The Lî Kî, Books I–X — Sacred Books of China Part III, SBE Vol. 27 (trans. James Legge, 1885)
English·1879–1910·trans. James Legge·360 passages
The text · part 12 of 17
Confucius said, ‘When the oldest son, who would take the father’s place, dies prematurely, no brother by an inferior wife can be his successor. At the auspicious sacrifice to him}, there is a single bullock ; but the service being to one who died prematurely, there is no presentation (of the lungs), no stand with the heart and tongue, no dark-coloured spirits’, no announcement of the nourishment being completed. This is what is called the dark satisfying offering. In regard to all others who have died prematurely and have left no offspring, the sacrifice is offered to them in the house of the oldest son, where the apartment is most light, with the vases in the chamber on the east. This is what is called the bright satisfying offering.’
22. 3ang-sze asked, ‘At a burial, when the bier has been drawn to the path (leading to the place), if there happen an eclipse of the sun, is any change made or not ?’
The first auspicious sacrifice took place when the ceremony of wailing was over. * A name for water.
SECT. Il. THE QUESTIONS OF 8ANG-3ZE. 339
Confucius said, ‘ Formerly, along with L4o Tan’, I was assisting at a burial in the village of Hsiang, and when we had got to the path, the sun was eclipsed. Lao Tan said to me, “ XAid, let the bier be stopped on the left of the road*; and then let us wail and wait till the eclipse pass away. When it is light again, we will proceed.” He said that this was the rule. When we had returned and completed the burial, I said to him, “In the progress of a bier there should be no returning. When there is an eclipse of the sun, we do not know whether it will pass away quickly or not, would it not have been better to goon?” L&o Tan said, “When the prince of a state is going to the court of the son of Heaven, he travels while he can see the sun. At sun-down he halts, and presents his offerings (to the spirit of the way). When a Great officer is on a mission, he travels while he can see the sun, and at sun-down he halts. Now a bier does not set forth in the early morning, nor does it rest anywhere at night; but those who travel by star-light are only criminals and those who are hastening to the funeral rites of a parent. When there is an eclipse of the sun, how do we know that we shall not see the stars ? And moreover, a superior man, in his performance of rites, will not expose his relatives to the risk of distress or evil.” This is what I heard from Léo Tan.’
23. 3ang-yze asked, ‘In the case of one dying where he is stopping, when discharging a mission for
* This was Lao-3ze, ‘the old master.’ It seems better to keep L&o as if it had been the surname. See paragraph 24, p. 325.
* The east of the road. Graves were north of the towns, Z2
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See paragraph 24, p. 325. * The east of the road. Graves were north of the towns, Z2
340 THE Lf xf. BE. Vv.
his ruler, the rules say? that, (if he die) in a government hotel his spirit shall be recalled ; but not, (if he die) in a private one*. But to whatever state a commissioner may be sent, the lodging which may be assigned to him by the proper officer becomes a public hotel ;—what is the meaning of his spirit not being recalled, (if he die) in a private one ?’
Confucius said, ‘You have asked well. The houses of a high minister, a Great officer, or an ordinary officer, may be called private hotels. The government hotel, and any other which the government may appoint, may be called a public hotel. In this you have the meaning of that saying that the spirit is recalled at a public hotel.’
24. 3ang-sze asked, ‘ Children dying prematurely, between eight and eleven, should be buried in the garden in a brick grave, and carried thither on a contrivance serving the purpose of a carriage, the place being near; but now if the grave is chosen at a distance, what do you say about their being buried there ?’
Confucius said, ‘I have heard this account from Lao Tan:—‘Formerly,” he said, “the recorder Yi had a son who died thus prematurely, and the grave was distant. The duke of Sho said to him, ‘Why not shroud and coffin him in your palace?’ The recorder said, ‘Dare Ido so?’ The
1 Where these rules are to be found I do not know.
* I use ‘hotel’ here in the French meaning of the term. We must suppose that ‘the private hotel’ about which 3aing-3ze asked was one to which the commissioner had gone without the instructions of the state; and, as the Kfien-lung editors say, ‘the rites were therefore so far diminished.’
SECT. II. THE QUESTIONS OF 8ANG-3ZE. 341
duke of Shao spoke about it to the duke of Au, who said, ‘Why may it not be done?’ and the recorder did it. The practice of coffins for boys who have died so prematurely, and shrouding them, began with the recorder Yt.”’
25. 3ang-gze asked, ‘A minister or a Great officer is about to act the part of a personator of the dead for his ruler. If, when he has received (orders) to pass the night in solemn vigil, there occur in his own family an occasion for him to wear the robe of hemmed sackcloth, what should he do ?’
Confucius said, ‘ The rule is for him to leave (his house) and lodge in a state hotel, and wait till (the ruler’s) business is accomplished.’
26. Confucius said,‘When one who has represented the dead comes forth in the (officer's) leathern cap, or the (Great officer's) tasseled cap (which he has worn), ministers, Great officers, and other officers, all will descend from their carriages (when his passes). He will bow forward to them, and he will also have a forerunner (to notify his approach).’
He will bow forward to them, and he will also have a forerunner (to notify his approach).’
27. 3ze-hsia asked, ‘There is such a thing as no longer declining military service, after the wailing in the three years’ mourning has come to an end. Is this the rule? or was it at first required by the officers (of the state) ?’
Confucius said, ‘ Under the sovereigns of HsiA, as soon as the coffining in the three years’ mourning was completed, they resigned all their public duties. Under Yin they did so as soon as the interment was over. Is not this the meaning of what we find in the record, that “the ruler does not take from men their affection to their parents, nor do men take from their parents their filial duty ?”’
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28. 3ze-hsid asked, ‘Is then not declining military service (during mourning) to be condemned ?’
Confucius said, ‘I heard from L4o Tan that duke Po-£/in engaged once in such service, when there was occasion for it; but I do not know if I should allow it in those who seek (by it) their own advantage during the period of the three years’ mourning".’
’ Po-khin was the son of the duke of H4u, and the first marquis of Li. The time of his entering on the rule of that state was a very critical one in the kingdom ; and though it was then, it would appear, the period of his mourning for his mother’s death, he discharged his public duty in the time of his own grief.
BOOK VI. WAN WANG SHIH 3ZE OR KING WAN AS SON AND HEIR}.
Section I.
1. Thus did king Wan act when he was eldest son aad heir :—Thrice a day he made a visit in due form to king Xi. When the cock first crowed he dressed himself, and going to the outside of the bedroom, asked one of the servants of the interior who was in attendance how the king was and if he were well. When told that he was well, the prince was glad. At midday he repeated the visit in the same way ; and so he did again in the evening*. If the king were not so well as usual, the servant would tell the prince, and then his sorrow appeared in his countenance, and his walk was affected and disturbed. When king At took his food again, Wan recovered his former appearance. When the food went up (to the king), he would examine it and see if it were cold and hot as it ought to be*. When it came down, he asked of what dishes the king had eaten. He gave orders to the cook that none of the dishes should go up again, and withdrew on receiving the cook's assurance accordingly‘. :
1 See the introduction, pages 22, 23.
* It was the duty of a son to wait on his father twice a day,—at morning and night. King W&n showed his filial duty by paying king A? a third visit.
5 According to the season.
‘ According to the ordinary dates in Chinese chronology, fing
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* It was the duty of a son to wait on his father twice a day,—at morning and night. King W&n showed his filial duty by paying king A? a third visit.
5 According to the season.
‘ According to the ordinary dates in Chinese chronology, fing
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2. King Wd acted according to the example (of W4&n), not presuming to go (in anything) beyond it. When king W4n was ill, WO nursed him without taking off his cap or girdle. When king Wan took a meal, he also took a meal; and when king Wan took a second, he did the same. It was not till after twelve days that he intermitted his attentions.
King Wan said to Wd, ‘What have you been dreaming ?’ ‘I dreamt,’ was the reply, ‘that God gave me nine ling?’ ‘And what do you think was the meaning?’ King W4 said, ‘There are nine states in the west ;—may it not mean that you will yet bring them all under your happy sway?’ Wan said, ‘ That was not the meaning. Anciently they called a year ling. The age is also called ling. I am roo; and you are go. I give you three years. King W&n was 97 when he died, and king Wa was 93}.
"3. King AAang, being quite young, could not perform his part at the eastern steps. The duke of Ku acted as regent, trod those steps, and adminis-
Wan was born in s.c. 1258, and named Khang (&)- King Xi died in 1185, when he was in his seventy-fourth year.
1 It is difficult to understand and interpret the latter half of this paragraph. The Xhien-lung editors say that, according to the ordinary accounts, king Wi was born when W&n was fifteen years old, and there was an elder son, Yi-kh4o, who died prematurely ; whereas king WA died at 93, leaving his son Sung (king Aang) only seven years old. ‘Wan,’ they said, ‘ must have married very early, and Wf very late.’ They say also that they cannot understand the text that Wan gave to his son ‘three years,’ &c., and suppose that some erroneous tradition has here been introduced.
2 The king received his nobles at the top of the eastern steps. The phrase=‘in the government of the kingdom.’
SECT. I. WAN WANG SHIH 32E. 345
tered the government. He illustrated the rules for the behaviour of a young heir in his treatment of Po-kAin, that king Aang might thereby know the courses to be pursued by father and son, ruler and minister, old and young. When he committed an error, the duke punished Po-&4in. This was the way in which he showed king Aang his duty as the son and heir.
4. So much on the way in which king Wan acted as son and heir.
When he committed an error, the duke punished Po-&4in. This was the way in which he showed king Aang his duty as the son and heir.
4. So much on the way in which king Wan acted as son and heir.
5. In teaching the heir-sons (of the king and feudal princes), and young men (chosen from their aptitude) for learning}, the subjects were different at different seasons. In spring and summer they were taught the use of the shield and spear; in autumn and winter that of the feather and flute :—all in the eastern school. The inferior directors of Music?® taught the use of the shield aided by the great assistants. The flute masters taught the use of the spear, aided by the subdirectors, while the assistants regulated by the drum (the chanting of) the Nan*.
In spring they recited (the pieces), and in summer
1 These ‘scholars,’ no doubt, were those of whose selection for the higher instruction we have an account in the fourth and other paragraphs of Section IV, Book III.
* These are mentioned in the ‘Royal Regulations,’ though the title does not occur in the A@u Li. They are supposed to be the same as its ‘music masters’ (Yo Sze, Book XXII).
* This clause about the ‘drum’ is perplexing to a translator. It destroys the symmetry of the paragraph. What we are to understand by the ‘Nan’ is also much disputed. I suppose the term should embrace the two Nan, or two first Books of the Shih, Part I. Compare the Shih II, vi, 4. 4.
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they played on the guitar,—being taught by the grand master in the Hall of the Blind’. In autumn they learned ceremonies,—being instructed by the masters of ceremonies. In winter they read the book of History,—being instructed by the guardians of it. Ceremonies were taught in the Hall of the Blind ; the book in the upper school.
In autumn they learned ceremonies,—being instructed by the masters of ceremonies. In winter they read the book of History,—being instructed by the guardians of it. Ceremonies were taught in the Hall of the Blind ; the book in the upper school.
’ The names of these different schools are also very perplexing ; and I here give a note about them by Lift XAang of our eleventh century. ‘Under the Xau dynasty they had its own schools and those of the three former dynasties; four buildings, all erected in proximity to one another. Most in the centre was the Pf Yung of Xu itself. On the north of it was the school of Shun (the lord Yi); on the east that of Hsia; and on the west that of Shang. Those who were learning the use (in dancing) of the shield and spear, and of the plume and flute, went to the eastern school; those who were learning ceremonies went to that of Shang; and those who were learning history, to that of Shun. In the Pi Yung the son of Heaven nourished the old, sent forth his armies, matured his plans, received prisoners, and practised archery. When he came to the Pi Yung, they came from all the other three schools, and stood round the encircling water to look at him. There were also schools on the plan of Shun —the hsiang ( FE) —in the large districts (the Hi, containing 12500 families); others on the plan of Hsia—the hsii OF) —in the X4u, or smaller districts (the MH, containing 2500 families); and others still on the plan of Shang—the hsifo (488) — in the Tang (de). or those still smaller (containing goo families). These were all schools for young boys. The most promising scholars (in the family schools) were removed to the hsiang; the best in the hsiang, again to the hst; and the best in the hsi, to the hsido. The best in these were removed finally to the great school (or college) in the suburbs (of the capital).’ Such is the account of Lid Kang. Other scholars differ from him in some points; but there is a general agreement as to the existence of a system of graduated training.
SECT. I. WAN WANG SHIH 92ZE. 347
6. All the rules about sacrificial offerings! and at the nourishing of the old begging them to speak (their wise counsels)? and the conversation at general reunions, were taught by the lower directors of Music in the eastern school.
7. The Grand director of Music taught how to brandish the shield and axe. He also delivered the graduated rules relating to conversations and the charges about begging the old to speak. The Grand perfecter (of Instruction)® discussed all about (these matters) in the eastern school.
8. Whenever a pupil was sitting with the Grand completer (of Instruction), there was required to be between them the width of three mats. He might put questions to him; and when he had finished, sit back on the mat near to the wall. While the instructor had not finished all he had to say on any one point, he did not ask about another.
He might put questions to him; and when he had finished, sit back on the mat near to the wall. While the instructor had not finished all he had to say on any one point, he did not ask about another.
9. In all the schools, the officer (in charge), in spring set forth offerings to the master who first taught (the subjects); and in autumn and winter he did the same‘.
to. In every case of the first establishment of a school the offerings must be set forth to the earlier
1 Probably, not sacrifices in general, but offerings to sages, distinguished old men, &c.
* This asking the old men to speak was a part of the festal nourishment of them.
* I do not think this officer appears in the lists of the Xu Li. He seems to be named as giving the finishing touch to the training of the young princes.
* No mention is made of summer; but, no doubt, there were then the same observances as in the other seasons,—a tribute to the merit of the past, and a stimulus to the students.
348 THE Lf xf. BK. VI.
sages and the earlier teachers; and in the doing of this, pieces of silk must be used.
11. Inall the cases of setting forth the offerings, it was required to have the accompaniments (of dancing and singing). When there were any events of engrossing interest in a state (at the time), these were omitted.
12. When there was the accompaniment of music on a great scale, they proceeded immediately to feast the aged.
13. At all examinations in the suburban schools, the rule was to select the best and mark out the most talented. The pupils might be advanced for their virtue, or commended for something they had accomplished, or distinguished for their eloquence’. Those who had studied minor arts were encouraged and told to expect a second examination®. If they (then) had one of the three things (above mentioned), they were advanced to a higher grade, according to their several orders, and were styled ‘Men of the schools.’ They were (still, however,) kept out of the royal college’, and could not receive the cup from the vase restricted to the superior students.
14. On the first establishment of schools (in any state), when the instruments of music were
* See paragraphs 2-4, pp. 231-233.
* These minor arts, it is understood, were such as medicine and divination.
* The name for this college here perhaps indicates that on reaching it, all from the other schools were ‘on the same level.’ The youths would appear to have passed into it with a festive ceremony. The ‘suburban schools’ were those in the note on Pp. 346, with the addition of the ‘Eastern Kido’ (He B), which it is not easy to distinguish from ‘the eastern school,’ already mentioned.
SECT. 1. WAN WANG SHIH 8ZE. 349
The ‘suburban schools’ were those in the note on Pp. 346, with the addition of the ‘Eastern Kido’ (He B), which it is not easy to distinguish from ‘the eastern school,’ already mentioned.
SECT. 1. WAN WANG SHIH 8ZE. 349
completed’, offerings of silk were set forth; and afterwards those of vegetables*. But there was no dancing and (consequently) no giving out of the spears and other things used in it. They simply retired and received visitors in the eastern school. Only one cup was passed round. The ceremony might pass without (parade of) attendants or conversation.
15. (All these things) belonged to the education of the young princes.
16. In the education of the crown princes adopted by the founders of the three dynasties the subjects were the rules of propriety and music. Music served to give the interior cultivation ; the rules to give the external. The two, operating reciprocally within, had their outward manifestation, and the result was a peaceful serenity,—reverence of inward feeling and mild elegance of manners.
17. The Grand tutor and the assistant tutor were appointed for their training, to make them acquainted with the duties of father and son, and of ruler and minister. The former made himself perfectly master of those duties in order to exhibit them; the latter guided the princes to observe the virtuous ways of the other and fully instructed him about them. The Grand tutor went before them, and the assistant came
1 ‘Were completed,’ should be, according to Khang-Ah&ng, ‘were consecrated.’ For the character in the text he would substitute that which we find in Mencius, I, i, 7, 4, applied to the consecration of a bell. Compare vol. iii, p. 323.
* The ordinary offerings (see above, paragraph 9); but now a sequel to the offerings of silk. These two offerings, it is understood, were in the school on the west (the hsiang), and thence the parties officiating adjourned to that on the east (the hsi).
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after them. In the palace was the guardian, outside it was the master; and thus by this training and instruction the virtue (of the princes) was completed. The master taught them by means of occurring things, and made them understand what was virtuous. The guardian watched over their persons, and was as a stay and wings to them, leading them in the right way. The history says, ‘Under the dynasties of Yi, Hsid, Shang, and A4u, there were the master, the guardian, the {, and the AAang, and there were appointed the four aides and the three ducal ministers. That these offices should all be filled was not so necessary as that there should be the men for them;’ —showing how the object was to employ the able!.
18. When we speak of ‘a superior man’ we intend chiefly his virtue. The virtue perfect and his instructions honoured; his instructions honoured and the (various) officers correct; the officers correct and order maintained in the state :—these things give the ideal of a ruler’.
18. When we speak of ‘a superior man’ we intend chiefly his virtue. The virtue perfect and his instructions honoured; his instructions honoured and the (various) officers correct; the officers correct and order maintained in the state :—these things give the ideal of a ruler’.
1 The Khien-lung editors seem to say that ‘the Grand tutor’ and ‘the assistant tutor,’ who had the charge of the young prince from his infancy, must have been ladies of the harem; so that, in fact, the government of a ruler’s household was regulated after the model of the government of the state in his maturer years. There are no materials to illustrate the duties of the ministers who are called ‘ the f and the KAang.’
2 Wf Kh&ing thinks that the first three characters here should be translated— The superior man (Xtin-3ze) says;’ a sequel to ‘The history says’ of the preceding paragraph. He then proposes to suppress one of the virtues ( that follow. But the structure of the whole will not admit this way of dealing with it. There is a play on the characters rendered ‘a superior man’ and ‘a ruler,’—Ktn-jze (A F) and Kin (F); like our English ‘a noble man’ and ‘a noble,’ ‘a princely man’ and ‘a prince.’
SECT. I. WAN WANG SHIH 8ZE. 351
19. Kung-nt said, ‘Formerly, when the duke of 4u was administering the government, he did so while he (continued to) go up by the eastern steps. He (also) set forth the rules for a crown prince in (his dealing with) Po-4/in, and it was thus that he secured the excellence of king Aang. I have heard it said, ‘“ A minister will sacrifice himself to benefit his ruler, and how much more will he swerve from the ordinary course to secure his excellence!” This was what the duke of K4u did with ease and unconcern.
20. ‘ Therefore he who knows how to show himself what a son should be can afterwards show himself what a father should be; he who knows how to show himself what a minister should be can afterwards show himself what a ruler should be ; he who knows how to serve others can afterwards employ them. King Aang, being quite young, could not discharge the duties of the government. He had no means of learning how to show himself what the crown prince should be?. On this account the rules for a crown prince were exhibited in (the treatment of) Po-£4in, and he was made to live with the young king that the latter might thus understand all that was right between father and son, ruler and minister, elders and youngers®*.’
1 His father being dead.
? With reference to this paragraph, which, he thinks, appears here as from Confucius, Wi KA&ng says:—‘ When king WA died, Khing was quite young. (His uncles of) Kwan and 3hai sent their reports abroad, and the people of Yin planned their rebellion. Then the duke of Xu left the capital, and dwelt in the east, and Po-A4in went to his jurisdiction, and defeated the people of Hsti and the Zung. Three years afterwards the duke of
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Then the duke of Xu left the capital, and dwelt in the east, and Po-A4in went to his jurisdiction, and defeated the people of Hsti and the Zung. Three years afterwards the duke of
352 THE Li xt. BK. VI.
21. Take the case of the sovereign and his son and heir. Looked at from the standpoint of affection, the former is father ; from that of honour, he is ruler. If the son can give the affection due to the father, and the honour due to the ruler, hereafter he will (be fit to) be the lord of all under the sky. On this account the training of crown princes ought to be most carefully attended to.
22. It is only in the case of the crown prince that by the doing of one thing three excellent things are realised; and it is with reference to his taking his place in the schools according to his age that this is spoken. Thus it is that when he takes his place in them in this way, the people observing it, one will say, ‘He is to be our ruler, how is it that he gives place to us in the matter of years?’ and it will be replied, ‘While his father is alive, it is the rule that
Ku returned, took the regency and made his expedition to the east,—it was impossible for KAang and Po-ssin to be always together. Perhaps the duke made them keep so, while king WA was alive ; and the account in the text was an erroneous tradition.’ To this the Khien-lung editors reply :—‘ Immediately on the death of king WA, the duke of A4&u must have adopted the method described in the text. Th4i Kung was Grand master; the duke of Shao, Grand guardian; and the duke of A4u himself Grand tutor. They, no doubt, made Po-éhin, Kin KAan, Li Xi, Wangsun Mau, and others associate with the young king. In the winter of his first year, the duke removed to the eastern capital, while the other two continued in their places, and Po-ssin was daily with X/ang, and there was no change in the rules for a son and heir. Next year happened the storm which changed the king’s views about the duke, who returned to the court. The third year saw the removal of the people of Yen, and Po-&4in proceeded to his jurisdiction in LQ. But by this time king KASng’s virtue and ability were matured. Wii's objections to the ordinary view of the text are without foundation.’
SECT. II. WAN WANG SHIH 8ZE, 353
The third year saw the removal of the people of Yen, and Po-&4in proceeded to his jurisdiction in LQ. But by this time king KASng’s virtue and ability were matured. Wii's objections to the ordinary view of the text are without foundation.’
SECT. II. WAN WANG SHIH 8ZE, 353
he should do so.’ Thus all will understand the right course as between father and son. A second will make the same remark, and put the same question ; and it will be replied, ‘While the ruler is alive, it is the rule that he should do so;’ and thus all will understand the righteousness that should obtain between ruler and minister. To a third putting the same question it will be said, ‘He is giving to his elders what is due to their age;’ and thus all will understand the observances that should rule between young and old. Therefore, while his father is alive, he is but a son; and, while his ruler is alive, he may be called merely a minister. Occupying aright the position of son and minister is the way in which he shows the honour due to a ruler and the affection due to a father. He is thus taught the duties between father and son, between ruler and minister, between old and young ; and when he has become master of all these, the state will be well governed. The saying,
‘Music's Director the foundation lays ;
The Master this doth to perfection raise.
Let him but once the great and good be taught,
And all the states are to correctness brought,’
finds its application in the case of the heir-son.
23. So much for the duke of K4u’s going up by the eastern steps.
Section II.
1. The Shfi-3ze!, who had the direction of the (other) members of the royal and princely families,
* See Book XLIV, paragraph 1, and note. The Shfi-3ze or X@ze belonged to the department of the Sze-m4. They were two,— Great officers of the third grade; and under them thirty assistants, —officers and employés. The superintendents of the Lists in next
(27] Aa
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inculcated on them filial piety and fraternal duty, harmony and friendship, and kindly consideration ; illustrating the righteousness that should prevail between father and son, and the order to be observed between elders and juniors.
2. When they appeared at court, if it were at a reception in the innermost (courtyard of the palace), they took their places, facing the east, those of the most honourable rank among them, as ministers, being to the north (of the others); but they were arranged according to their age. If it were a reception in the outer (and second courtyard), they were arranged according to their offices ;—(as in the former case), by the superintendents of the official lists.
If it were a reception in the outer (and second courtyard), they were arranged according to their offices ;—(as in the former case), by the superintendents of the official lists.
4. At the funeral rites for rulers, they were arranged according to the character of their mourningparagraph belonged to the same department ;—also two of the same rank as the Shf-3ze, and under them sixty-eight others. The functions of both are described in the Kau Li, Book XXXI.
1 See the Kau Li, Book XXVII.
* These ceremonies do not appear to be mentioned here in the -order of their occurrence.
SECT. II. WAN WANG SHIH 32E. 355
dress in the fineness or coarseness of the material. In case of such rites among themselves, the same order was observed, the principal mourner, however, always taking precedence of all others.
5. If the ruler were feasting with his kindred, then all of a different kindred were received as guests. The cook acted as master of the ceremonies’. The ruler took place among his uncles and cousins according to age. Each generation of kindred took a lower place as it was a degree removed from the parent-stem.
6. When with the army, the kindred guarded the spirit-tablets that had been brought from their shrines. If any public duties called the ruler beyond the limits of the state, those officers of the kindred employed the members of it, who had not other duties, to guard the ancestral temple and the apartments of the palace, the eldest sons by the proper wives guarding the temple of the Grand ancestor; the various uncles, the most honoured temple-shrines and apartments ; the other sons and grandsons, the inferior shrines and apartments.
7. All descended from any of the five rulers to whom the temple-shrines were dedicated, even those who were now classed among the common people, were required to announce the events of capping and marriage, so long as the temple-shrine of the (Grand ancestor) had not been removed. Their deaths had to be announced ; and also their sacrifices during the
1 We have here an instance of the important part which the cook played in the establishments of the kings and princes of those days; see vol. iii, pp. 356, 422. The ruler was toa dignified to drink with the guests.
Aa2
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iii, pp. 356, 422. The ruler was toa dignified to drink with the guests.
Aa2
356 THE Lf xf. BK. VI.
period of mourning. In the relations of the kindred among themselves, the proper officers punished any neglect of the regulations for condoling and not condoling, leaving off and not leaving off the cap (in mourning). There were the correct rules for the mourning gifts of articles, money, robes, and jade to put into the mouth (of the deceased).
8. When one of the ruler’s kindred was found guilty of a capital offence, he was hanged by some one of the foresters’ department. If the punishment for his offence were corporal infliction or dismemberment, it was also handed over to the same department. No one of the ruler’s kindred was punished with castration.
When the trial was concluded, the proper officer reported the sentence to the ruler. If the penalty were death, he would say, ‘The offence of So and So is a capital crime. If the penalty were less, he would say, ‘The offence of So and So has received a lighter sentence. The ruler would say, ‘Let the sentence be remitted for another;’ and the officer would say, ‘That is the sentence. This was repeated till the third time, when the officer would make no answer, but hurry off and put the execution into the hands of the appointed forester. Still the ruler would send some one after him, and say, ‘Yes, but grant forgiveness,’ to which there would be the reply, ‘It is too late. When the execution was reported to the ruler, he put on white clothes, and did not have a full meal or music, thus changing his usual habits. Though the kinsman might be within the degree for which there should be mourning rites, the ruler did not wear mourning, but wailed for him himself (in some family of a different surname).
SECT. II. WAN WANG SHIH 8ZE. 357
9. That the ruler’s kindred appeared at the reception in the innermost (court) showed how (the ruler) would honour the relatives of his own surname. That they took places according to their age, even those among them of high rank, showed the relation to be maintained between fatherandson. That they took places at the reception in the outer court according to their offices, showed how (the ruler) would show that they formed one body with (the officers of) other surnames’.
10. Their taking their places in the ancestral temple according to rank served to exalt the sense of virtue. That the superintendent of the temple assigned to them their several services according to their offices was a tribute of honour to worth. That the eldest son by the proper wife was employed to ascend, take precedence in partaking of what had been left, and in receiving the cup, was to do honour to their ancestor’.
11. That the distinctions at the funeral rites were arranged according to the fineness or coarseness of their mourning robes was not to take from any one the degree of his relationship*.
11. That the distinctions at the funeral rites were arranged according to the fineness or coarseness of their mourning robes was not to take from any one the degree of his relationship*.
12. The ruler, when feasting with his kindred, took his place among them according to age, and thus development was given to filial piety and fraternal duty. That each generation took a lower place as it was removed a degree from the parentstem showed the graduation of affection among relatives‘.
1 See paragraph 2, above. * See paragraph 3, above. * See paragraph 4, above. * See paragraph 5, above.
358 THE Lf xf. BE. VI.
13. The guard maintained during war over the spirit-tablets in the army showed the deep sense of filial piety and love. When the eldest son by the proper wife guarded the temple of the Grand ancestor, honour was done to the temple by the most honoured, and the rule as between ruler and minister was exhibited. When the uncles guarded the most honoured shrines and apartments, and the cousins those that were inferior, the principles of subordination and deference were displayed’.
14. That the descendants of the five rulers, to whom the temple-shrines were dedicated, were required, so long as the shrine of the Grand ancestor had not been removed, to announce their cappings and marriages, and their death was also required to be announced, showed how kinship was to be kept in mind?, While the kinship was yet maintained, that some were classed among the common people showed how mean position followed on want of ability. The reverent observance of condoling, wailing, and of presenting contributions to the funeral rites in articles and money, was the way taken to maintain harmony and friendliness®.
15. Anciently, when the duties of these officers of the royal or princely kindred were well discharged, there was a constant model for the regions and states; and when this model was maintained, all knew to what to direct their views and aims‘.
1 See paragraph 6, above. — * See paragraph 12, above.
* See paragraph 7, above.
* This paragraph is evidently out of place, and should follow the
SECT. II. WAN WANG SHIH 82E. 359
1 See paragraph 6, above. — * See paragraph 12, above.
* See paragraph 7, above.
* This paragraph is evidently out of place, and should follow the
SECT. II. WAN WANG SHIH 82E. 359
16, When any of the ruler’s kindred were guilty of offences, notwithstanding their kinship, they were not allowed to transgress with impunity, but the proper officers had their methods of dealing with them :—this showed the regard cherished for the people. That the offender was punished in secret?, and not associated with common people, showed (the ruler’s) concern for his brethren. That he offered no condolence, wore no mourning, and wailed for the criminal in the temple of a different surname, showed how he kept aloof from him as having disgraced their ancestors. That he wore white, occupied a chamber outside, and did not listen to music, was a private mourning for him, and showed how the feeling of kinship was not extinguished. That one of the ruler’s kindred was not subjected to castration, showed how he shrank from cutting off the perpetuation of their family.
17. When the son of Heaven was about to visit the college, the drum was beaten at early dawn to arouse all (the students). When all were come together, the son of Heaven then arrived and ordered the proper officers to discharge their business, proceeding in the regular order, and sacrificing to the former masters and former sages. When next. Some of the critics endeavour very ingeniously to account for its having been designedly placed where it stands.
1 This refers to the statement in paragraph 8, that members of the ruler’s kindred, instead of being executed or exposed in the court or market-place, were handed over to be dealt with in the country, by the foresters’ department. On that department and the duties and members of it, see the K4u Li, Book I, 11; IV, 64-69.
360 THE Li xf. BK. VI.
they reported to him that everything had been done, he then began to go to the nourishing (of the aged).
18. Proceeding to the school on the east, he unfolded and set forth the offerings to the aged of former times, and immediately afterwards arranged the mats and places for the three (classes of the) old, and the five (classes of the) experienced, for all the aged (indeed who were present)!.
19. He (then) went to look at the food and examine the liquor. When the delicacies for the nourishment of the aged were all ready, he caused the song to be raised (as a signal for the aged to come). After this he retired; and thus it was that he provided for (the aged) his filial nourishment.
20. When (the aged) had returned (to their seats after partaking of the feast), the musicians went up and sang the AAing Mido?, after which there was
After this he retired; and thus it was that he provided for (the aged) his filial nourishment.
20. When (the aged) had returned (to their seats after partaking of the feast), the musicians went up and sang the AAing Mido?, after which there was
1 There is great difference of opinion about ‘ the three old’ and ‘the five experienced.’ A common view is that the former name denotes the old men of 80, go, and 100; which appears to have been first propounded by TQ Yii (a. p. 222-284). The X/ien-lung editors speak contemptuously of it, and ask what analogous division is to be made of the five classes of the experienced. Callery has a note on the paragraph, to the effect that there were two old men, one called ‘the san-ldo,’ and the other ‘the wi-kang.’ The emperor of the X/ien-lung period, he tells us, because of the great age at which he had himself arrived, wished to restore the ancient practices in honour of old age. His proposal, however, was so vigorously opposed in council, especially by a Chinese minister, that he was obliged to abandon it. ‘Many volumes,’ he says, ‘have been written on the origin and meaning of the denominations in the text, but nothing certain is known on the subject.’
* « Khing Mido’ is the name of the first of ‘ The Sacrificial Odes of Kau ;’ see vol. iii, pp. 313, 314.
SECT. II. WAN WANG SHIH 92ZE. 361
conversation to bring out fully its meaning. They spoke of the duties between father and son, ruler and minister, elders and juniors. This union (of the conversation) with the highest description of virtue in the piece constituted the greatest feature of the ceremony.
21. Below (in the court-yard), the flute-players played the tune of the Hsiang’, while the Ta-wt was danced, all uniting in the grand concert according to their parts, giving full development to the spirit (of the music), and stimulating the sense of virtue. The positions of ruler and minister, and the gradations of noble and mean were correctly exhibited, and the respective duties of high and low took their proper course.
22. The officers having announced that the music was over, the king then charged the dukes, marquises, earls, counts, and barons, with all the officers, saying, ‘Return, and nourish the aged and the young? in your eastern schools.’ Thus did he end (the ceremony) with (the manifestation of) benevolence.
23. The above statements show how the sage (sovereign) bore in mind the various steps (of this ceremony)*. He anxiously thought of it as its greatness deserved ; his love for the aged was blended
1‘ Hsiang’ was the name of a piece of music played to the dance TA-wf, in memory of the kings Wan and Wa. It is hardly possible to give any more detailed description either of the Piece or of the dance.
3 «The young’ is supposed to be an interpolation.
It is hardly possible to give any more detailed description either of the Piece or of the dance.
3 «The young’ is supposed to be an interpolation.
5 This sentence is difficult. Callery translates it:—‘ En vue de tout cela l’empereur vertueux repasse dans sa mémoire ce que (les anciens) ont fait (pour honorer la vieillesse, afin de les imiter).’
362 THE Lf xt. BK. VI.
with reverence; he carried the thing through with attention to propriety; he adorned it with his filial nourishing ; he connected with it the exhibition of the legitimate distinctions (of rank); and concluded it with (the manifestation of) benevolence. In this way the ancients, in the exhibition of this one ceremony, made all know how complete was their virtue. Among them, when they undertook any great affair, they were sure to carry it through carefully from beginning to end, so that it was impossible for any not to understand them. As it is said in the Yiieh Ming, ‘The thoughts from first to last should be fixed on (this) learning.’
24. The Record of (king W4n’s) son and heir says, ‘Morning and evening he went to the outside of the door of the great chamber, and asked the attendant of the interior whether his father were well, and how he was. If told that he was well, his joy appeared in his countenance. If his father were not so well, the attendant would tell him so, and then his sorrow and anxiety appeared, and his demeanour was disturbed. When the attendant told him that his father was better, he resumed his former appearance. Morning and evening when the food went up, he would examine it and see if it were hot or cold as it ought to be. When it came down, he asked what his father had eaten. He made it a point to know what viands went in, and to give his orders to the cook; and then he retired.
‘If the attendant reported that his father was ill, then he himself fasted and waited on him in his darkcoloured dress. He inspected with reverence the
1 See the ‘Charge to Yueh,’ in vol. iii, p. 117.
SECT. I. WAN WANG SHIH 8ZE. 363
food prepared by the cook, and tasted himself the medicine for the patient. If his father ate well of the food, then he was able to eat. If his father ate but little, then he could not take a full meal. When his father had recovered, then he resumed his former ways},’ ,
* This is evidently an unskilful reproduction of the first paragraph of Section i. We try in vain to discover why the compiler inserted it here.
BOOK VII. THE Li YUN
OR
CEREMONIAL USAGES; THEIR ORIGIN, DEVELOP- MENT, AND INTENTION’.
Section I.
We try in vain to discover why the compiler inserted it here.
BOOK VII. THE Li YUN
OR
CEREMONIAL USAGES; THEIR ORIGIN, DEVELOP- MENT, AND INTENTION’.
Section I.
1. Formerly Kung-nt was present as one of the guests at the 4 sacrifice? ; and when it was over, he went out and walked backwards and forwards on the terrace over the gate of Proclamations?, looking sad and sighing. What made him sigh was the state of Li*. Yen Yen was by his side, and said to him, ‘ Master, what are you sighing about?’ Confucius replied, ‘I never saw the practice of the Grand course®, and the eminent men of the three dynasties*; but I have my object (in harmony with theirs).
2. ‘When the Grand course was pursued, a public and common spirit ruled all under the sky; they
See the introduction, pages 23, 24.
* Offered in the end of the year, in thanksgiving for all the crops that had been reaped. See in Book IX, ii, paragraphs 9, 10.
* The gateway where illustrated copies of the laws and punishments were suspended. It belonged of right only to the royal palace, but it was among the things which L@ had usurped, or was privileged to use.
* As usurping royal rites, and in disorder.
® This sounds T4oistic. It is explained of the time of the five Tfs.
* The founders of the Hsia, Shang, and Au, and their great ministers.
SECT. 1. THE Li YUN. 365
chose? men of talents, virtue, and ability; their words were sincere, and what they cultivated was harmony. Thus men did not love their parents only, nor treat as children only their own sons. A competent provision was secured for the aged till their death, employment for the able-bodied, and the means of growing up to the young. They showed kindness and compassion to widows, orphans, childless men, and those who were disabled by disease, so that they were all sufficiently maintained. Males had their proper work, and females had their homes. (They accumulated) articles (of value), disliking that they should be thrown away upon the ground, but not wishing to keep them for their own gratification? (They laboured) with their strength, disliking that it should not be exerted, but not exerting it (only) with a view to their own advantage’. In this way (selfish) schemings were repressed and found no development. Robbers, filchers, and
1 «They chose;’ who are intended by the ‘they?’ Shall we find them in the ‘all under the sky’ of the preceding clause? Callery has :—‘ Sous le grand régne de la vertu, l’empire était la chose publique. On choisissait pour le gouverneur les hommes éminents,’ &c. Khung Ying-t4 explains the clause by ‘They made no hereditary princes.’ Perhaps it would be well to translate passively,—‘ Men of virtue and ability were chosen (to govern).’ The writer has before him the T4oistic period of the primitive simplicity, when there was no necessity for organised government as in after ages.
* It is rather difficult to construe and translate these two sentences, Callery gives for them, not very successfully :—‘ Quant aux objets matériels, ceux qu’on n’aimait pas, on les abandonnait (aux personnes qui en avaient besoin), sans les mettre en réserve pour soi. Les choses dont on était capable, on regardait comme fort mauvais de ne pas les faire, lors méme que ce n’était pas pour soi.’
366 THE Li xf. BK. VII.
rebellious traitors did not show themselves, and hence the outer doors remained open, and were not shut. This was (the period of) what we call the Grand Union.
3. ‘Now that the Grand course has fallen into disuse and obscurity, the kingdom is a family inheritance. Every one loves (above all others) his own parents and cherishes (as) children (only) his own sons. People accumulate articles and exert their strength for their own advantage. Great men imagine it is the rule that their states should descend in their own families. Their object is to make the walls of their cities and suburbs strong and their ditches and moats secure. The rules of propriety and of what is right are regarded as the threads by which they seek to maintain in its correctness the relation between ruler and minister; in its generous regard that between father and son; in its harmony that between elder brother and younger; and in a community of sentiment that between husband and wife; and in accordance with them they frame buildings and measures; lay out the fields and hamlets (for the dwellings of the husbandmen) ; adjudge the superiority to men of valour and knowledge; and regulate their achievements with a view to their own advantage. Thus it is that (selfish) schemes and enterprises are constantly taking their rise, and recourse is had to arms; and thus it was (also) that Yu, Thang, Wan and Wd, king Aang, and the duke of Au obtained their distinction. Of these six great men every one was very attentive to the rules of propriety, thus to secure the display of righteousness, the realisation of sincerity, the exhibition of errors, the exemplification of benevolence, and
SECT. I. THE Li YUN. 367
the discussion of courtesy, showing the people all the normal virtues. Any rulers who did not follow this course were driven away by those who possessed power and position, and all regarded them as pests. This is the period of what we call Small
Tranquillity '’
4. Yen Yen again asked, ‘Are the rules of Propriety indeed of such urgent importance ?’ Confucius said, ‘It was by those rules that the ancient kings sought to represent the ways of Heaven, and to regulate the feelings of men. Therefore he who neglects or violates them may be (spoken of) as dead, and he who observes them, as alive. It is said in the Book of Poetry,
“Look at a rat—how small its limbs and fine! Then mark the course that scorns the proper line. Propriety’s neglect may well provoke Awish the man would quickly court death’s stroke?.”
It is said in the Book of Poetry,
“Look at a rat—how small its limbs and fine! Then mark the course that scorns the proper line. Propriety’s neglect may well provoke Awish the man would quickly court death’s stroke?.”
Therefore those rules are rooted in heaven, have their correspondencies in earth, and are applicable to spiritual beings. They extend to funeral rites, sacrifices, archery, chariot-driving, capping, marriage, audiences, and friendly missions. Thus the sages made known these rules, and it became possible for the kingdom, with its states and clans, to reach its correct. condition.’
5. Yen Yen again asked, ‘ May I be allowed to hear, Master, the full account that you would give of
1 The TAoism in this and the preceding paragraph is evident, and we need not be surprised that Wang of Shih-liang should say that they ought not to be ascribed to Confucius. The Ahien-lung editors try to weaken the force of his judgment by a theory of misplaced tablets and spurious additions to the text.
* The Shih, I, iv, 8; metrical version, page 99.
368 THE Li Kf. BE. VIL.
these rules?’ Confucius said, ‘I wished to see the ways of Hsia, and for that purpose went to KAt. But it was not able to attest my words, though I found there “The seasons of Hsia.” I wished to see the ways of Yin, and for that purpose went to Sung. But it was not able to attest my words, though I found there “The Khwan Xhien.” In this way I got to see the meanings in the Khwan Xh&ien, and the different steps in the seasons of Hsia}.
6. ‘At the first use of ceremonies, they began with meat and drink. They roasted millet and pieces of pork?; they excavated the ground in the form of a jar, and scooped the water from it with their two hands ; they fashioned a handle of clay, and struck with it an earthen drum. (Simple as these arrangements were), they yet seemed to be able to express by them their reverence for Spiritual Beings.
7. ‘(By-and-by)’, when one died, they went upon
1 Compare with this paragraph the ninth in the third Book of the Analects. In that Confucius tells of his visits to X21 and Sung; but says nothing of his finding any book or fragment of a book in either, dwelling instead on the insufficiency of their records. ‘ The seasons of Hsia,’ which it is said here ‘he got in KAt,’ is supposed to be the ‘small calendar of Hsia,’ preserved by the Greater TAi, and ‘the Khwin Kien’ to have been the ‘Kwei 3hang Yf,’ attributed by many to the Shang dynasty. But all this is very uncertain.
* In an unartificial manner, we are told, ‘by placing them on heated stones.’ It is only the last sentence of the paragraph which makes us think that the previous parts have anything to do with sacrifice or religion.
> Khung Ying-t4 thinks that this describes the practices of the period of ‘the five Tis.’ The north is the quarter of darkness and decay, the south that of brightness and life. ‘The paragraph
SECT. I. THE Lf YUN. 369
> Khung Ying-t4 thinks that this describes the practices of the period of ‘the five Tis.’ The north is the quarter of darkness and decay, the south that of brightness and life. ‘The paragraph
SECT. I. THE Lf YUN. 369
the housetop, and called out his name in a prolonged note, saying, “Come back, So and So.” After this they filled the mouth (of the dead) with uncooked rice, and (set forth as offerings to him) packets of raw flesh. Thus they looked up to heaven (whither the spirit was gone), and buried (the body) in the earth. The body and the animal soul go downwards; and the intelligent spirit is on high. Thus (also) the dead are placed with their heads to the north, while the living look towards the south. In all these matters the earliest practice is followed.
8. ‘ Formerly the ancient kings! had no houses. In winter they lived in caves which they had excavated, and in summer in nests which they had framed. They knew not yet the transforming power of fire, but ate the fruits of plants and trees, and the flesh of birds and beasts, drinking their blood, and swallowing (also) the hair and feathers. They knew not yet the use of flax and silk, but clothed themselves with feathers and skins.
9. ‘ The later sages then arose, and men (learned) to take advantage of the benefits of fire. They moulded the metals and fashioned clay, so as to rear towers with structures on them, and houses with windows and doors. They toasted, grilled, boiled, and roasted. They produced must and _ sauces. They dealt with the flax and silk so as to form linen and silken fabrics. They were thus able to nourish the living, and to make offerings to the dead ; to serve teaches us,’ says Hsu Shih-zang, ‘ that the burial and other mourning ceremonies were not inventions of later sages, but grew from the natural feelings and sorrow of the earliest men.’ 1 This was, says King, ‘the time of the highest antiquity ;’ ‘the time,’ says Ying-t4, ‘ before the five Tts.’ (27) Bb
370 THE Lf xf. BK. VII.
the spirits of the departed and God'. In all these things we follow the example of that early time.
10. ‘ Thus it is that the dark-coloured liquor is in the apartment (where the representative of the dead is entertained)?; that the vessel of must is near its (entrance) door; that the reddish liquor is in the hall; and the clear, in the (court) below. The victims (also) are displayed, and the tripods and stands are prepared. The lutes and citherns are put in their places, with the flutes, sonorous stones, bells, and drums. The prayers (of the principal in the sacrifice to the spirits) and the benedictions (of the representatives of the departed) are carefully framed. The
The lutes and citherns are put in their places, with the flutes, sonorous stones, bells, and drums. The prayers (of the principal in the sacrifice to the spirits) and the benedictions (of the representatives of the departed) are carefully framed. The
1 According to Ying-t4, ‘this is descriptive of the times of Shan N&ng in middle antiquity, of the five Tis, and of the three kings.’ This would extend it over a very long space of time. When it is said that men in their advancing civilisation were able to serve the spirits of the departed and God, the peculiarity of style by which those spirits (literally, the Kwei Shan) are placed before God (Shang Tf) does not fail to attract the notice of the student. The explanation of it was given ingeniously, and I believe correctly, by Dr. Medhurst (Theology of the Chinese, page 78), who says, ‘it was done, probably, in order to distinguish the one from the other, and to prevent the reader from imagining that the Kwei Shans belonged to the Shang Tf, which mistake might have occurred had the characters been differently arranged.’ I translate the last sentence in the present tense, the speaker having, I think, his own times in mind.
2 The ‘dark-coloured’ liquor was water, which was employed in the earliest times, before there was any preparation of liquor made from grain, either by fermentation or distillation, and the use of it was continued in the subsequent times of which this paragraph speaks, in honour of the practice of antiquity; and is continued, probably, to the present day. The other liquors are mentioned in the order of their invention, following one another in the historical line of their discovery, the older always having a nearer and more honourable place.
SECT. I. THE If YUN. 371
object of all the ceremonies is to bring down the spirits from above, even their ancestors!; serving (also) to rectify the relations between ruler and ministers ; to maintain the generous feeling between father and son, and the harmony between elder and younger brother; to adjust the relations between high and low; and to give their proper places to husband and wife. The whole may be said to secure the blessing of Heaven.
11. ‘ They proceed to their invocations, using in each the appropriate terms. The dark-coloured liquor is employed in (every) sacrifice. The blood with the hair and feathers (of the victim) is presented. The flesh, uncooked, is set forth on the stands*. The bones with the flesh on them are sodden ; and rush mats and coarse cloth are placed underneath and over the vases andcups. The robes of dyed silk are put on. The must and clarified liquor are presented. The flesh, roasted and grilled, is brought forward’. The ruler and his wife take alternate parts in presenting these offerings, all being done to please the souls of the departed, and constituting a union (of the living) with the disembodied and unseen.