The Fo-sho-hing-tsan-king: A Life of Buddha — SBE Vol. 19 (trans. Samuel Beal, 1883)
English·1879–1910·trans. Samuel Beal·264 passages
The text · part 1 of 13
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. Disgust at Sorrow . Putting away Desire . . Leaving the City
BOOK II.
. The Return of Xhandaka . . . Entering the Place (Wood) of Austerities . . The General Grief of the Palace
. The Mission to seek the Prince
BOOK III.
Bimbisfra Raga invites the Prince The Reply to Bimbiséra Raga Visit to Arada Udrarima . Defeats Mara
O-wei-san-pou-ti (Abhisambodhi) Turning the Law-wheel
BOOK IV.
Bimbiséra R4ga becomes a Disciple .
The Great Disciple becomes a Hermit :
Conversion of the ‘Supporter of the Orphans and Destitute’ (An&thapindada) . . .
Interview between Father and Son
PAGE ix
20 29 38 47
59 40 81 94
III 11g 131 147 156 168
180 192
Bimbiséra R4ga becomes a Disciple .
The Great Disciple becomes a Hermit :
Conversion of the ‘Supporter of the Orphans and Destitute’ (An&thapindada) . . .
Interview between Father and Son
PAGE ix
20 29 38 47
59 40 81 94
III 11g 131 147 156 168
180 192
201 218
viii
CONTENTS.
SECT,
20. 21, 22.
23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28.
I.
IL.
Il.
Receiving the Getavana Vihfra . Escaping the Drunken Elephant and Devadatta . The Lady Amr& (Amrapalt) sees Buddha .
BOOK V.
By Spiritual Power fixing his (Term of) Years. The Differences of the Likkfavis .
Parinirvana . . .
Mahéparinirvaza
Praising Nirvana . . .
Division of the Sariras. . . . . NOTES.
‘Comparative List of 17 Chapters of the Sanskrit and
Chinese Copies of the Buddhaéfarita
Example of the Style of the Expanded Steras, as translated into Chinese .
The same Title given to different Works .
InpEx . .
Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the
Translations of the Sacred Books of the East .
PAGE 230 241 249
257 268
277 290
399 325
p. 340
344 365
p. 373
p. 377
INTRODUCTION.
HAVING been asked by the Editor of ‘the Sacred Books of the East’ to contribute to the series a volume from the Buddhist literature of China, I undertook, with some distrust, to translate from that language the Phd-yau-king, which is the second version of the Lalita Vistara, known in China, and dated A. D. 308.
After some months of rather disappointing work I found the text so corrupt and imperfect, and the style of the composition so inflated, that I gave up my task, having completed the translation of six chapters (kiouen) of the text, out of eight.
The editor being still desirous to have one book at least from the Chinese Tripitaka in his collection of translations (and more especially a translation of some Life of Buddha, the date of which could be fixed), kindly renewed his request, and proposed that the Fo-sho-hing-tsan-king, which professed to be a translation of Asvaghosha’s Buddhafarita, made by an Indian priest called Dharmaraksha (or Dharmakshara), about the year 420 A. D., should be substituted for the work first selected.
This is the work here translated. The difficulties have been many, and the result can only be regarded as tentative. The text itself, and I have had only one Chinese text to work on, is in many places corrupt, and the style of the composition, especially in the metaphysical portions of it, is abstruse and technical. The original Sanskrit, I am told, differs considerably from the Chinese translation, and except in the restoration of proper names, in which the editor of these books has most readily helped me, the assistance derived from it has been very little. I offer the x FO-SHO-HING-TSAN-KING.
The original Sanskrit, I am told, differs considerably from the Chinese translation, and except in the restoration of proper names, in which the editor of these books has most readily helped me, the assistance derived from it has been very little. I offer the x FO-SHO-HING-TSAN-KING.
result of my work, therefore, with some mistrust, and yet with this confidence, that due allowance will be made for imperfections in the preparation Of a first translation of a text comprising nearly 10,000 lines of poetry, printed in the original without stops or notes of any sort, and in a difficult style of Chinese composition.
NORTHERN BUDDHISM.
This term is now well recognised. It is used to denote the Buddhism of Nepal, Thibet, China, Japan, and Mongolia, as distinguished from the Buddhism of Ceylon, Burmah, and Siam. The radical difference between the two schools is this, that Northern Buddhism is the system developed after contact with Northern tribes settled on the Indus, while the Southern school, on the contrary, represents the primitive form of the Buddhist faith as it came (presumably) from the hands of its founder and his immediate successors. We might, without being far wrong, denote the developed school as the Buddhism of the valley of the Indus, whilst the earlier school is the Buddhism of the valley of the Ganges. In China there is a curious mixture of the teaching of both schools. The books of the contemplative sect in Southern China are translations or accommodations from the teaching of men belonging to the South of India, whilst in the North we find the books principally followed are those brought by priests from the countries bordering on the Indus, and therefore representing the developed school of the later complex system.
Northern Buddhism, again, may be divided into two, if not three, distinct periods of development, or epochs. The earliest includes in it the period during which the teaching of the immediate followers of Buddha, who brought their books or traditions northward and there disseminated them, generally prevailed ; this is called the teaching of the ‘little vehicle’ (Hinay4na), or ‘imperfect means of conveyance’ (across the sea of sense). The second period is that during which the expanded form of belief denoted as the ‘great
INTRODUCTION. xi
vehicle’ (Mah4y4na) was accepted; here the radical idea is that the teaching of Buddha provides ‘ universal salvation’ for the world. Thirdly, the ‘indefinitely expanded’ form, known as Vaipulya, which is founded on the idea of a universal nature, to which all living things belong, and which, by recovering itself in each case, secures for the subject complete restoration to the one nature from which all living things have wandered. This is evidently a form of pure Pantheism, and denotes the period when the distinctive belief of Buddhism merged into later Brahmanism, if indeed it did not originate it.
This is evidently a form of pure Pantheism, and denotes the period when the distinctive belief of Buddhism merged into later Brahmanism, if indeed it did not originate it.
We cannot lay down any sharp line of division (either as to time or minute difference of doctrine) between these forms of thought as they are found in the books; but they may be traced back, through the teaching of the sects into which the system became separated, to the great schism of the primitive Buddhist church at Vaisali, 100 years after the Nirvana.
With respect to this schism the statement made in the Dipavamsa! is this: ‘The wicked Bhikkus, the Vaggiputtakas (i.e. the Vaisali Buddhists), who had been excommunicated by the Theras, gained another party; and many people, holding a wrong doctrine, ten thousand, assembled and (also) held a council. Therefore this Dhamma Council is called the Great Council (Mahdsangiti),’ (Oldenberg’s translation, p. 140.) Turning now to the Mahdsanghika version of the Vinaya, which was translated into Chinese by Fa-hien (circ. 420 A.D.), who brought it from Pasaliputra (chap. XXXVI), we read (K. 40, fol. 23 b), ‘After the Nirvaza (Ni-pan, i. e. Nibbana) of Buddha the Great KAsyapa, collecting the Vinaya Pizaka, was the (first) Great Master (MahAsthavira), and his collection of the Dharmapifaka was in 80,000 divisions. After the death (mih to, destruction) of the great Kasyapa the next master (lord) was Ananda, who also held the Dharmapitaka in 80,000 (divisions), After him the honourable (lord) Mo-yan-tin (Madhy4ntika) was chief, and he also held the Dharmapifaka in 80,000 (divisions). After him came
1 The Dtpavamsa, an early historical record of Buddhism compiled in Ceylon between the beginning of the fourth and the first third of the fifth century a.p.
xil FO-SHO-HING-TSAN-KING.
After him came
1 The Dtpavamsa, an early historical record of Buddhism compiled in Ceylon between the beginning of the fourth and the first third of the fifth century a.p.
xil FO-SHO-HING-TSAN-KING.
Sanavasa (she-na-po-sa), who also held the Dharmapiaka in 80,000 (divisions). After him came Upagupta, of whom the lord of the world (Buddha) predicted that as ““a Buddha without marks” (alakshazako Buddhas; see Burnouf, Introd. p. 378, note 1) he should overcome Mara, which is related in the Avad4nas (yin iin). This (master) could not hold the 80,000 divisions of the Dharmapifaka. After him there were five schools (the school of the “Great Assembly ” being the first of the five) to which the following names were given: (1) Dharmaguptas, (2) Mahisdsakas, (3) K4syapiyas, (4) Sarvastivadas. This last is also called the school “that holds the existence of all,” because it maintains the distinct nature of (things existing in) past, present, and future time. Each of these schools had its own president and distinctive doctrine. Because of this in the time of Asokaraga, when the king was in doubt what was right and what was wrong, he consulted the priests as to what should be done to settle the matter. They replied, “ The law (dharma) ought to be settled by the majority.” The king said, “If it be so, let the matter be put to the vote (by lots or tokens of wood), and so let it be seen who is right (in the majority).” On this they cast lots, and our sect (i.e. the Mahdsanghikas) was in great preponderance. Therefore it is called the Mahdsangiti or Great Assembly.’
From this it appears that the Mahdsanghikas, on their part, claimed to be the original portion of the Buddhist church, and that they regarded the foursects, whose names are given,to be heretical. The same colophon has a further notice respecting this subject. It states that ‘ There was in former times in Mid-India a wicked king who ruled the world. From him all the Sramanas fled, and the sacred books were scattered far and wide. This wicked king having died, there was a good king who in his turn requested the Sramavas to come back to their country to receive his protection (nurture). At this time in PAsaliputra there were 500 priests who wished to decide (matters of faith), but there was no copy of the Vinaya, or teacher who knew the Vinaya, to be found. They therefore sent forthwith to the Getavana Vihara to copy out the Vinaya in its original character, as
INTRODUCTION. xill
They therefore sent forthwith to the Getavana Vihara to copy out the Vinaya in its original character, as
INTRODUCTION. xill
it had been handed down to that period. Fa-hien, when he was in the country of Magadha, in the town of Pafaliputra, in the temple of Asokar4ga, in the Vihara of the Southern Devaraga (Virtdhaka), copied out the Sanskrit (Fan) original and brought it back with him to P’ing au, and in the twelfth year of the title I-hi (417 A.D.) [416 according to the cyclical characters] and the tenth month, he translated it.’ Here we seem to have an obscure allusion to a first and second Asoka. Is it possible that the reference is to an actual council held at PAaliputra in opposition to the orthodox assembly under Moggaliputta? The 500 priests who were sent to the Getavana might have represented the popular party, and being without a copy of their version of the Vinaya, they procured one from SrAvastt. This may or may not be so, and in the absence of further details we cannot give it much weight.
On examining the copy of the Vinaya alluded to by Fa-hien, viz. that belonging to the Mahdsanghikas, we find ample reason for adhering to the statement of the Dipavamsa, viz. ‘that the members of the great congregation proclaimed a doctrine against the faith’ (p. 139 op. cit.) The sections illustrating the Para4gika and other rules are of a gross and offensive character. The rules are illustrated by an abundance of tales or gAtakas introduced in the text (this seems to favour the presence of a Northern element in the redaction). The account of the two councils differs from that found in the other copies of the Vinaya, and in the history of the second council at Vais4lt there is mention made only of one of the sins of the ‘ Vaggiputtakas,’ viz. receiving money; but the council itself is called, according to this account, for the purpose of revising the canon. Now this seems to show that the Mahdsanghika school took its rise at this time, and that a redaction of the canon was prepared by that school distinct from that in common use. According to the statement found in the Dipavamsa, ‘they composed other Suttas and another Vinaya’ (p. 141, § 36). This is confirmed by an account which we have given us in a work belonging to the Vinaya class in the Chinese Tripizaka, called ‘The Questions of S4rixiv FO-SHO-HING-TSAN-KING.
According to the statement found in the Dipavamsa, ‘they composed other Suttas and another Vinaya’ (p. 141, § 36). This is confirmed by an account which we have given us in a work belonging to the Vinaya class in the Chinese Tripizaka, called ‘The Questions of S4rixiv FO-SHO-HING-TSAN-KING.
putra’ (Catalogue, case 48, miscellaneous). I thought this might be the work referred to in the edict of Asoka as the ‘Questions of Upatissa,’ but on examination it appears to be a production of the Mah4sanghika school, and not exclusively bearing on questions of the Vinaya. Perhaps it was written and named in opposition to the orthodox text alluded to in the edict. To exhibit the teaching of the school to which it belongs I will briefly allude to the earlier portion of this SQtra. The scene is laid in Ragagrtha, the question proposed by S4riputra is, ‘Who is the true disciple of Buddha, and who not?’ Buddha replies, ‘The true disciple is one who attends to and obeys the precepts, as the Bhikshu Pao-sse, i. e. precious thing (Yasa), who hearing the statement of Buddha that all things (samskara) were impermanent, immediately perceived the whole truth. The disciple who attends to the tradition of the church is also a true one, as the Bhikshu who attended to S4riputra’s statement respecting K4ludayi’s drinking wine. Those, on the other hand, who neglect either the direct instruction of Buddha, or that of his successors—these are not true disciples.’ S4riputra then proceeds to ask what are the permissions and what the prohibitions made by Buddha in the rules of the Vinaya, especially in respect of food, as, for example, where Buddha forbids an early meal at the invitation of a villager, or where he permits the use of fish and other condiments. Buddha replies that these things must depend on circumstances, and that the rule of the true disciple is to follow the directions of the president of the church. For instance, after my Nirvaza (he proceeds) the great K4syapa will. have authority equal to mine; after Kasyapa, Ananda; after Ananda, Madhydntika ; after Madhyantika, Sanakavisa ; after Sanakavasa, Upagupta ; after Upagupta there will be a Maurya (king) Ku-ko (Asoka), who will rule the world and extend the Scriptures (Dharmavinaya). His grandson will be called Pushyamitra (Fu-sha-mih-to-lo), who will succeed to the empire of the righteous king (or who will succeed directly to the empire of the king, or the royal estate). This one will ask his ministers what he must
INTRODUCTION. XV
His grandson will be called Pushyamitra (Fu-sha-mih-to-lo), who will succeed to the empire of the righteous king (or who will succeed directly to the empire of the king, or the royal estate). This one will ask his ministers what he must
INTRODUCTION. XV
do to gain an undying fame; and being told he must either patronise religion as his predecessor or persecute it, he will adopt the latter course, overthrow the pagodas (d4gobas), destroy the Scriptures, murder the people. Five hundred Arhats, however, will escape the persecution. Meantime the Scriptures being taken up to Maitreya, he will preserve them. At last the king and his army being destroyed (by a mountain cast on them), this line of kings will perish. Afterwards a righteous king will succeed, and Maitreya will send down 300 youths, born apparitionally among men, who will recover the law from the 500 Arhats, and go amongst men instructing them, so that once more the Scriptures, which had been taken to heaven by Maitreya, will be disseminated in the world. At this time the king of the country will divide the Dharmavinaya into many parts, and will build a stronghold in which to preserve them, and so make it difficult for those wishing to consult them, to do so. Then an old Bhikshu of good repute will write a remonstrance, and selecting such passages of the Vinaya as are in accordance with Kasyapa’s council, and known as the Vinaya of the ‘Great Congregation’ (will make them known); the other party will, on their part, include with these the false additions that have been since made. Thus will begin the contention and wrangling. At length the king will order the two schools to assemble, and the matter to be put to the vote, in this way,—taking a number of slips of wood, some black, the others white, he will say, ‘let the adherents of the old school take the black slips, and the new school the white slips.’ Then those taking the black slips will be myriads in number, those taking the white only hundreds. Thus there will be a separation. The old school will be called ‘the Mahdsanghikas,’ the new ‘the school of the elders,’ and hence also named ‘the Ta-pi-lo’ (Sthavira (school) ).
This obscure account tends at any rate to show that the original separation of the church, from which resulted the later schisms, began at the time of the Great Assembly at Vaisali. Whether we are to gather that a second and final separation took place afterwards when the good king was
XVi FO-SHO-HING-TSAN-KING, reigning (Dharma-Asoka ?) is not certain, but it seems to be implied in this and the former record, and is in every respect probable. This would therefore account for the silence of the Northern school respecting the Council at Pasaliputra, and would fully explain why the Sthavira school insists on that council as the charter, so to speak, of their orthodoxy.
LIVES OF BUDDHA.
This would therefore account for the silence of the Northern school respecting the Council at Pasaliputra, and would fully explain why the Sthavira school insists on that council as the charter, so to speak, of their orthodoxy.
LIVES OF BUDDHA.
There is no life of Buddha in the Southern school. Facts connected with his life are found in the different canonical books, and these being put together give an outline of his career, though there is no single work devoted to the account of his life. But there are many such works in the Chinese collection of books. Some of them still exist, others have been lost. The earliest of which we have any record was translated by Ku-fa-lan (Gobharaza) between A.D. 68 and A.D. 70. It was called the
(1) Fo-pen-hing-king th AS 47 in five chapters. It is lost, but there are quotations from it found in Chinese Buddhist books which indicate its character. In the commentary, for example, of Taou-shih, who edited a life of Buddha by Wong pdh, there is frequent reference to a work, Pen-hing-king, which in all probability is the book under our present consideration. This we gather from a comparison of these quotations with the text of other works that bear a similar title. For instance, there is a book called Fo-pen-hing-tsih-king, which is stated to be a Chinese version of the Abhinishkramava Satra, that is sometimes quoted as the Pen-hing-king, but the passages given by Taou-shih are not to be found in this work. Neither are they taken from the Pen-hing-king, written by Paou-Yun, nor are they to be found in the Pen-hing-king by Asvaghosha. We may justly argue therefore that the commentator, Taou-shih, in quoting from the Pen-hingking, refers to the work translated by Au-fa-lan, which is
INTRODUCTION. XVil
Neither are they taken from the Pen-hing-king, written by Paou-Yun, nor are they to be found in the Pen-hing-king by Asvaghosha. We may justly argue therefore that the commentator, Taou-shih, in quoting from the Pen-hingking, refers to the work translated by Au-fa-lan, which is
INTRODUCTION. XVil
now lost. If so, the book can have differed in no material point from the common legendary account of Buddha’s early career. In § 8 the Pen-hing is quoted in reference to the selection of Buddha’s birth-place; in § 11 the dream of Maya at the conception of the child is referred to. In § 23 there is the history of Asita and his horoscope. In § 27 the trial in athletic sports. In § 29 the enjoyment of the prince in his palace for ten years. In § 31 the account of the excursion beyond the walls and the sights of suffering. In § 33 the interview with his father before his flight from the palace. In § 38 the act of cutting his hair with his sword and the intervention of Sakra. In § 39 his exchange of garments with the hunter. In § 40 his visit to the Rishis in the snowy mountains. In § 41 the account of his six years’ fast at Gay4. In § 44 there is allusion to the Nagas Kalika and Mué&ilinda. In § 46 the rice milk given by the two daughters of Sugdta. Here the quotations from the Pen-hing come to an end. We can scarcely doubt therefore that this work ended with the account of the supreme enlightenment of Buddha. It is said that the Fo-pen-hing was in five kiouen ; it could not therefore have been a short abstract, but must have been a complete history of Buddha from his birth to the period of his victory over Méra. It would thus correspond with what is termed the ‘intermediate epoch,’ in the Southern records. We may conclude therefore that such a life of Buddha was in circulation in India in a written form at or before the beginning of our era. It was brought thence by Xu-fa-lan, and translated into Chinese A.D. 67-70. M. Stanislas Julien, in the well-known communication found on p. xvii n. of the translation of the Lalita Vistara from Tibetan by M. Foucaux, speaks of this work as the first version of the Lalita Vistara into Chinese.
We have next to consider a work translated into Chinese by two Sramazas from India in the year A.D. 194, and named
(2) Siu-hing-pen-k’i-king. Ct A tz {19] b
Xvili FO-SHO-HING-TSAN-KING.
Foucaux, speaks of this work as the first version of the Lalita Vistara into Chinese.
We have next to consider a work translated into Chinese by two Sramazas from India in the year A.D. 194, and named
(2) Siu-hing-pen-k’i-king. Ct A tz {19] b
Xvili FO-SHO-HING-TSAN-KING.
This work belongs to case Ixviii in my Catalogue of the Buddhist Tripifaka, and is numbered 664 by Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio. It was translated by Ku-ta-lih (Mahab4la) and Kong-mang-tsiang. As the title indicates, it is a brief memoir of Buddha’s preparatory career (i.e. preparatory to his enlightenment), in two parts! and seven vargas. It is stated in the work, Kao-saing-fu, K. i, fol. 3, that this book was brought from Kapilavastu by the Sramaza Dharmaphala (Tan-kwo). This is also repeated in the work Lai-taisan-pao, K. iv, fol.18. The opening scene therefore lies in Kapilavastu. Its language is sufficiently exaggerated, but not to that wearisome degree found in the later Satras. It begins with the nomination of Buddha by Dipankara, and ends with the defeat of M4ra under the tree of knowledge. It therefore includes both the distant and the intermediate epochs. I shall give the headings of the seven vargas, with some remarks on the character of the narrative.
Varga 1 (pp. 1-9). ‘Exhibiting change.’ The scene is laid in Kapilavastu, in the Nyagrodha Vihdra. Surrounded by a vast assembly of disciples, Buddha enquires of Maudgaly4yana, ‘Can you for the sake of all living things? declare the origin of my career (pen k’i)?’ On this Maudgaly4yana, addressing Buddha in the usual orthodox way, asks him to recite the history in virtue of his own inherent spiritual power. On this Buddha declares how he had been born during innumerable kalpas in every character of life for the sake of stemming the tide of lust and covetousness which engulphed the world, and by a life of continual progress through the exercise of the virtues of wisdom, patience, charity, &c. had arrived at the final condition of enlightenment. He then gives the history of his nomination when Dipankara was Buddha, and of his successive births until finally, after having been born as Vessantara, he occupied the Tushita heaven, and thence descended to be
2 Abstract of Four Lectures, p. 10. * This is given in Chinese Ta-sa-ho-kie, which can only be restored to Tasa. See Childers, sub voce.
INTRODUCTION, x1x
born in Kapilavastu as the Bodhisattva about to accomplish his career as Buddha.
10. * This is given in Chinese Ta-sa-ho-kie, which can only be restored to Tasa. See Childers, sub voce.
INTRODUCTION, x1x
born in Kapilavastu as the Bodhisattva about to accomplish his career as Buddha.
Varga 2. Bodhisattva descends asa spirit. In this section we find an account of Bodhisattva’s conception. He descends under the form! of a white elephant, and is seen by M4y4 in a dream: ‘She beholds in the middle of heaven a white elephant resplendent with glory, and lighting up the world, accompanied by music and sounds of rejoicing, and whilst accompanying Devas scatter flowers and incense, the elephant approaches her, and for a moment hovers above the spot and disappears.’ The dream is interpreted by the soothsayers as an exceedingly fortunate one, because ‘it indicated the descent of a holy spirit (Shing-shin) into the womb.’ The child born therefore would be either a wheel-turning flying-as-he-goes (fi-hing), universal monarch, or a Buddha ‘born to save the world. The queen from that moment leads a pure, uncontaminate life.
‘Now on account of this conception,
Bearing as I do a Mahasattva,
I give up all false, polluting ways,
And both in heart and body rest in purity.’
The kings of neighbouring countries bring their presents of gold, silver, jewels, and robes, and on the eighth day of the fourth month the child is born under an Asoka tree. The angels sing for joy, and thirty-two supernatural events indicate the nativity. We need not enumerate all these events ; the first, however, is that the earth was greatly shaken, and all rough and hilly places became smooth. The fifteenth is, the star Pushya came down and appeared waiting on the prince. The last is that the tree spirit (i.e. the spirit residing in the tree under which the Bodhisattva was born) appearing from it as a man bowed his head in worship?. We then have an account of Asita’s visit and prediction. The b 2
1 Or, riding on a white elephant. The phrase in the Chinese is ambiguous. There is reason to suppose that the original thought was that the Bodhisattva was riding on an elephant, but was invisible as a spirit.
3 Tree and Serpent Worship, plate xci, fig. 4.
XX FO-SHO-HING-TSAN-KING.
varga concludes with the account of his superiority over his teachers.
Varga 3. The athletic contest. This section contains an account of the prince’s marriage with Ku-i (Gopi) after the exhibition of his strength in fighting, wrestling, and archery. The prince in this account restores the elephant to life which Devadatta had killed, and is charged by Devadatta and his followers as being strengthened by Mra (the devil) in doing the wonders he did. He marries Gopi, and with 60,000 attendant women dwells in his palace. But his heart is not at rest.
He marries Gopi, and with 60,000 attendant women dwells in his palace. But his heart is not at rest.
Varga 4. The excursion for observation. This is the usual account of the prince’s visit to the garden and the sights he beheld. The charioteer is accompanied by 1000 other chariots and 10,000 cavalry. A Suddha Deva called Nandahara assumes the form of an old man, a sick man, a corpse, and a Sramaza successively, and thus determines the prince to leave the world (worldly life) and become an ascetic. In order to distract his mind the king requests the prince to attend a ploughing festival. Whilst thus engaged he beholds the suffering of the oxen, and the heat and toil of the men, and the countless insects being destroyed and devoured by the birds. Retiring under the shadow of a Gambu tree? he enters Dhy4na (profound meditation). The king hearing where he was proceeds to the spot, and observes the branches of the trees bent down? over the prince, and on approaching the horses bend their knees in reverence. The king and his retinue then return to the city. On entering the gate he is met by countless thousands of people with flowers and incense, whilst the soothsayers shout with joy, ‘O king! live for ever!’ The king enquiring the reason, the Brahmans tell him that to-morrow the seven treasures would appear, and the king would become a ‘holy ruler’ (a Kakravartin).
Varga 5. Leaving his home. The prince without ceasing
1 Tree and Serpent Worship, plate xxv, fig.1, where the three buildings represent the three palaces built for the prince. 2 The leaves are bent down in the plate (op. cit.)
INTRODUCTION. XX1
Varga 5. Leaving his home. The prince without ceasing
1 Tree and Serpent Worship, plate xxv, fig.1, where the three buildings represent the three palaces built for the prince. 2 The leaves are bent down in the plate (op. cit.)
INTRODUCTION. XX1
meditated on the joy of a contemplative life in the desert. Being now nineteen years old, he vowed on the seventh day of the fourth month to leave his home. In the middle of the night he was addressed by Ku-i his wife, who had been troubled by five dreams. Having appeased her, the gods determined, ere he composed himself again, to induce him to leave his home. They sent Ou-suh-man [is this Wésamuna? (Manual of Buddhism, p. 51)] to lull the people to sleep, whilst the Deva Nandahara causes all the women of the palace to appear in loathsome attitudes, &c. The prince beholding the sight, and regarding all things that exist ‘as a phantom, a vision, a dream, an echo,’ called his coachman to bring his horse, and accompanied by countless divine beings left the city. Leaving the city they fled on their way, till at morning light they had gone 480 lis, and arrived at the A-nu-ma country (the river Anavama or Anoma ; a Chinese note explains it as the ‘ever-full’). Here he dismisses his attendant and sends him back with the horse and his jewels to Kapilavastu. Having cut off his hair, he proceeded to the Magadha country, and there has an interview with Bimbisara raga. To the enquiry whence he came and what his title was, he replies, ‘I come from Ka-wei (Kapila or Kavila) to the east of the fragrant mountains and north of the snowy mountains.’ On this Bimbisara asks him in haste, ‘Surely you are not that celebrated Siddhartha?’ On his replying in the affirmative, the king bows down at his feet, and asks why one so richly endowed and so distinguished in his person was not a universal monarch, and why he had left his home. The prince replies that he had gone forth to seek deliverance from old age, disease, and death. On this follows a long series of lines (geyas), beginning, ‘ Suppose we could.’ Finally Bodhisattva leaves the king and encounters Arata and K4lama (i.e. Arla Kalama), but not satisfied with their teaching he again departs.
Varga 6. Six years’ austerities. Bodhisattva goes forward and arrives at the valley (river-valley (Auen)) of Se-na. This valley was level and full of fruit trees, with no noxious insects or snakes. Here dwelt the Rishi (Taosse) Se-na, with 500 followers. Here Bodhisattva took his
Xxil FO-SHO-HING-TSAN-KING.
Bodhisattva goes forward and arrives at the valley (river-valley (Auen)) of Se-na. This valley was level and full of fruit trees, with no noxious insects or snakes. Here dwelt the Rishi (Taosse) Se-na, with 500 followers. Here Bodhisattva took his
Xxil FO-SHO-HING-TSAN-KING.
residence under a Sala tree. The gods offer him nectar (sweet dew), but he receives it not, but vows to take one grain of millet (hemp) a day. When he had continued thus for six years, and reduced himself to the verge of death, the two daughters of Se-na have a dream, in which they see a lily having seven colours wither away ; there comes a man who waters it, and it revives, whilst other buds spring up on the face of the water. Awaking they ask their father to explain the dream, but neither he nor his followers can do so. On this Sakra descends under the form of a Brahmaéarin, who explains the dream. The girls having prepared a dish of cream convey it to Bodhisattva ; he receives it, and his strength revives. Having washed his hands and flung the dish into the river, whence it is carried by a golden-winged bird to heaven, he proceeds to the Bodhi tree.
Varga 7. Defeats Mara. Seated under the tree he causes a stream of light to proceed from between his eyes and to enter the dwelling of Mara. Mara, greatly disconcerted, knowing that the Bodhisattva if he fulfils his purpose will overthrow his power, resolves to oppose him. His son Sumati warns him against such an attempt, but Mara, summoning his three daughters, acquaints them with his design. They robe themselves in their choicest attire, and with 500 attendants go to the spot where Bodhisattva was. They proceed to tempt him with lascivious offers. Bodhisattva with a word changes their appearance into that of old women. On this Mara, enraged, summons the king of the demon spirits (kwei-shin) to assemble with eighteen myriads of others. They surround the tree for a distance of thirty-six yoganas, and assuming every shape (lions, bears, tigers, elephants, oxen, horses, dogs, monkeys, &c.) they belch forth smoke and fire. Bodhisattva sits unmoved. Mara then advances and endeavours to induce him to give up his purpose. Bodhisattva replies in loving words, and finally the entire host is dispersed. Buddha then arrives at perfect wisdom, the condition which neither Brahma nor any other being had yet attained, and so completes his purpose.
INTRODUCTION. Xxili
The following life of Buddha, although named in the catalogues, has not come under my notice:
(3) Siau-pen-k’i-king dp A tt in two kiouen ; translated by the Sramama Xi-yau, A. D. 196. The next history of Buddha in point of the date of its _ translation is the
(4) Ta-tseu-sui-ying-pen-k’i-king.
AF Fi HE AK te
D. 196. The next history of Buddha in point of the date of its _ translation is the
(4) Ta-tseu-sui-ying-pen-k’i-king.
AF Fi HE AK te
This is the work of an Updsaka belonging to the Wu dynasty (222-264 A.D.), who came to China towards the end of the After-Han dynasty, and was a diligent translator. The work before us is a brief one, divided into two parts, without any subdivision into sections. The first part, which resembles the translation last noticed, takes us to the defeat of Mara. The second includes in it a description of Buddha’s condition as the ‘fully enlightened,’ and also the conversion of the fire-worshipping K4syapas. With respect to his work of preaching, this book has the peculiarity of excluding all mention of the journey to Benares after the enlightenment. It makes the conversion of the five men take place near the Bodhi tree in Magadha, and omits all mention of Yasa, Sariputra, or Maudgalydayana. The account of the conversion of the Kasyapas is full and circumstantial. It agrees in a marked way with the particulars given in the Manual of Buddhism (Spence Hardy, pp. 188-191). The illustrations of this event, given in the Sanchi Sculptures (plates xxiv, xxxi, xxxii, Ist ed.), show that it was a popular episode in the history of Buddha at the time of the completion of the Sanchi Stdpa. It is also given in the following pages in Asvaghosha’s work, so that we cannot doubt this event formed part of the recognised work of Buddha as a teacher. This short life therefore includes in it the three portions known in the South as the distant, intermediate, and proximate epochs. The last named, however, differs materially from the more expanded account found in other books, and is in fact
XXIV FO-SHO-HING-TSAN-KING.
confined to the labour of the conversion of the five men and the three Kasyapa brothers.
We now come to the consideration of the life of Buddha known as the
(5) Kung-pen-k’i-king. AK dt
This translation was made by the Sramaza Dharmaphala in conjunction with Kong-mang-tsiang, about the year 208 A.D. It was brought by Dharmaphala from Kapilavastu, and it is said to be extracted from the Dirghagama (the long Agama), which is undoubtedly a primitive and, as we should say, a canonical work. This translation is in two parts, divided into 15 vargas.
Varga 1. Turning the wheel of the law. This section begins with Buddha’s interview with Upaka, after he had attained enlightenment, and gives an account of the conversion of the five men.
Varga 2. Indicating changes. Contains the history of Yasa, and the conversion of his four friends (Fu-nai, Puzyagit; Vimala; Kiu-yen-pih, Gavampati ; Su-to, Sub4hu).
Varga 3. The conversion of K4syapa.
Varga 4. Converts Bimbis4ra raga.
Varga 5. Conversion of Sariputra and Maudgalydyana.
Varga 6. Returns to his own country.
Varga 7. The history of Su-ta (i.e. Sudatta or Anathapizdada).
Varga 3. The conversion of K4syapa.
Varga 4. Converts Bimbis4ra raga.
Varga 5. Conversion of Sariputra and Maudgalydyana.
Varga 6. Returns to his own country.
Varga 7. The history of Su-ta (i.e. Sudatta or Anathapizdada).
Varga 8. The history of the queen of Udy4na, king of Kausambi. She would not comply with the king’s wishes, because it was a fast day.
Varga 9. Gautami becomes a Bhikshuvi.
Varga 10. Inconstancy. Contains the history of Prasenagit’s interview with Buddha, and of the minister who had lost his child.
Varga 11. Self-love. Contains the history of an interview with Prasenagit, and a sermon preached by Buddha on self-love.
Varga 12. Conversion of Mahak4syapa (Agnidatta).
Varga 13. Conversion of AmbapAli.
INTRODUCTION. XXV
Varga 14. Discussion with the Nirgranthas.
Varga 15. Buddha eats the food fit for horses'.
It will be seen from the above summary, that so early at least as the end of the second century A.D. a life of Buddha, with the details above named, was in circulation in Kapilavastu.
The next life of Buddha, in point of date, is the second version of the Lalita Vistara, known in China as the
(6) Phi-yau-king. He
This was translated by the Indian priest Dharmaraksha, during the Western Tsin dynasty, about A.D. 300. It is in eight chapters, and belongs to the expanded class of Buddhist literature. The story of Buddha’s life is here told from his birth to his death, but in the exaggerated and wearisome form peculiar to the works of this (expanded) school. It would seem as if the idea of merit attaching to the reproduction of every word of the sacred books had led the later writers, not only to reproduce the original, but to introduce, by an easy but tiresome method, the repetition of a simple idea under a multitude of verbal forms, and so secure additional merit?.
There is another life of Buddha named in the Chinese Catalogues, translated A. D. 420 by Buddhabhadra, who was a descendant of Amrztodana, the uncle of Buddha. This life is named
(7) Kwo-hu-yin-ko-king. a AR OR
It is in four kiouen. It has not come under my notice; but another translation of the same text, likewise in four kiouen, and made shortly after Buddhabhadra by a native of Mid-India called Guwabhadra (A.D. 436), is before me. This work is called
» See Abstract of Four Lectures, p. 52. ? To show the character of this style of composition we give at the end (Note II) a section from this Stra relating to the birth of Bodhisattva.
XXVi FO-SHO-HING-TSAN-KING.
(8) | Kwo-hu-hien-tsai-yin-ko-king.
mR EAR
It is not divided into sections, but each kiouen embraces a distinct portion of the history.
Kiouen I contains an accdunt of Sumedhas and his nomination by Dipankara Buddha. It then proceeds to narrate the events attending the conception, incarnation, and early years of the Bodhisattva until his tenth year, and his superiority at school (p. 26).
Kiouen I contains an accdunt of Sumedhas and his nomination by Dipankara Buddha. It then proceeds to narrate the events attending the conception, incarnation, and early years of the Bodhisattva until his tenth year, and his superiority at school (p. 26).
Kiouen II begins with the martial contest and victory of Bodhisattva over his compeers, and ends with the flight from his palace at nineteen years of age (p. 27).
Kiouen III begins with Bodhisattva’s interview with the different Rishis, and concludes with the conversion of the five men after Buddha’s enlightenment (p. 34).
Kiouen IV begins with the conversion of Yasa and his father, and afterwards his fifty friends. It then gives in great detail the history of the K4syapas, and ends with an account of the gift of the Getavana. This life of Buddha is of a circumstantial character, and is full of interesting episodes.
The next memoir in point of time of translation is the history of Buddha as it occurs in the Vinaya Pifaka. I shall take as my example the Vinaya according to the Mahisasaka school. In the 15th and 16th chapters of this work is a brief life of Buddha. This copy of the Vinaya was brought from Ceylon by Fa-hien at the beginning of the fifth century (A.D. 414); it was not translated by him, but by Buddhagiva, a native of Cophene, A.D. 423 (see Abstract of Four Lectures, p. 21), with the assistance of Tao-sing (Ku-tao-sing), a Sramavza of Khoten.
In this life the order of events (and the precise words occasionally) agree with the Pali of the Mahavagga, as published by Oldenberg. It begins, however, with the history of the origin of the Sakyas, and in this it resembles the account in the Manual of Buddhism, except that in the Chinese the
1 Spence Hardy, p. 130.
INTRODUCTION. XXVil
description of Ganta, the son of Amba, is that he was contemptible and ugly, whilst in the Singhalese account he is described as lovely and well-favoured. After the complete enlightenment, Buddha sits in contemplation at the foot of different trees. Here there occurs a divergence from the Pali, as it is in the interval of his remaining thus in contemplation that he visits the village of Senapati, and gives to his daughter Sugt4 the two refuges in Buddha and the law. This is a curious statement, as it seems to imply that at that time the triple refuge was not known; in other words, that there was no Sangha, or Church.
This is a curious statement, as it seems to imply that at that time the triple refuge was not known; in other words, that there was no Sangha, or Church.
The interview with Upaka is identical with the Pali. The sermon at Benares and the conversion of the five men, the visit to and conversion of Bimbis4ra, the conversion of Yasa and his friends, the visit to Uruvilva and the Kasyapas, the conversion of Upatishya and Kolita—all this is as in the Southern account. The narrative then breaks off suddenly, and the rules of the Vinaya with respect to teacher and pupil &c. are introduced. This notice of Buddha’s life, although not translated in China before the fifth century, must date back-from the time when the Southern copy of the Vinaya, which Fa-hien brought from China, was first put together. The Mahisdsika school was an offshoot from the Aryasthavira branch of the Buddhist church, and in all probability was regarded in Ceylon as orthodox, in opposition to the Mahdsanghikas. It is curious that in the Mahdsanghika copy of the Vinaya which Fa-hien brought from Patna, and which he himself translated into Chinese, there is no section corresponding to the one just adduced, that is, this copy of the Vinaya contains no record of Buddha’s life. This may be accounted for on the ground that the two redactions were made at different times and at places far apart. But yet it is curious that a copy of the Vinaya brought from Patna, and said to have been copied from an authentic original, should differ so widely from a copy found by the same person at the same time in Ceylon’. This circumstance at any rate will
1 Fa-hien, p. 144.
XXVili FO-SHO-HING-TSAN-KING.
show the mixed character of Buddhist books in China, and the difficulty of classifying them in any distinct order.
We come now to notice a life of Buddha translated by a native Chinese priest. It is called the
(9) Fo-pen-hing-king
Oh AS 47 and was translated by Pao-yun, a companion of Fa-hien in his travels in India, about A.D. 420. It is in seven chapters, and composed in varying measures or verses of 4, 5 or 7 symbols to the line. We have no means of determining the name of the original work from which Pao-yun translated his book, but it evidently was not the Buddhafarita-kavya of Asvaghosha. It resembles it in no particular, except that it is in verse. The contents of this work I have already given elsewhere (Abstract of Four Lectures, Pp. 100); so that there is no need to allude to it here at any length.
Nor need I refer, except to name it, to the Chinese version of the Lalita Vistara. This translation was made by the Sramaza Divakara during the Tang dynasty. He was a native of Mid-India, and flourished in China A.D. 676. It is in 12 chapters and 27 sections. The headings of these chapters have been given elsewhere (Catalogue, pp. 18, 19). The contents of the Chinese version agree in the main with the Tibetan. It is named
(10) Fang-kwang-tai-Awang-yan-king. 7 Be A HE he
676. It is in 12 chapters and 27 sections. The headings of these chapters have been given elsewhere (Catalogue, pp. 18, 19). The contents of the Chinese version agree in the main with the Tibetan. It is named
(10) Fang-kwang-tai-Awang-yan-king. 7 Be A HE he
There is a life of Buddha translated by an Indian priest of Cophene, about A.D. 445, which is called
(11) Sang-kia-lo-c’ha-sho-tsih-fo-hing-king. fe tin He A) BT Se OR TT RE
This appears to have been written by a priest called Sangharaksha, who was born in the kingdom of Su-lai, and came to Gandhdra when Kanishka flourished. This monarch is called in the text Kien-to-ki-ni-wang. The
INTRODUCTION. XXIX
symbols Kien-to correspond with the family title given elsewhere to Kanishka, viz. Xan-tan, i.e. Xandana or sandalwood (see the work Tsah-pao-tsang-king in the Indian Office Collection of Buddhist Books, kiouen vi, fol. 12 [Catalogue, case Ixvi]). This Chinese title may probably correspond with the tribal name of Gushan, or perhaps (according to Oldenberg) with the title Koiranos, of the coins. But in any case Sangharaksha is said to have lived during the time of this monarch, and to have written the life of Buddha, which was afterwards translated into Chinese by Sanghabhadanta (?). This work is in 5 kiouen; it comprises the usual stories from the birth of Buddha to the distribution of his relics after his death. There is at the end a curious story about Asoka, who reigned 100 years after the Nirvana. He is said to have had a dream which induced him to assemble the Bhikshus in a convocation. He was told by them that there was in Ragagrtha a casket on which there was a record enshrined, or a gold plate, which had been delivered by Buddha. On opening the casket a prophecy was found stating that in Magadha, in the city of R4égagriha, there were two householders whose two sons were called Vigayamitra and Vasudatta ; of these the former, in consequence of his merit in giving a ball of earth to Buddha, should be born 100 years after as Asoka raga of the Maurya family. In consequence of this prophecy Asoka built 84,000 shrines for the relics of Buddha, obeying in this the direction of his dream, that he should cause the satiras of the holy one to be everywhere diffused.
Another life of Buddha is one I have partly translated in the Romantic History of Buddha. It is called
(12) Fo-pen-hing-tsih-king Hi AS 4t SRO and was translated by G#anagupta or G#anakita of the Tsui dynasty (circ. A.D. 588). It is said to be the same as the Abhinishkramaza Siatra, but of this there is no positive evidence. It is in 60 kiouen, and embraces Buddha’s history from the beginning to the time of the conversion of the Kasyapas and others.
XXX FO-SHO-HING-TSAN-KING.
The following is the title of a life of Buddha, translated by Fa-khin of the Sung dynasty (began 960 A.D.), and named
(13) Fo-shwo-kung-hu-mo-ho-ti-king Ob Gt SR BF EB ad ie
XXX FO-SHO-HING-TSAN-KING.
The following is the title of a life of Buddha, translated by Fa-khin of the Sung dynasty (began 960 A.D.), and named
(13) Fo-shwo-kung-hu-mo-ho-ti-king Ob Gt SR BF EB ad ie
which is, as it appears, a work of the Sammatiya school of Buddhism, corresponding with the Mahavastu. The phrase SR af is used in the introductory chapter to denote Sammata, who was ‘chosen by all’ to be the first king; and i =f rs is the Chinese form of Mah4vastu, ‘the great (thing). This memoir is in 2 vols. and 13 kiouen; it is very complete, agreeing in its details with the notices found in the Manual of Buddhism, and in Bigandet’s Life of Godama. It was probably in the original a Pali work. The last version of the Lalita Vistara, known as the
(14) Shin-t’ung-yaou-hi-king, ih Bt SHE BR aE has not come under my notice.
ASVAGHOSHA.
The most reliable of the lives of Buddha known in China is that translated in the present volume, the Buddhakarita-kavya. It was no’ doubt written by the Bodhisattva Asvaghosha, who was the twelfth Buddhist patriarch, and a contemporary of Kanishka!. Translators in China attribute both this book and the work which I have called the ‘Sermons of Asvaghosha’ (ta kwang yan king lun) to him, and there is no reason to question it. Kuméaragiva, who _ translated the latter work, was too familiar with Indian subjects to be mistaken in this particular, and Dharmaraksha (we will employ this restoration of his name) was also a native of Mid-India, and deeply versed in Buddhist
1 There is no absolute certainty about the date of Kanishka; it may probably be referred to the beginning of the latter half of the first century a, D. (see next page).
INTRODUCTION. XXxi
literature (he became a disciple at six years of age). Both these translators lived about A.D. 400.
(see next page).
INTRODUCTION. XXxi
literature (he became a disciple at six years of age). Both these translators lived about A.D. 400.
I am told, however, by Mr. Rockhill, that TArAndtha, the Tibetan author, mentions three writers of the name of Asvaghosha, the ‘great one,’ the younger, and one who lived in the eighth century A.D. This latter, who was also called Cura, could not be the Asvaghosha of our text, as the translation of the work dates from the fifth century. And as of the other two, one was called ‘the great’ and the other ‘the younger, it admits of little question that the Bodhisattva would be the former. But in the Chinese Catalogues, so far as I have searched, there is no mention made of more than one writer called by this name, and he is ever affirmed to have been a contemporary of Kanishka. In the book Tsah-pao-tsang-king, for instance (kiouen vi), there are several tales told of the Kandan ‘Kanika’ or ‘Kanishka,’ in one of which (fol. 13) Asvaghosha is distinctly named as his religious adviser, and he is there called ‘the Bodhisattva ;’ so that, according to evidence derived from Chinese sources, there seems no reason to doubt that the author of the book I have here translated was living at and before the time of the Scythian invasion of Magadha under the Kandan king Kanishka. With respect to the date of this monarch we have no positive evidence ; the weight of authority sides with those who place him at the beginning of the Saka period, i.e. A.D. 78. It is therefore possible that the emissaries who left China A.D. 64 and returned A.D. 67 may have brought back with them some knowledge of the work of Asvaghosha called Fo-pen-hing, or of the original then circulating in India, on which Asvaghosha founded his poem. It is singular at least that the work of Asvaghosha is in five chapters as well as that translated by Au-fa-lan. In any case we may conclude that as early as about A.D. 70, if not before, there was in India a work known as Buddhaéfarita (Fo-pen-hing).
As to the origin of such a work, it seems likely to have sprung from an enlargement of the Mahaparinirvaza Sdtra. We know that the record of the history of Buddha’s last
XXxli FO-SHO-HING-TSAN-KING.
70, if not before, there was in India a work known as Buddhaéfarita (Fo-pen-hing).
As to the origin of such a work, it seems likely to have sprung from an enlargement of the Mahaparinirvaza Sdtra. We know that the record of the history of Buddha’s last
XXxli FO-SHO-HING-TSAN-KING.
days was extant under this title from early times, and nothing would be simpler than the gradual enlargement of such a record, so as to include in it not only his last days, but his work throughout his life. Each district in which Buddha taught had probably its own recollections on this point, and to any zealous writer the task of connecting these several histories would be an easy one. Such a man was Asvaghosha. Brought up in Central India, travelling throughout his life as a preacher and musician, and finally a follower of Kanishka through his Northern campaigns ; such a man would naturally be led to put together the various tales or traditions he had gathered as to the birth and life of his great master, and connect them with the already recognised account of his end or last days on earth. The detailed account of Buddha’s death, recorded in the Mahdparinirvawa Satra, finds a place at the end of the present work; this account being well known to Asvaghosha, there can be no difficulty in understanding how he came to write an entire poem on the subject of the master’s life and death.
I am told by Professor Max Miiller that the Sanskrit versions of the Buddhafarita break off at the end of varga 17, that is, after the account of the conversion of the great K4syapa. Whether this is accidental, or whether it indicates the original extent of the poem, I have no means of judging. One thing is certain, that at the time when the translation was made by Dharmaraksha (viz. about A.D. 420), the work was of the size of the present volume. There is no a priori reason for supposing the later portion to have been added by a writer subsequent to Asvaghosha. A poem does not easily admit of ‘a continuation’ by another author; nor can we think that a distinguished writer like Asvaghosha would omit in his biography the account of the death of his hero, especially as the materials were at hand, and the dramatic effect of the poem would be undoubtedly increased by the addition of such a popular record. It seems therefore more natural to suppose that the Sanskrit MSS. are incomplete copies of the original, and that the Chinese version before us is in
INTRODUCTION. XXXill
fact a translation of the entire poem as it came from its author’s hands.