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The Yî King — Sacred Books of China Part II, SBE Vol. 16 (trans. James Legge, 1882)

English·1879–1910·trans. James Legge·333 passages

The text · part 14 of 16

The Yi says, “ He is a burden-bearer, and yet rides in a carriage, thereby exciting robbers to attack him.” Burden-bearing is the business of a small man. A carriage is the vehicle of a gentleman. When a small man rides in the vehicle of a gentlep. 364man, robbers will think of taking it from him. (When one is) insolent to those above him, and oppressive to those below, robbers will wish to attack him. Careless laying up of things excites to robbery, (as a woman’s) adorning of herself excites to lust. What the Yi says about the burdenbearer’s riding in a carriage, and exciting robbers to attack him, (shows how) robbery is called out.’

Chapter VIII, paragraphs 38-48. In the first two paragraphs here we have an account of the formation of the diagrams, and of the explanation of the whole hexagrams and of the individual lines. ‘The sage’ in paragraph 38 is intended presumably of FQ-hsi; but we cannot say, from it, whether the writer thought of him as having formed only the eight trigrams, or all the sixty-four hexagrams. In the diagrams, however, we have semblances, or representations, of the phenomena of nature, even the most complex, and hard to be disentangled. Paragraph 39 goes on to speak of the explanation more especially of the individual lines, by the duke of Kau, as symbolical of good luck or evil, as they turned up in the processes of divination.

Paragraph 40 declares the usableness (so to speak) of the diagrams and the explanations of them; and 41 shows us how a learner or consulter of the Yi would actually proceed in using it.

In paragraphs 42-48 we have the words of Confucius on seven lines in so many hexagrams, or°rather his amplification of the words of the duke of Aau’s explanations of their symbolism. The lines are 2 of hexagram 61; 5 of 13; 1 Of 28; 3 of 15; 6 of 1; 1 of 60; and 3 of 40. What Confucius says is not without interest, but does not make the principles on which the Yf was made any clearer to us. It shows how his object was to turn the symbolism that he found to a moral or ethical account; and no doubt he could have varied the symbolism, if he had been inclined to do so.

I have spoken in the preceding chapter of the difficulty which the phrase ‘The Master said’ presents to our accepting the Appendix as from the hand of Confucius himself. But his words in paragraph 43 are in rhyme. He did not speak so. If he rhymed his explanation of the symbolism of the line that is the groundwork of that paragraph, why did he not rhyme his explanations of

CHAP. g. APPENDIX III. 365

Chapter IX. 49. To heaven belongs (the number) 1; to earth, 2; to heaven, 3; to earth, 4; to heaven, 5; to earth,6; to heaven, 7; to earth, 8; to heaven, 9; to earth, Io.

g. APPENDIX III. 365

Chapter IX. 49. To heaven belongs (the number) 1; to earth, 2; to heaven, 3; to earth, 4; to heaven, 5; to earth,6; to heaven, 7; to earth, 8; to heaven, 9; to earth, Io.

50. The numbers belonging to heaven are five, and those belonging to earth are (also) five. The numbers of these two series correspond to each other (in their fixed positions), and each one has another that may be considered its mate. The heavenly numbers amount to 25, and the earthly to
30. The numbers of heaven and earth together amount to 55. It is by these that the changes and transformations are effected, and the spirit-like agencies kept in movement.

51. The numbers of the Great Expansion, (multiplied together), make 50, of which (only) 49 are used (in divination). (The stalks representing these) are divided into two heaps to represent the two (emblematic lines, or heaven and earth). One is then taken (from the heap on the right), and placed (between the little finger of the left hand and the next), that there may thus be symbolised the three (powers of heaven, earth, and man). (The heaps on both sides) are manipulated by fours to represent the four seasons; and then the remainders are returned, and placed (between) the two middle fingers of the left hand, to represent the intercalary month. In five years there are two intercalations, and therefore there are two operations; and afterwards the whole process is repeated.

52. The numbers (required) for AAien (or the the other lines? To answer these questions categorically is beyond our power. The facts that suggest them increase the difficulty in ascribing this and the other additions to the Yf to the later sage.

p. 366

undivided line) amount to 216; those for Khwan (or the divided line), to 144. Together they are 360, corresponding to the days of the year.

53. The number produced by the lines in the two parts (of the Yi) amount to 11,520, corresponding to the number of all things.

54. Therefore by means of the four operations is the Yicompleted. It takes 18 changes to form a hexagram.

55. (The formation of) the eight trigrams constitutes the small completion (of the Y1).

56. If we led on the diagrams and expanded them, if we prolonged each by the addition of the proper lines, then all events possible under the sky might have their representation.

57. (The diagrams) make manifest (by their appended explanations), the ways (of good and ill fortune), and show virtuous actions in their spiritual relations. In this way, by consulting them, we may receive an answer (to our doubts), and we may also by means of them assist the spiritual (power in its agency in nature and providence).

58. The Master said:—‘ He who knows the method of change and transformation may be said to know what is done by that spiritual (power).’

Chapter IX, paragraphs 49-58, is of a different character from any of the preceding, and treats, unsatisfactorily, of the use of numbers in connexion with the figure of the Yi and the practice of divination.

In the Thang edition of the Y1, published in the seventh century, paragraph 49 is the first of the eleventh chapter according to the arrangement now followed. AhAng-3ze restored it to its present place, which it occupied, as has been proved, during the Han

CHAP. 10. APPENDIX III. 367

Chapter X. 59. In the Yi there are four things characteristic of the way of the sages. We should set the highest value on its explanations to guide dynasty, and to which it properly belongs. It and the next paragraph should be taken together, and are distinct from what follows, though the Thang edition is further confused in placing 51 before 50.

In 49 and 50 ‘heaven’ and ‘earth’ are used as we have seen Xhien and Khw4n are in paragraphs 30 and 34. Odd numbers belong to the strong or undivided line, which is symbolical of the active operation in nature, and the even numbers to the weak or divided line, symbolical of its inaction. The phraseology of the paragraphs, however, can only be understood by a reference to ‘the river map,’ which has been given in the Introduction, pages 15, 16.

The map, as it appeared on the back of ‘ the dragon-horse,’ consisted of so many circles, and so many dark circular markings, the former, it was assumed, being of the yang character, and the latter of the yin. Ff-hsf for the circle substituted the strong or undivided line ( ), and for the dark markings the weak or divided (— —). It will be seen that the yang symbols are the 1, 3, 5, 7 and g circles, and the yin are the 2, 4, 6, 8 and ro circular markings, which is the pictorial delineation of paragraph 49. The only thing to be said upon it is that the arrangement of the five circles and ten circular markings is peculiar, and evidently devised ‘for a purpose.’ So far, however, as we know, no figure of the map was attempted till after the beginning of our twelfth century.

The same figure is supposed to illustrate what is said in paragraph 50: ‘The numbers of the two series correspond to each other in their fixed positions.’ 1 and 2, and 3 and 4 certainly front each other, and perhaps 5 and 6; but 7 and 8, and g and 10 do not do so in the same way. It is said also that ‘each has another that may be considered its mate.’ So it is with 1 and 6, 2 and 7, 3 and 8, 4 and 9g, but hardly with 5 andro. Further, 1+3+5 +7+9=25; 2+4+6+8+10=30; and 25+30=55; all of which points are stated.

The last statement in the paragraph, however, derives no illustration, so far as I can see, from the figure. How can the numbers effect the things that are predicated of them? There is a

p. 368

The last statement in the paragraph, however, derives no illustration, so far as I can see, from the figure. How can the numbers effect the things that are predicated of them? There is ap. 368 us in speaking; on its changes for (the initiation of) our movements; on its emblematic figures for (definite action as in) the construction of implements;

jargon indeed about the formation of the five elements, but in order to make it appear not reasonable, but capable of being related, writers call in ‘the Lo writing’ to the aid of ‘the Ho map;’ and ‘the five elements’ is a division of the constituents of material things, which is foreign to the Yi.

Paragraph 51 is intended to describe the process of divination in manipulating the stalks, but the description is confused by introducing into it the four seasons and the subject of intercalation, so as to be very difficult to understand.

In the middle of the Ho map are the five circles symbolical of heaven and the ten dark terrestrial markings (five above and five below the others). These multiplied together give fifty, which form ‘the great expansion.’ But 50 divining stalks or slips, when divided, give either two odd numbers or two even; and therefore one was put on one side. The remaining 49, however divided, were sure to give two parcels of stalks, one containing an even number of stalks, and the other an odd, and so might be said fancifully to represent the undivided or strong, and the divided or weak line. It is needless to go minutely into the other steps of the process. Then comes in the counting the stalks by four, because there are four seasons in the year, and those that remain represent the intercalary days. But how could such a process be of any value to determine the days necessary to be intercalated in any particular year? The paragraph shows, however, that, when it was written, the rule was to intercalate two months in five years. But it does not say how many days would remain to be carried on to the sixth year after the second intercalation.

Paragraph 52. The actual number of the undivided and divided lines in the hexagrams is the same, 192 of each. But the representative number of an undivided line is 9, and of a divided line 6. Now 9 x4 (the number of the emblematic figures) x 6 (the lines of each hexagram)= 216; and 6x4x6=144. The sum of these products is 360, which was assumed, for the purpose of working the intercalation, as the standard length of the year. But this was derived from observation, and other considerations ;—it did not come out of the Yf.

Paragraphs 53-56. The number in 53 arises thus:—192 (the

CHAP. Io. APPENDIX III. 369

and on its prognostications for our practice of divination.

But this was derived from observation, and other considerations ;—it did not come out of the Yf.

Paragraphs 53-56. The number in 53 arises thus:—192 (the

CHAP. Io. APPENDIX III. 369

and on its prognostications for our practice of divination.

60. Therefore, when a superior man is about to take action of a more private or of a public character, he asks (the Yi), making his inquiry in words. It receives his order, and the answer comes as the echo’s response. Be the subject remote or near, mysterious or deep, he forthwith knows of what kind will be the coming result. (If the Y1) were not the most exquisite thing under heaven, would it be concerned in such an operation as this ?

61. (The stalks) are manipulated by threes and fives to determine (one) change; they are laid on opposite sides, and placed one up, one down, to make sure of their numbers; and the (three necessary)

number of each series of lines in the sixty-four hexagrams) x 36 (obtained as above) = 6912, and 192 x 24= 4608, the sum of which =11,520. This is said to be ‘the number of all things,’ the meaning of which I do not know. The ‘four operations’ are those described in paragraph 31. They were thrice repeated in divination to determine each new line, and of course it took eighteen of them to form a hexagram. The diagrams might be extended ad infinitum, both in the number of lines and of figures, by the natural process of their formation as shown in the Introduction, page 14, without the aid of the divining stalks; and no sufficient reason can be given why the makers of the figures stopped at sixty-four.

It is difficult to believe the first statement in paragraph 57 and to understand the second. What is it ‘to Shan or spiritualise virtuous actions?’ The concluding statement approximates to impiety.

We may grant what is affirmed in paragraph 58, but does the Yi really give us any knowledge of the processes of change and transformation in nature? What wiser are we after all the affirmations about numbers? ‘Change’ = changings, understood actively :—the work of Heaven ; ‘ transformations’ =evolution:—the finish given by earth to the changing caused by Heaven,

[16] Bbp. 370 changes are gone through with in this way, till they form the figures pertaining to heaven or to earth. Their numbers are exactly determined, and the emblems of (all things) under the sky are fixed. (If the Yt) were not the thing most capable of change of all things under heaven, how could it effect such a result as this ?

62. In (all these operations forming) the Y1, there is no thought and no action. It is still and without movement; but, when acted on, it penetrates forthwith to all phenomena and events under the sky. If it were not the most spirit-like thing under the sky, how could it be found doing this ?

63. The (operations forming the) Yt are the method by which the sages searched out exhaustively what was deep, and investigated the minutest springs (of things).

If it were not the most spirit-like thing under the sky, how could it be found doing this ?

63. The (operations forming the) Yt are the method by which the sages searched out exhaustively what was deep, and investigated the minutest springs (of things).

64. ‘Those operations searched out what was deep :'—therefore they could penetrate to the views of all under the sky. ‘They made apparent the minutest springs of (things) :-—therefore they could bring to a completion all undertakings under the sky. ‘Their action was spirit-like :—therefore they could make speed without hurry, and reached their destination without travelling.

65. This is the import of what the Master said, that ‘In the Yt there are four things indicating the way of the sages.’

Chapter X, paragraphs 59-65, enlarges on the service rendered to men by the Y?, owing to the’ way in which it was made by the sages to express their views and carry into effect their wishes.

Paragraph 59 mentions the four things in which its usefulness appears. ‘The emblematic figures’ are the four hsiang, which are produced by the manipulation of the undivided and divided

CHAP. IT. APPENDIX III. 371

Chapter XI. 66. The Master said :—‘ What is it that the Yt does? The Yt opens up (the knowledge of the issues of) things, accomplishes the undertak- ~ ings (of men), and embraces under it (the way of) all things under the sky. This and nothing more is what the Yt does. Thereby the sages, through (divination by) it, would give their proper course to the aims of all under the sky, would give stability to their undertakings, and determine their doubts.’

67. Therefore the virtue of the stalks is versatile lines, and whose representative numbers are 9, 8, 7,6. ‘Divination’ appears in the paragraph as pfi-shih, which means ‘divination by the tortoise-shell and by the stalks.’ But the tortoise-shell had nothing to do with the use of the Yf. Before the composition of these Appendixes the two terms must have been combined to express the practice of divination, without reference to its mode.

Paragraph 60 speaks of the explanations and prognostications of the Yf. The ‘ exquisiteness’ ascribed to it would be due to the sages who had devised it, and appended their explanations to it; but the whole thing has no existence save in cloud-land.

Paragraph 61 speaks of the operations with the stalks till the various changes in the results issued in the determination of the emblematic figures, and then in the fixing of the individual lines and entire hexagrams. Even X€@ Hsf admits that the references to the different processes are now hardly intelligible.

Paragraph 62. How could the writer speak of the Yf without thought or action as being most ‘spirit-like?’ If it did what he asserts, those who contrived it might be so described? They would have been beings whose operation was indeed like that of spirits, inscrutable, ‘ unfathomable’ (paragraph 32), even like that of the Spirit of God (VI, ro).

They would have been beings whose operation was indeed like that of spirits, inscrutable, ‘ unfathomable’ (paragraph 32), even like that of the Spirit of God (VI, ro).

Paragraphs 63 and 64 ought not to be taken as saying that the sages did the things described for themselves by the Yi. They knew them of themselves, and made the Yf that others might come by it to do the same. So the writer imagined. No words could indicate more clearly than those of paragraph 65 that the paragraphs between it and 59 did not come from Confucius, but from the compiler of the Great Appendix, whoever he was.

Bb2

p. 372

and spirit-like; that of the diagrams is exact and wise ; and the meaning given by the six lines is changeful to give (the proper information to men). The sages having, by their possession of these (three virtues), cleansed their minds, retired and laid them up in the secrecy (of their own consciousness). But their sympathies were with the people in regard both to their good fortune and evil. By their spirit-like ability they knew (the character of) coming events, and their wisdom had stored up (all experiences of) the past. Who could be able to accomplish all this? (Only our) ancient sages, quick in apprehension and clear in discernment, of far-reaching intelligence, and all-embracing knowledge, and with a majesty, going spirit-like to its objects ;—it was only they who could do so.

68. Therefore (those sages), fully understanding the way of Heaven, and having clearly ascertained the experience of the people, instituted (the employment of) these spirit-like things, as a provision for the use of the people. The sages went about the employment of them (moreover) by purifying their hearts and with reverent caution, thereby giving (more) spirituality and intelligence to their virtue.

69. Thus, a door shut may be pronounced (analogous to) KhwAn (or the inactive condition), and the opening of the door (analogous to) AAien (or the active condition), The opening succeeding the being shut may be pronounced (analogous to what we call) a change; and the passing from one of these states to the other may be called the constant course (of things).

The (first) appearance of anything (as a bud) is

CHAP. 11. APPENDIX III. 373

what we call a semblance; when it has received its complete form, we call it a definite thing.

(The divining-plant having been produced, the sages) set it apart and laid down the method of its employment,—what we call the laws (of divination). The advantage arising from it in external and internal matters, so that the people all use it, stamps it with a character which we call spirit-like.

70. Therefore in (the system of) the Yt there is the Grand Terminus, which produced the two elementary Forms. Those two Forms produced the Four emblematic Symbols, which again produced the eight Trigrams.

71. The eight trigrams served to determine the good and evil (issues of events), and from this determination was produced the (successful prosecution of the) great business (of life).

72. Therefore of all things that furnish models and visible figures there are none greater than heaven and earth; of things that change and extend an influence (on others) there are none greater than the four seasons; of things suspended (in the sky) with their figures displayed clear and bright, there are none greater than the sun and moon; of the honoured and exalted there are none greater than he who is the rich and noble (one); in preparing things for practical use, and inventing and making instruments for the benefit of all under the sky, there are none greater than the sages; to explore what is complex, search out what is hidden, to hook up what lies deep, and reach to what is distant, thereby determining (the issues) for good or ill of all events under the sky, and making all men under heaven full of strenuous endeavours, therep. 1 are no (agencies) greater than those of the stalks and the tortoise-shell.

73. Therefore Heaven produced the spirit-like things, and the sages took advantage of them. (The operations of) heaven and earth are marked by (so many) changes and transformations; and the sages imitated them (by means of the Yt). Heaven hangs out its (brilliant) figures from which are seen good fortune and bad, and the sages made their emblematic interpretations accordingly. The Ho gave forth the map, and the Lo the writing, of (both of) which the sages took advantage.

74. In the (scheme of the) Yt there are the four symbolic figures by which they inform men (in divining of the lines making up the diagrams) ; the explanations appended to them convey the significance (of the diagrams and lines) ; and the determination (of the divination) as fortunate or the reverse, to settle the doubts (of men).

Chapter XI, paragraphs 66-74, treats of divination, and the scheme of it supplied in the Yi. That scheme must be referred first to Heaven, which produced the spirit-like things, the diviningplant and the tortoise; and next to the sages, who knew the mind of Heaven, and made the plant and shell subservient to the purpose for which they were intended.

Paragraph 66 answers the question of what the Yf does; and if there were truth or reason in it, the book and its use would be most important. I have closed the quotation of “the Master’s” words at the end of the paragraph ; but really we do not know if they extend so far, or farther.

Paragraphs 67 and 68 glorify the sages and their work. The virtues of the divining-plant all belonged to them, and it was thus that they were able to organise the scheme of divination. The production of ‘the spirit-like things’ is, in paragraph 73, ascribed to ‘Heaven ;’ the characters about them in these paragraphs mean no more than is expressed in the translation.

CHAP. 12, APPENDIX III. 375

Chapter XII. 75. It is said in the Yi, ‘Help is given to him from Heaven. There will be good fortune ; advantage in every respect.’ The Master

Paragraph 69 shows how the antinomy of the yin and yang pervades all nature, and how the sages turned it, as existing preeminently in the divining-plant, to account.

Paragraph 70. Evidently the author had in view here the genesis of the diagrams of the Y1, the number of figures increasing in a geometrical progression with the ratio of 2, while the lines of the figures form an arithmetical progression with the common difference of 1. This is quite plain after ‘the two elementary forms ( and — — =)’ have been made. They give birth to ‘the four emblematic symbols,’ each of two lines ——, <==, ==, = =; known, in this order, as the Grand or old Yang, the young Yin, the young Yang, and the Grand or old Yin). By the addition to each of these symbols first of the yang line, and then of the yin, there arise the eight trigrams, each of three lines; and the process of formation might be continued indefinitely.

But how was the first step taken in the formation of the two elementary lines? Here, it is said, they were produced by the Thai Xi, or the Grand Terminus. This is represented in AQ Hsi’s ‘Youth’s Introduction to the Study of the Yi, by a circle; but he tells us that that representation of it was first made by K4au-3ze (A.D. 1017-1073, called also KAu Tun-f, Kau M4u-shf, and, most cof all, Ku Lien-£4i), and that his readers must be careful not to suppose that Ff-hst had such a figure in his mind’s eye. I fail myself to understand how there can be generated from a circle the undivided and the broken line. Given those two lines, and the formation of the sixty-four hexagrams proceeds regularly according to the method above described. We must start from them, whether we can account or not for the rise of the idea of them in the mind of F-hsf.

Given those two lines, and the formation of the sixty-four hexagrams proceeds regularly according to the method above described. We must start from them, whether we can account or not for the rise of the idea of them in the mind of F-hsf.

Leaving the subject of the figure of the Thai Af, the name gives us hardly any clue to its meaning. 7? is used for the extreme term of anything, as the ridge-pole of a house, or the pinnacle of a pagoda. The comment on the first sentence in the paragraph by Wang Pi (a.p. 226-249) is:—‘ Existence must begin in nonexistence, and therefore the Grand Terminus produced the two elementary Forms, Th4i Af is the denomination of what has no denomination. As it cannot be named, the text takes the extreme

)

p. 376

said :—‘ YQ (jf) is the symbol of assisting. He whom Heaven assists is observant (of what is right) ; he whom men assist is sincere. The individual here indicated treads the path of sincerity and desires to be observant (of what is right), and studies to exalt the worthy. Hence “Help is given to him from Heaven. There will be good fortune, advantage in every respect.”

76. The Master said :—‘ The written characters are point of anything that exists as an analogous term for the Thai X7.’ Expanding Wang’s comment, Khung Ying-t4 says:—‘Thai Ki means the original subtle matter, that formed the one chaotic mass before heaven and earth were divided ;’ and then he refers to certain passages in Lfo-3ze’s Tao Teh King, and identifies the Thai X? with his T&o. This would seem to give to Thai AT a material meaning. The later philosophers of the Sung school, however, insist on its being immaterial, now calling it 11, the principle of order in nature, now t4o, the defined course of things, now Ti, the Supreme Power or God, now sh&n, the spiritual working of God. According to KA&ng-3ze, all these names are to be referred to that of ‘Heaven,’ of which they express so many different concepts.

Paragraph 71 speaks of divination in practice, and paragraph 72 celebrates the service done by that through the plant and shell, as equal to, and indeed the complement of, all the other services rendered by heaven and earth, the seasons, the sun and moon, the sages, and the greatest potentates, Surely, it is all very extravagant.

The last two paragraphs resume the theme of the making of the Yi by the sages, and their teaching the practice of divination. Of the Ho map and the Lo writing, I have spoken in the Introduction, pages 14-18, But if we accept the statement that the Lo writing had anything to do with the making of the Yf, we must except Ff-hsf from the sages to whom we are indebted for it. It was to the Great Yu, more than a thousand years later than F(-hst, that the Lo disclosed its writing; and Yil is never said to have had anything to do with the Yi. Nor is either of these things mentioned in Section ii, paragraph 11, where the work of Ff-hsf is described more in detail.

CHAP. 12. APPENDIX III. 377

Nor is either of these things mentioned in Section ii, paragraph 11, where the work of Ff-hsf is described more in detail.

CHAP. 12. APPENDIX III. 377

not the full exponent of speech, and speech is not the full expression of ideas ;—is it impossible then to discover the ideas of the sages?’ The Master said :—‘ The sages made their emblematic symbols to set forth fully their ideas; appointed (all) the diagrams to show fully the truth and falsehood (of things); appended their explanations to give the full expression of their words; and changed (the various lines) and made general the method of doing so, to exhibit fully what was advantageous. They (thus) stimulated (the people) as by drums and dances, thereby completely developing the spirit-like (character of the Yt).’

77. May we not say that Khien and Khwan [= the yang and yin, or the undivided and divided lines] are the secret and substance of the Yi? Kkhien and Khw&n being established in their several places, the system of changes was thereby constituted. If AAien and Khw&n were taken away, there would be no means of seeing that system; and if that system were not seen, Ahien and Khw4n would almost cease to act.

78. Hence that which is antecedent to the material form exists, we say, as an ideal method, and that which is subsequent to the material form exists, we say, as a definite thing.

Transformation and shaping is what we call change; carrying this out and operating with it is what we call generalising the method; taking the result and setting it forth for all the people under heaven is, we say, (securing the success of) the business of life.

79. Hence, to speak of the emblematic figures :— (The sage) was able to survey all the complex phep. 378nomena under the sky. He then considered in his mind how they could be figured, and (by means of the diagrams) represented their material forms and their character. Hence those (diagrams) are denominated Semblances. A (later) sage was able to survey the motive influences working all under the sky. He contemplated them in their common action and special nature, in order to bring out the standard and proper tendency of each. He then appended his explanation (to each line), to determine the good or evil indicated by it. Hence those (lines with their explanations) are denominated Imitations (the Y4o).

80. The most thorough mastery of all the complex phenomena under the sky is obtained from the diagrams. The greatest stimulus to movement in adaptation to all affairs under the sky is obtained from the explanations.

Hence those (lines
with their explanations) are denominated Imitations
(the Y4o).

81. The transformations and shaping that take place are obtained from the changes (of the lines) ; the carrying this out and operating with it is obtained from the general method (that has been established). The seeing their spirit-like intimations and understanding them depended on their being the proper men; and the completing (the study of) them by silent meditation, and securing the faith of others without the use of words, depended on their virtuous conduct.

Chapter XII, paragraphs 75-81, endeavours to show how we have in the Yf a representation of the changing phenomena of nature, and such a representation as words or speech could not convey.

Paragraph 75 has a good meaning, taken by itself; but it has no apparent connexion with the rest of the chapter. AG Hst thought

CHAP. 1. APPENDIX III. 379

Section II.

Chapter I. 1. The eight trigrams having been completed in their proper order, there were in each the (three) emblematic lines. They were then it was misplaced in its present position, and should be at the end of chapter 8. Compare paragraph 14.

The first two statements of paragraph 76 are general, but made here specially to exalt the Yt, as teaching more clearly and fully than written characters could have done. The Khang-hsi editors decide that ‘the emblematic figures’ here are the eight trigrams of F-hsf,—against the view of AQ Hst, which restricts them to signify the undivided and divided lines. The repetition of the words, ‘The Master said,’ is probably the error of an early transcriber.

The Khang-hsi editors decide that ‘the emblematic figures’ here are the eight trigrams of F-hsf,—against the view of AQ Hst, which restricts them to signify the undivided and divided lines. The repetition of the words, ‘The Master said,’ is probably the error of an early transcriber.

Paragraphs 77 and 78 refer to the phenomena of nature and the course of human affairs, as suggesting and controlling the formation of the system of the Yi. The formation of that becomes the subject in paragraph 79. AAien and Khwin are used, as we have already seen them more than once, for the active and inactive conditions in nature, indicated by the divided and undivided lines. It is difficult to translate what is said in paragraph 78, about Tao and Khi;—what I have called, ‘an ideal method’ and ‘a definite’ thing. P. Regis translates the text by—‘ Quod non est inter figurata aut corporea sed supereminet est rationale, est ratio, T&o; quod (est) inter figurata subjacetque certae figurae est sensibile, est instrumentum.’ But tao cannot here signify ratio or reason; for tao and £4f are names for the same thing under different conditions ; first as a possibility, and next as an actuality. Such is the natural interpretation of the text, and so all the great scholars of the Sung dynasty construed it, as may be seen in the ‘Collected Comments’ of the imperial edition. So far they were correct, however many of them might stumble and fall in confounding this ‘ideal method’ with God.

What follows in the paragraph has no connexion with these two statements. P. Regis, who divides his translation into two paragraphs, says:—‘Satis patet utramque textus hujus partem non cohaerere.

380 THE APPENDIXES. SECT, If.

multiplied by a process of addition till the (six) component lines appeared.

2. The strong line and the weak push themselves each into the place of the other, and hence the changes (of the diagrams) take place. The appended explanations attach to every form of them its character (of good or ill), and hence the movements (suggested by divination) are determined accordingly.

3. Good fortune and ill, occasion for repentance or regret, all arise from these movements.

4. The strong and the weak (lines) have their fixed and proper places (in the diagrams); their changes, however varied, are according to the requirements of the time (when they take place).

5. Good fortune and ill are continually prevailing each against the other by an exact rule.

6. By the same rule, heaven and earth, in their course, continually give forth (their lessons); the sun and moon continually emit their light; all the movements under the sky are constantly subject to this one and the same rule.

Quod ergo illas divisimus, id fecimus majoris perspicuitatis causa, non ratione ordinis qui certe nullus est, ut in re potius assuta quam connexa.’

Paragraph 79 is a repetition of paragraphs 38, 39, ‘to introduce,’ says K(Q Hsi, ‘the two paragraphs’ that follow.

Quod ergo illas divisimus, id fecimus majoris perspicuitatis causa, non ratione ordinis qui certe nullus est, ut in re potius assuta quam connexa.’

Paragraph 79 is a repetition of paragraphs 38, 39, ‘to introduce,’ says K(Q Hsi, ‘the two paragraphs’ that follow.

The editors of the imperial edition find in 80, 81, an amplification mainly of 76, showing how what is said there of the natural phenomena is exhibited in the Yi. The concluding sentence is a declaration (hardly necessary) about the sage makers, to the effect that they were as distinguished for virtuous conduct .as for wisdom,—‘the proper men’ to stand between Heaven and the mass of men as they did.

CHAP. I, APPENDIX III. 381

7. Khien, (the symbol of heaven, and) conveying the idea of strength, shows to men its easy (and natural) action. A Aw4n, (the symbol of earth, and) conveying the idea of docility, shows to men its compendious (receptivity and operation).

8. The Y4o (or lines) are imitative representations of this. The Hsiang, or emblematic figures, are pictorial representations of the same.

9. The movements of the lines and figures take place (at the hand of the operator), and are unseen; the good fortune or ill is seen openly and is beyond. The work to be done appears by the changes; the sympathies of the sages are seen in their explanations.

10. The great attribute of heaven and earth is the giving and maintaining life. What is most precious for the sage is to get the (highest) place— (in which he can be the human representative of heaven and earth). What will guard this position for him? Men. How shall he collect a large population round him? By the power of his wealth. The right administration of that wealth, correct instructions to the people, and prohibitions against wrong-doing ;—these constitute his righteousness.

Chapter I, paragraphs 1-10, is an amplification, according to Khung Ying-t4 and the editors of the imperial edition of the present dynasty, of the second chapter of Section i. The latter say that as all the chapters of Section i from the third onwards serve to elucidate chapter 2, so it is with this chapter and all that follow in this Section. The formation of the diagrams, and of their several lines, their indication of good fortune and bad, and the analogy between the processes of nature and the operations of divination, and other kindred subjects, are all touched on.

The order of the eight trigrams in paragraph 1, is &Aien, tui,

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Chapter II. 11. Anciently, when P4o-hst had come to the rule of all under heaven, looking up, he contemplated the brilliant forms exhibited in the sky, and looking down he surveyed the patterns shown on the earth. He contemplated the ornamental appearances of birds and beasts and the (different) suitabilities of the soil. Near at hand, in his own person, he found things for consideration, and the same at a distance, in things in general. On this he devised the eight trigrams, to show fully the

He contemplated the ornamental appearances of birds and beasts and the (different) suitabilities of the soil. Near at hand, in his own person, he found things for consideration, and the same at a distance, in things in general. On this he devised the eight trigrams, to show fully the

It, 44n, sun, khan, kan, khwan. The three lines of each are emblematic,—the first of heaven, the second of man, the third of earth. This is the most likely explanation of hsiang, ‘the emblems’ or ‘similitudes’ here. Why the maker—‘sages’—stopt at sixty-four figures, of six lines each, is a question that cannot be answered.

Paragraph 2. Of course it was a great delusion to suppose that the changes of lines consequent on divination could be so connected with the movements of life as to justify the characterising them as good or evil, or afford any guidance in the ordering of conduct.

Paragraph 4. Who can tell ‘the requirements of the time’ amid the complexity of the phenomena of nature or the ever-varying events of human experience and history? The wiser men are, the more correct will be their judgments in such matters; but is there any reason for trusting to divination about them?

Paragraphs 5, 6. It is difficult to say what is ‘the exact rule’ intended here; unless it be that the factors in every movement shall act according to their proper nature. The Khang-hst editors say :—‘We see the good sometimes meeting with misfortune, and the bad with good fortune; but such is not the general rule.’ ‘The lessons that heaven and earth give forth’ are those concerning the method of their operation as stated in paragraph 7, and more fully in 6, 7, 8 of Section i.

What is said in paragraph 10 is striking and important, and in harmony with the general strain of Confucian teaching ;—as in the Great Learning, chapter 10, and many other places; but I fail to see its appropriateness in its present place in the Yi.

CHAP. 2. APPENDIX III. 383

attributes of the spirit-like and intelligent (operations working secretly), and to classify the qualities of the myriads of things.

12. He invented the making of nets of various kinds by knitting strings, both for hunting and fishing. The idea of this was taken, probably, from Lt (the third trigram, and thirtieth hexagram).

13. On the death of P4o-hst, there arose Sh&nnang (in his place). He fashioned wood to form the share, and bent wood to make the ploughhandle. The advantages of ploughing and weeding were then taught to all under heaven. The idea of this was taken, probably, from Yt (the fortysecond hexagram).

14. He caused markets to be held at midday, thus bringing together all the people, and assembling in one place all their wares. They made their exchanges and retired, every one having got what he wanted. The idea of this was taken, probably, from Shih Ho (the twenty-first hexagram).

15. After the death of Shan-nang, there arose Hwang Tt, Y4o, and Shun. They carried through the (necessarily occurring) changes, so that the people did (what was required of them) without being wearied; yea, they exerted such a spirit-like transformation, that the people felt constrained to approve their (ordinances) as right. When a series of changes has run all its course, another change ensues. When it obtains free course, it will continue long. Hence it was that ‘these (sovereigns) were helped by Heaven; they had good fortune, and their every movement was advantageous. Hwang Ti, Y4o, and Shun (simply) wore their upper and

384 THE APPENDIXES. SECT. Il.

lower garments (as patterns to the people), and good order was secured all under heaven. The idea of all this was taken, probably, from Ahien and KhwaAn (the first and eighth trigrams, or the first and second hexagrams).

16. They hollowed out trees to form canoes; they cut others long and thin to make oars. Thus arose the benefit of canoes and oars for the help of those who had no means of intercourse with others. They could now reach the most distant parts, and all under heaven were benefited. The idea of this was taken, probably, from HwaAn (the fifty-ninth hexagram).

17. They used oxen (in carts) and yoked horses (to chariots), thus providing for the carriage of what was heavy, and for distant journeys,—thereby benefiting all under the sky. The idea of this was taken, probably, from Sui (the seventeenth hexagram).

18. They made the (defence of the) double gates, and (the warning of) the clapper, as a preparation against the approach of marauding visitors. The idea of this was taken, probably, from Yii (the sixteenth hexagram).

19. They cut wood and fashioned it into pestles ; they dug in the ground and formed mortars. Thus the myriads of the people received the benefit arising from the use of the pestle and mortar. The idea of this was taken, probably, from Hsido Kwo (the sixty-second hexagram).

20. They bent wood by means of string so as to form bows, and sharpened wood so as to make arrows. This gave the benefit of bows and arrows, and served to produce everywhere a feeling of awe.

CHAP. 2, APPENDIX III. 385

The idea of this was taken, probably, from Khwei
(the thirty-eighth hexagram).

21. In the highest antiquity they made their homes (in winter) in caves, and (in summer) dwelt in the open country. In subsequent ages, for these the sages substituted houses, with the ridgebeam above and the projecting roof below, as a provision against wind and rain. The idea of this was taken, probably, from T4 A wang (the thirtyfourth hexagram).

In subsequent ages, for these the sages substituted houses, with the ridgebeam above and the projecting roof below, as a provision against wind and rain. The idea of this was taken, probably, from T4 A wang (the thirtyfourth hexagram).

22. When the ancients buried their dead, they covered the body thickly with pieces of wood, having laid it in the open country. They raised no mound over it, nor planted trees around; nor had they any fixed period for mourning. In subsequent ages the sages substituted for these practices the inner and outer coffins. The idea of this was taken, probably, from T4 Kwo (the twenty-eighth hexagram).

23. In the highest antiquity, government was carried on successfully by the use of knotted cords (to preserve the memory of things). In subsequent ages the sages substituted for these written characters and bonds. By means of these (the doings of) all the officers could be regulated, and (the affairs of) all the people accurately examined. The idea of this was taken, probably, from Kwai (the forty-third hexagram).

Chapter II, paragraphs 11-23, treats of the progress of civilisation in China, and how the great men of antiquity who led the way in the various steps of that progress were guided by the Yf. Only five of these are mentioned ;—the first, Fa-hs?, the beginning of whose reign, according to the least unlikely of the chronological accounts, must be placed in the 34th century B.c., while Shun’s

[16] cc

386 THE APPENDIXES. SECT. It,

Chapter III. 24. Therefore what we call the Yi is (a collection of) emblematic lines. They are styled emblematic as being resemblances.

reign ended in sB.c. 2203. The time embraced in this chapter therefore is about twelve centuries and a half. But the writer gives his own opinion that the various discoveries and inventions mentioned were suggested to their authors by certain hexagrams of the Yi. The most commonly received view, however, is that Ff-hst had only the eight trigrams, and that the multiplication of them to the 64 hexagrams was the work of king Wan, fully a thousand years later than Shun. This is the view of the editors of the imperial Yf. If it be contended that Ff-hst himself multiplied his trigrams, and gave their names to the resulting hexagrams, how could he have wrapped up in them the intimations of discoveries which were not made till many centuries after his death? The statements in the chapter cannot be received as historical. It came from another hand, and not from Confucius himself. The writer or compiler gives the legends current about the various inventions of his time. The making of the trigrams is placed first of all to do honour to the Yi. The account of it is different from that given in paragraph 73 of the former Section, and we hear nothing of the Ho map or Lo writing.

The making of the trigrams is placed first of all to do honour to the Yi. The account of it is different from that given in paragraph 73 of the former Section, and we hear nothing of the Ho map or Lo writing.

Paragraph 11. Pao-hsf here and in 13 is the same as Ff-hsf. As P4o is written here, there is no meaning in it; but another character Phéo (Fei) is more common, and Phao-hst would mean the inventor of the kitchen and cookery. This was the first step towards civilisation, and was appropriately followed by the bunting and fishing—both by means of nets—in paragraph 12.

Paragraphs 13, 14 celebrate the work of Shan-nang, ‘the marvellous or spirit-like husbandman.’ There was no metal about the primitive plough. The market for the exchange of commodities, without the use of coin, was an important advance.

The invention of the robes, or of dress, mentioned in paragraph 15, would seem to show that previously men had been in a very rude state. The passage indicates, however, the courtesies and proprieties of social life, in which dress plays an important part, and which now began to be organised.

The infant navigation in paragraph 16 was as little indebted to the use of metal as the agriculture of 13.

Paragraphs 17 and 18 show that in those primitive times there

CHAP. 3s APPENDIX III. 387

25. What we call the Thwan (or king Wan’s explanations) are based on the significance (of each hexagram as a whole).

26. We call the lines (of the figures) Y4o from their being according to the movements taking place all under the sky.

27. In this way (we see) the rise of good fortune and evil, and the manifestation of repentance and regret.

were already the practices of rapine and war. ‘The double gates’ were those of the city wall, and of the enclosed suburb. The clapper may still be heard all over China. Bows and arrows, however, came rather later, as in 20.

I suppose ‘the sages’ in paragraphs 21, 22, 23 refer generally to the great names mentioned in the previous chapters; nor can we define the distinction in the writer or compiler’s mind between ‘antiquity’ and ‘the highest antiquity.’ Compare what is said on the rise of the coffin in 22 with Mencius’ remarks on the same subject in Book III, ii, 5. 4. He would hardly have expressed himself as he did, if he had been familiar with this text. The invention of written characters is generally ascribed to Ff-hsf. Paragraph 23 does not say so, but the inventor is said to have been a sage of a subsequent age to the time of ‘high antiquity.’ That ‘high antiquity’ must stretch back very far.

Chapter III, paragraphs 24-27, treats of the Yf as made up of figurative diagrams, which again are composed of lines ever changing, in accordance with the phenomena of nature and human experience, while to the resulting figures their moral character and providential issues are appended by the sages. It may be regarded as an epitome of chapter 2 in Section i.

It may be regarded as an epitome of chapter 2 in Section i.

Paragraph 24. It is observed by the editors of the imperial edition that a chapter should not begin with a ‘therefore;’ and they are inclined to agree with many critics who would enter this as the last paragraph of the preceding chapter. In that case it would be a summing-up of the concluding sentences of the different paragraphs, the truth and genuineness of which are deservedly suspected. The characters for ‘therefore,’ however, are very loosely used in these Appendixes.—The lines, as they were intended by cc2

p. 388

Chapter IV. 28. In the Yang trigrams (or those of the undivided line) there are more of the Yin lines, and in the Yin trigrams (or those of the divided line) there are more of the Yang lines.

29. What is the cause of this? It is because the Yang lines are odd (or made by one stroke), and the Yin lines are even (or made by two strokes).

30. What (method of) virtuous conduct is thus intimated? In the Yang trigrams we have one ruler, and two subjects,—suggesting the way of the superior man. In the Yin trigrams we have two rulers, and one subject,—suggesting the way of the small man.

Ff-hsi, were emblematic ; and they are still more so, as interpreted by the duke of Kau. Meanings are drawn from the figures that resemble or illustrate principles in the subjects to which they are applied.

Paragraph 25. The character rendered ‘the significance’ means materials, and is illustrated by reference to all the different materials out of which a house is composed. So there are half-a-dozen things about the diagrams, their lineal structure, emblematic intention, their attributes, &c., out of which their interpretation is fashioned.

Paragraph 26. E.g. an undivided line may appear in an odd place, which is right, or in an even place, which is wrong ; and the case is the opposite with the divided lines. But what has this to do with the right or wrong of the events divined about?

Chapter IV, paragraphs 28-30. Of the distinction of the trigrams into Yang and Yin.

The trigrams that contain only one undivided line—4&n (=), khan (==), and kin (=="==)— are called Yang. The undivided line is called ‘the lord’ in them. It is just the opposite with the Yin trigrams, in which there are two undivided lines, and one divided, —sun (===), li (=), and tui

===). These together constitute the ‘six children,’ or ‘ three

CHAP. 5. APPENDIX III. 389

Chapter V. 31. It is said in the Yt, ‘Full of anxious thoughts you go and come; (only) friends will follow you and think with you.’ The Master said:—‘In all (the processes taking place) under heaven, what is there of thinking ? what is there of anxious scheming? They all come to the same (successful) issue, though by different paths; there is one result, though there might be a hundred anxious schemes. What is there of thinking ? what is there of anxious scheming ?’

what is there of anxious scheming? They all come to the same (successful) issue, though by different paths; there is one result, though there might be a hundred anxious schemes. What is there of thinking ? what is there of anxious scheming ?’

32. The sun goes and the moon comes; the moon goes and the sun comes ;—the sun and moon thus take the place each of the other, and their shining is the result. The cold goes and the heat comes ; the heat goes and the cold comes ;—it is by this mutual succession of the cold and heat that the year is completed. That which goes becomes less. and less, and that which comes waxes more and more ;—it is by the influence on each other of this contraction and expansion that the advantages (of the different conditions) are produced.

33. When the looper coils itself up, it thereby straightens itself again; when worms and snakes sons’ and ‘three daughters’ in the later arrangement of the trigrams, ascribed to king Wan.

Paragraph 29. Each part of the divided line counts as one; hence a yang trigram counts as I + 2 + 2 =§ strokes, four of which are yin, while a yin trigram counts as 2 + 1 + 1 = 4, only two of which are yang. But this is mere trifling.

In explanation of paragraph 30 it is said that ‘we have in the yang trigrams two (or more) subjects serving one ruler, and in the yin one subject serving two rulers, and two rulers striving together for the allegiance of one subject.’ This is ingenious, but fanciful ; as indeed this distinction of the trigrams into a yang class and a yin is a mere play of fancy.

p. 390

go into the state of hybernation, they thereby keep themselves alive. (So), when we minutely investigate the nature and reasons (of things), till we have entered into the inscrutable and spirit-like in them, we attain to the largest practical application of them; when that application becomes the quickest and readiest, and all personal restfulness is secured, our virtue is thereby exalted.

34. Going on beyond this, we reach a point which it is hardly possible to know. We have thoroughly comprehended the inscrutable and spirit-like, and know the processes of transformation ;—this is the fulness of virtue.

35. It is said in the Yt, ‘(The third line shows its subject) distressed before a rock, and trying to lay hold of thorns; entering into his palace and not seeing his wife:—there will be evil.’ The Master said :—‘If one be distressed by what need not distress him, his name is sure to be disgraced; if he lay hold on what he should not touch, his life is sure to be imperilled. In disgrace and danger, his death will (soon) come ;—is it possible for him in such circumstances to see his wife ?’

In disgrace and danger, his death will (soon) come ;—is it possible for him in such circumstances to see his wife ?’

36. It is said in the Y1, ‘The duke with (his bow) shoots at the falcon on the top of the high wall; he hits it :—his every movement will be advantageous.’ The Master said:—‘ The falcon is a bird (of prey); the bow and arrow is a weapon (of war); the shooter isa man. The superior man keeps his weapon concealed about his person, and waits for the proper time to move ;—doing this, how should his movement be other than successful? There is nothing to fetter or embarrass his movement; and hence, when he comes forth, he succeeds in his object.

CHAP. 5, APPENDIX III. 391

The language speaks of movement when the instrument necessary to it is ready and perfect.’

37. The Master said:—‘The small man is not ashamed of what is not benevolent, nor does he fear to do what is not righteous. Without the prospect of gain he does not stimulate himself to what is good, nor does he correct himself without being moved. Self-correction, however, in what is small will make him careful in what would be of greater consequence ;—and this is the happiness of the small man. It is said in the Yi, “ His feet are in the stocks, and he is disabled in his toes :—there will be no (further) occasion for blame.”’

38. If acts of goodness be not accumulated, they are not sufficient to give its finish to one’s name; if acts of evil be not accumulated, they are not sufficient to destroy one’s life. The small man thinks that small acts of goodness are of ne benefit, and does not do them; and that small deeds of evil do no harm, and does not abstain from them. Hence his wickedness becomes great till it cannot be covered, and his guilt becomes great till it cannot be pardoned. This is what the Y! says, ‘He wears the cangue and his ears are destroyed :—there will be evil.’

39. The Master said :—‘He who keeps danger in mind is he who will rest safe in his seat; he who keeps ruin in mind is he who will preserve his interests secure ; he who sets the danger of disorder before him is he who will maintain the state of order. Therefore the superior man, when resting in safety, does not forget that danger may come; when in a state of security, he does not forget the possibility of ruin; and when all is in a state of order, he does not

392 THE APPENDIXES. SECT. If.

forget that disorder may come. Thus his person is kept safe, and his states and all their clans can be preserved. This is according to what the Yi says, “(Let him say), ‘Shall I perish ? shall I perish?’ (so shall this state be firm, as if) bound to a clump of bushy mulberry trees.”’