as a second part of the Srauta-sftra : ‘The rites based on the spreading (of the three sacred fires) have been declared; we shall declare the Grzhya rites*.’
Thus it is not difficult to perceive the dependence of the Grihya-sitras on the Srauta-sitras; but there remains the much more difficult question whether in each particular case both texts are to be regarded as by the same author, or whether the Gvhya-sitra is an appendix to the Srautasdtra composed by another author. Tradition accepts the one alternative for some Sdtras ; for other Sdtras it accepts the other; thus in the domain of the Rig-veda literature Asvalayana and SankhAyana are credited with the authorship of a Srauta-s(tra as well as of a Grthya-sftra ; the same is true of Apastamba, Hirazyakesin, and other authors. On the other hand, the authorship of the Grihya-sitras which follow the Srauta-sitras of Katyayana, Laty4yana, Drahyayaaa, is not ascribed to Katyd4yana, Latyéyana, Drahydyaza, but to P4raskara, Gobhila, and KhAdira- Rarya.
It seems to me that we should consider the testimony of tradition as entirely trustworthy in the second class of cases. Tradition is very much inclined to ascribe to celebrated masters and heads of schools the origin of works which are acknowledged authorities in their schools, even though they are not the authors. But it is not likely that tradition should have made a mistake in the opposite
1 In the domain of the Atharva-veda literature alone we find this relation reversed ; here the Srauta-s{tra (the Vaitana-s(tra) presupposes the Grihya-sitra (the Kausika-s(itra). Cf. Prof. Garbe’s preface to his edition of the Vaitanasitra, p. vii. This relation is not extraordinary, considering the secondary character of the Vait&na-sfitra.
* Uktani vaitanikani, grihyani vakshyamas.
XXXil GRIHYA-SOTRAS.
direction, that e.g. it should designate P4raskara as author when KAatydyana himself was the author.
vii. This relation is not extraordinary, considering the secondary character of the Vait&na-sfitra.
* Uktani vaitanikani, grihyani vakshyamas.
XXXil GRIHYA-SOTRAS.
direction, that e.g. it should designate P4raskara as author when KAatydyana himself was the author.
We shall not be able to trust so implicitly to tradition where it puts down the same author for the Grzhya-sitra as for the corresponding Srauta-sitra; the possibility that such data are false is so large that we have to treat them as doubtful so long as we have not discovered certain proofs of their correctness. At present, so far as I can see, we are just as little justified in considering that such a proof has been made as we are able to prove the opposite state of things. It is easy to find the many agreements in contents and expression which exist, for instance, between the Srautasitra and Grthya-sitra of Sankhdyana, or between the Srauta-sitra and the Grihya-sitra of Asvala4yana!. But these agreements cannot be considered as sufficient proof that in each case the Grzhya-sftra and the Srauta-sitra are by the same author. Even if the author of the Gvzhya-sitra was not Asvalayana or SAnkh4yana in person, still he must have been at all events perfectly familiar with the works of those teachers, and must have intended to fit his work to theirs as closely as possible, so that agreements of this kind can in no way astonish us*. On the other hand, if the Srauta-sitras and Grihya-sftras are read together, it is easy to discover small irregularities in the exposition, repetitions and such like, which might seem to indicate different authors. But the irregularities of this kind which have been detected up to the present are scarcely of such
1 The parallel passages from the Srauta-sitra and the Grihya-sitra of the M§&navas are brought together in Dr. Von Bradke’s interesting paper, ‘ Ueber das M&nava-Grzhya-sitra,’ Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlind. Gesellschaft, vol. xxxvi, p. 451.
* For this reason I cannot accept the reasoning through which Prof. Biihler (Sacred Books of the East, vol. ii, p. xiv) attempts to prove the identity of the author of the Srauta-s(itra and of the Dharma-siitra of the Apastambtya school. Buhler seems to assume that the repetition of the same Sftra, and of the same irregular grammatical form in the Srauta-sfitra and in the Dharma-siitra, must either be purely accidental, or, if this is impossible, that it proves the identity of the authors. But there remains a third possible explanation, that the two texts are by different authors, one of whom knows and imitates the style of the other,