Anuy4gas, or after-offerings . . Sfktavaka, Samyuvaka, a and offering of remains Patnisamy4gas . . Concluding ceremonies .
SECOND KANDA.
Agny4dh4na, or Establishment of Sacred Fires Sambh4ras . . Asterisms suitable for Agnyadhfna .
Seasons suitable for Agnyadhana Upavasatha . Churning and laying down of fire . Oblations : Punaradheya, or Re-establishment of Fire . Agnihotra, or Morning and Evening Milk-offerings . Agnyupasth4na, or Worship of Fires
Pindapitrtyagia, or Oblation of Obsequial Cakes to Deceased Ancestors .
Agrayanesh/i, or Offering of First-fruits .
Dakshayana (New and Full-moon) Sacrifice
Katurm4sy4ni, or Seasonal Sacrifices Vaisvadeva Varunapragh4sak Sakamedhaz
Mahéhavid, or great oblation
Mahé-pitrtyagiia . .
Oblation to Rudra Tryambaka . . . Sunastrya =. . 7 : se
Additions and Corrections .
Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Translations of the Sacred Books of the East .
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“é Lrpop we / INTRODUCTION.
THE translator of the Satapatha-brahmama can be under no illusion as to the reception his production is likely to meet with at the hand of the general reader. In the whole range of literature few works are probably less calculated to excite the interest of any outside the very limited number of specialists, than the ancient theological writings of the Hindus, known by the name of Brahmazas. For wearisome prolixity of exposition, characterised by dogmatic assertion and a flimsy symbolism rather than by serious reasoning, these works are perhaps not equalled anywhere; unless, indeed, it be by the speculative vapourings of the Gnostics, than which, in the opinion of the learned translators of Irenzus, ‘nothing more absurd has probably ever been imagined by rational beings*.’ If I have, nevertheless, undertaken, at the request of the Editor of the present Series, what would seem to be a rather thankless task, the reason will be readily understood by those who have taken even the most cursory view of the history of the Hindu mind and institutions.
The Brahmazas, it is well known, form our chief, if not our only, source of information regarding one of the most important periods in the social and mental development of India. They represent the intellectual activity of a sacerdotal caste which, by turning to account the religious instincts of a gifted and naturally devout race, had succeeded in transforming a primitive worship of the powers of nature into a highly artificial system of sacrificial ceremonies, and was ever intent on deepening and extending its hold on the minds of the people, by surrounding its own vocation with the halo of sanctity and divine inspiration. A complicated ceremonial, requiring for its proper observance and
1 A. Roberts and W. A. Rambaut, The Writings of Irenzeus, vol. i. p. xv.
x SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA, _
A complicated ceremonial, requiring for its proper observance and
1 A. Roberts and W. A. Rambaut, The Writings of Irenzeus, vol. i. p. xv.
x SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA, _ consequent efficacy the ministrations of a highly trained priestly class, has ever been one of the most effective means of promoting hierarchical aspirations. Even practical Rome did not entirely succeed in steering clear of the rock of priestly ascendancy attained by such-like means. There, as elsewhere, ‘the neglect or faulty performance of the worship of each god revenged itself in the corresponding occurrence; and as it was a laborious and difficult task to gain even a knowledge of one’s religious obligations, the priests who were skilled in the law of divine things and pointed out its requirements—the pontifices—could not fail to attain an extraordinary influence!.’ The catalogue of the duties and privileges of the priest of Jupiter might well find a place in the Talmud. ‘The rule— that no religious service can be acceptable to the gods, unless it be performed without a flaw—was pushed to such an extent, that a single sacrifice had to be repeated thirty times in succession on account of mistakes again and again committed; and the games, which formed part of the divine service, were regarded as undone, if the pre-siding magistrate had committed any slip in word or deed, or if the music even had paused at a wrong time, and so had to be begun afresh, frequently for several, even as many as seven, times in succession?.’? Great, however, as was the influence acquired by the priestly colleges of Rome, ‘it was never forgotten—least of all in the case of those who held the highest position—that their duty was not to command, but to tender skilled advice*’ The Roman statesmen submitted to these transparent tricks rather from considerations of political expediency than from religious scruples; and the Greek Polybius might well say that ‘the strange and ponderous ceremonial of Roman religion was invented solely on account of the multitude which, as reason had no power over it, required to be ruled by signs and wonders*.’
The devout belief in the efficacy of invocation and sacri-
1 Mommsen, History of Rome, translated by W. P. Dickson, vol. i. p.181. 3 Ibid. vol. ii. p. 400. 5 Ibid. vol.i. p. 179. * Ibid. vol. iii. p. 455.
INTRODUCTION. xi
P. Dickson, vol. i. p.181. 3 Ibid. vol. ii. p. 400. 5 Ibid. vol.i. p. 179. * Ibid. vol. iii. p. 455.
INTRODUCTION. xi
ficial offering which pervades most of the hymns of the Rig-veda, and which may be assumed to reflect pretty faithfully the religious sentiments of those amongst whom they were composed, could not but ensure to the priest, endowed with the gift of sacred utterance, a considerable amount of respect and reverence on the part of the people. His superior culture and habitual communion with the divine rulers of the destinies of man would naturally entitle him to a place of honour by the side of the chiefs of clans, or the rulers of kingdoms, who would not fail to avail themselves of his spiritual services, in order to secure the favour of the gods for their warlike expeditions or political undertakings. Nor did the Vedic bard fail to urge his claims on the consideration and generosity of those in the enjoyment of power and wealth. He often dwells on the supernatural virtues of his compositions and their mysterious efficacy in drawing down divine blessings on the pious worshipper. In urging the necessity of frequent and liberal offerings to the gods, and invoking worldly blessings on the offerer, the priestly bard may often be detected pleading his own cause along with that of his employer, as Kava does when he sings (Rig-veda VIII, 2, 13), ‘Let him be rich, let him be foremost, the bard of the rich, of so illustrious a Maghavan! as thou, O lord of the bay steeds!’ Though the Danastutis, or verses extolling, often in highly exaggerated terms, the munificence of princely patrons, and generally occurring at the end of hymns, are doubtless, as a rule, later additions, they at least show that the sacerdotal office must have been, or must gradually have become during this period, a very lucrative one.
Although there is no reason to suppose that the sacrificial ceremonial was in early times so fully developed as some scholars would have us believe, the religious service would seem to have been already of a sufficiently advanced nature to require some kind of training for the priestly office. In course of time, while the collection of hymns were faithfully
1 Maghavan, the mighty or bountiful, is a designation both of Indra and the wealthy patron of priests. Here it is evidently intended to refer to both.
xii SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA,
In course of time, while the collection of hymns were faithfully
1 Maghavan, the mighty or bountiful, is a designation both of Indra and the wealthy patron of priests. Here it is evidently intended to refer to both.
xii SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA, handed down as precious heirlooms in the several families, and were gradually enriched by the poetical genius of succeeding generations, the ceremonial became more and more complicated, so as at last to necessitate the distribution of the sacerdotal functions among several dictinct classes of priests. Such a distribution of sacrificial duties must have taken place before the close of the period of the hymns, and there can be little doubt that at that time the position of the priesthood in the community was that of a regular profession, and even, to some extent, a hereditary one}. A post of peculiar importance, which seems to go back to avery early time, was that of the Purohita (literally ‘ praepositus’), or family priest to chiefs and kings. From the comparatively modest position of a private chaplain, who had to attend to the sacrificial obligations of his master, he appears to have gradually raised himself to the dignity of, so to say, a minister of public worship and confidential adviser of the king. It is obvious that such a post was singularly favourable to the designs of a crafty and ambitious priest, and must have offered him exceptional opportunities for promoting the hierarchical aspirations of the priesthood ?,
In the Rig-veda there is, with the single exception of the - Purusha-sdkta, no clear indication of the existence of caste in the proper, Brahmanical sense of the word. That institution, we may assume, was only introduced after the Brahmans had finally established their claims to the highest
* See J. Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, I, p. 239 seq.
* See Max Miiller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 485 seq.; A. Weber, Indische Studien, X, 31 seq. In Rig-veda IV, 50, 8, Vamadeva is made to say,‘ That king alone, with whom the Brahman walks in front (pfirva eti), lives well-established in his house; for him there is ever abundance of food ; before him the people bow of their own accord.’ If Grassmann was right in excluding verses 7-11 as a later addition, as I have no doubt he was (at least with regard to verses 7-9), these verses would furnish a good illustration of the gradually increasing importance of the office of Purohita. Professor Ludwig seems to take the verses 7-11 as forming a separate hymn; but I doubt not that he, too, must consider them on linguistic grounds, if on no other, as considerably later than the first six verses. The fact that the last pda of the sixth verse occurs again as the closing formula of the hymns V, 55; VIII, 40; and X, 121 (though also in VIII, 48, 13, where it is followed by two more verses) seems to favour this view.
INTRODUCTION. Xili
The fact that the last pda of the sixth verse occurs again as the closing formula of the hymns V, 55; VIII, 40; and X, 121 (though also in VIII, 48, 13, where it is followed by two more verses) seems to favour this view.
INTRODUCTION. Xili
rank in the body politic; when they sought to perpetuate their social ascendancy by strictly defining the privileges and duties of the several classes, and assigning to them their respective places in the gradated scale of the Brahmanical community. The period during which the main body of the Vedic hymns was composed, in the land of the seven rivers, seems to have been followed by a time of wars and conquests. from the literary products of the succeeding period we can see that the centre of the Aryan civilisation had in the meantime shifted from the region of the Sindhu (Indus) to that of the Yamuna (Jumna) and Ganga. As the conquered districts were no doubt mainly occupied by | aboriginal tribes, which had either to retire before their Aryan conquerors, or else to submit to them as Sédras, or serfs, it seems not unnatural to suppose that it was from a sense of the danger with which the purity of the Brahmanical faith was threatened from the idolatrous practices of the aboriginal subjects, that the necessity of raising an insurmountable barrier between the Aryan freeman and the man of the servile class first suggested itself to the Brahmans. As religious interests would be largely involved in this kind of class legislation, it would naturally call into play the ingenuity of the priestly order; and would create among them that tendency towards regulating the mutual relations of all classes of the community which ultimately found its legal expression, towards the close of this period, in the Dharma-sitras, the prototypes of the Hindu codes of law.
The struggle for social ascendancy between the priesthood and the ruling military class must, in the nature of things, have been of long duration. In the chief literary documents of this period which have come down to us, viz. the Yagur-veda, the Brahmazas, and the hymns of the Atharva-veda some of which perhaps go back to the time of the later hymns of the R#k, we meet with numerous passages in which the ambitious claims of the Brahmans are put forward with singular frankness. The powerful personal influence exercised by the Purohitas, as has already been indicated, seems to have largely contributed to the final success of the
Xiv SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
The powerful personal influence exercised by the Purohitas, as has already been indicated, seems to have largely contributed to the final success of the
Xiv SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
sacerdotal order. Thus we read in the Aitareya-brahmaza VIII, 24-25, ‘ Verily, the gods do not eat the food offered by the king who is without a Purohita: wherefore let the king, who wishes to sacrifice, place a Brahman at the head (puro adhita)....’ ‘Now Agni Vaisvanara, who is possessed of five destructive weapons, is the same as the Purohita. With them he constantly surrounds (protects) the king, even as the ocean surrounds the earth: the kingdom of such a ruler is undisturbed. His vital breath deserts him not before the (full term of) life, but he lives to old age, and attains to the full measure of life: he dies not (and is not born) again, whosoever possesses such a wise Brahman for his Purohita, for the guardian of his realm.’ And again, in the Atharva-veda III, 19, ‘May this prayer of mine be accomplished ; may perfect vigour and strength, may perfect, unceasing, and victorious power accrue to those whose Purohita I am. I perfect their kingdom, their might, their vigour, their strength. With this oblation I cut off the arms of their’enemies .... Go forth, ye men, and conquer; may your arms be terrible! ye sharp-shafted, smite the weak-bowed ; ye of terrible weapons and terrible arms, (smite) the feeble! when discharged, fly forth, O arrow, sped by prayer; vanquish the enemies; rush forward and slay all the best of them; let not one of them escape!.’ The question as to how the Brahmans ultimately succeeded in overcoming the resistance of the ruling class receives but little light from the contemporaneous records. Later legendary accounts of sanguinary struggles between the two classes, and the final overthrow, and even annihilation, of the Kshatriyas can hardly deserve much credence. At best they seem to contain some small kernel of historical fact. Perseverance and tenacity of purpose were probably the chief means by which the Brahmans gained their ends. Not unfrequently, too, kings may have lent their countenance to the aspirations of the priesthood, as calculated to counteract the unruly spirit and ambitious designs of the military order. We certainly meet with not a few instances of kings
1 Cf, J. Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, I, p. 283.
. INTRODUCTION. XV
figuring as the patrons of learned Brahmans. As the old hymns were gradually assuming the character of divinely inspired utterances, additional matter might occasionally find its way into them, almost unconsciously, which more adequately expressed the actual scope of the aspirations of their priestly depositaries. That many such additions must have been made to the old hymns, prior to the age of diaskeuasts and exegetes, cannot be doubted.
That many such additions must have been made to the old hymns, prior to the age of diaskeuasts and exegetes, cannot be doubted.
Another, even more important, source of strength to the sacerdotal order was the sacrifice. The more complicated the ceremonial, the greater the dependence of the lay worshipper on the professional skill of the priests; and the greater the number of priests required for the proper performance of these ceremonies, the larger the gains derived by the priesthood generally from this kind of occupation. What more natural, therefore, than that the highest importance should have been ascribed to these performances, and an ever-increasing attention bestowed on the elaboration of the ceremonial. From clear indications in not a few hymns of the Rig-veda it appears, as has already been remarked, that a distribution of the sacrificial functions among different classes of priests had taken place before the final redaction of that collection. As to the time when such a step may have become necessary for the due performance of sacrifices, this is a question which will probably never be decided. The sacrifice is an old Indo-Iranian, if not Indo- Germanic, institution. Some of the chief Indian sacrifices undoubtedly go back, in some form or other, to the common Indo-Iranian period, notably the Soma-sacrifice, and, if we may judge from the coincidence of name between the Apri-hymns! and the 4fri-g4n of the Parsi ritual, the animal sacrifice.
As regards the third great division of Indian sacrifices, the haviryag#as (or offerings of milk, butter, grain-food, and similar materials), of which the present volume treats, we have hardly any evidence to fall back upon. It is,
1 See Haug’s Essays, p. 241; Max Miiller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 463 seq.
XVI SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA,
It is,
1 See Haug’s Essays, p. 241; Max Miiller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 463 seq.
XVI SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA,
however, highly probable that these sacrifices also reach at all events far back into the Vedic antiquity. Perhaps the careful preservation of the pravara-lists!, or lists of ancestors required at the ishZi, the normal form of offering which underlies the haviryagfias, might he adduced in favour of the antiquity of the latter. This, however, is a point which requires further investigation. Neither has the last word been spoken regarding the traditional arrangements of the hymns. It is well known that the majority of the single collections of which the first seven Mazdalas (and to some extent those of the tenth) are made up, begin with hymns addressed to Agni, which, as a rule, are followed by hymns addressed to Indra. These, again, are in many cases followed by hymns to the Visve Devas (and Maruts)*. Now, in the later dogmatic literature we find the three Aryan castes, the Brahman, the Kshatra, and the Vis, identified with Agni, Indra, and the Visve Devas (all the gods, or, as a special class, the All-Gods)* respectively. This identification is a very natural.one. Agni, the sacrificial fire, the bearer of oblations and caller of the gods, is, like the priest, the legitimate mediator between God and man. Penetrating brilliance (tegas) and holy lustre (varéas) are the common attributes of the Brahman. Again, Indra, the valiant hero, for ever battling with the dark powers of the sky, is a not less appropriate representative of the knightly order. According to Professor Roth, this truly national deity of the Vedic Aryans would seem to have superseded
1 See the present volume, p. 115 note.
2 See Max Miiller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 461 seq.
3 See especially Taitt.S. VII, 1,1, 4. §; Weber, Ind. Stud. X, pp. 8, 26. In Sat. Br. II, 4, 3, 6. 7, Indra and Agni are identified with the Kshatra (? power in general) and the Visve Devaé with the Vis. Sometimes Brihaspati or Brahmanaspati, the lord of prayer or worship, takes the place of Agni, as the representative of the priestly dignity (especially Taitt. S. IV, 3, 10, 1-3; Vag. S. 14, 28-30); and in several passages of the Rik this god appears to be identical with, or at least kindred to, Agni, the purohita and priest (see Max Miller, Translation of Rig-veda, I, 77; J. Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, V, p. 272 seq.) In Rig-veda X, 68, 9, where Brihaspati is said to have found (avindat) the dawn, the sky, and the fire (agni), and to have chased away darkness with his light (arka, sun), he seems rather to represent the element of light and fire generally (das Ur-licht, cf. Vag. S. IX, 10-12). In the second
INTRODUCTION. XVil
Vag. S. IX, 10-12). In the second
INTRODUCTION. XVil
the older Indo-Iranian god Trita!, and to have gradually encroached on the province of Varuza, who perhaps was originally one of the highest deities of the Aryan (Indo-Germanic) pantheon. The warlike chiefs and clansmen evidently saw in Indra a more congenial object of their adoration. It can scarcely be without significance that of all the Vedic Rishis, Vasishtha, the priest par excellence, has ascribed to him by far the greatest number of hymns addressed to Varuza (and Mitra-Varuna), while there is not a single hymn to Varuva in the family collection of the royal Ashi Visvamitra, whose religious enthusiasm is divided almost exclusively between Agni, Indra, and the Visve Devas. Lastly, the identification of the common people with a whole class of comparatively inferior deities would naturally suggest itself. Hence we also find the Maruts?, the constant companions and helpmates of Indra, the divine ruler, employed in a similar
Mandala the hymns to Brihaspati are placed immediately after those to Agni and Indra. Though the abstract conception represented by this deity may seem a comparatively modern one, it will by no means be easy to prove from the text of the hymns addressed to him, that these are modern. It would almost seem as if two different tendencies of adoration had existed side by side from olden times; the one, a more popular and sensuous one, which, in Vedic times, found its chief expression in Indra and his circle of deities; and the other, a more spiritual one, represented originally by Varuna (Mitra, &c.; cf., however, Sat. Br. IV, 1, 4, 1-4), and in Vedic times, when the sacerdotal element more and more asserted itself, by Brihaspati, and especially by Agni. The identification of this god with the priestly office was as happy as it was natural; for Agni, the genial inmate of every household, is indeed vaisvanara, the friend of all men. Shadowy conceptions, such as Brihaspati and Brahman, on the other hand, could evoke no feelings of sympathy in the hearts of the people generally. Of peculiar interest, in this respect, are the hymns in which Agni is associated with Indra (see Max Miiller’s Science of Language, Second Series, p. 4953 J. Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, V. pp. 219, 220), and the passages in which Agni has ascribed to him functions which legitimately belong to Indra; viz. the slaying of Vritra and destruction of the enemies’ cities. The mutual relation of Indra and Varuna has been well discussed in Dr. Hillebrandt's treatise ‘ Varuza and Mitra,’ p.97 seq. It is most concisely expressed by Vasishsha, Rig-veda VII, 83, 9, ‘The one (Indra) slays the enemies in battles ; the other (Varuna) ever defends the ordinances.’
' See the present volume, p. 48 note; R. Roth, Zeitsch. der D. M. G., VI, P- 73 S€q-
It is most concisely expressed by Vasishsha, Rig-veda VII, 83, 9, ‘The one (Indra) slays the enemies in battles ; the other (Varuna) ever defends the ordinances.’
' See the present volume, p. 48 note; R. Roth, Zeitsch. der D. M. G., VI, P- 73 S€q-
? The Maruts are identified with the visah, or clans, in Sat. Br. II, 5, 1,12; 2, 24; 27; 35, etc. In Sankh. 16,17, 2-4 the heaven of the Maruts is assigned to the Vaisya (Ind. Stud. X, p. 26).
(12]
XVili SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
sense. The identification of the Vis with the Visve Dev4d, which ultimately obtained, was probably determined chiefly by etymological considerations.
The same triad of divinities, as representative of the mutual relations of the social grades of the Aryan community, is repeatedly met with in the sacrificial ritual, and especially in its dogmatic exposition. This identification finds its most complete expression in the well-known passages of the Taittirtya-samhita (VII, 1,1, 4-5) and the Tandya-brahmana (VI, 1, 6-11). According to these authorities, PragApati, the lord of creatures, created from his mouth the Brahmaaza, together with Agni, the trivrit stoma, the gayatri metre (and the rathantara siman and he-goat, according to the first source; or the spring, according to the other). From his breast and arms he created the Raganya, together with Indra, the pavikadasa stoma, the trishtubh metre (and the brzhat saman, and the ram; or the summer respectively). From the middle part of his body he created the Vais ya, together with the Visve Dev44, the saptadasa stoma, the gagati metre (and the vairdpa saman, and the kine; or the rainy season respectively). Finally, from his feet he created the Sidra, together with the ekaviszsa stoma and the anushfubh metre (and the vairaga siman and the horse, according to the Taitt. S.), but no deity, and no season. In accordance with these speculations, single objects of those here enumerated -are frequently found elsewhere identified with their respective deities and castes. On the same principle, the three savanas, or morning, mid-day, and evening libations? at the Soma-sacrifice, as well as the first three days of the
1 See Weber, Ind. Stud. X, p. 8.
2 In Ath.-veda IX, 1, 11, the three savanas are assigned to the Asvins, Indra- Agni, and the Ribhus (cf. Ait. Br. VI, 12) respectively; and in another passage of the same collection. VI, 47, 1, to a. Agni; b. the Visve Devak, Maruts and Indra; and c. the Bards (kavi). In Vag. S. XIX, 26, also, the morming libation is assigned to the Asvins (?.as the two Adhvaryus of the gods, cf. Sat. Br. I, 1, 2,175 IV, 1, 5,15; Ait. Br. I, 18); but in Taitt. S. II, 2, 3,1; Ait. Br. ITI, 13; Sat. Br. Il, 4, 4,123; IV, 2, 4, 4-5 they are referred to Agni, Indra, and the Visve Devak respectively. See, also, Sat. Br. IV, 3, 5,1, where the Vasus (related to Agni III, 4, 2, 1; VI, 1, 2,10), Rudras, and Adityas (cf, VI, 1, 2, 10, and Ait. Br. III, 13) are connected with the three libations. ‘
INTRODUCTION. xix
See, also, Sat. Br. IV, 3, 5,1, where the Vasus (related to Agni III, 4, 2, 1; VI, 1, 2,10), Rudras, and Adityas (cf, VI, 1, 2, 10, and Ait. Br. III, 13) are connected with the three libations. ‘
INTRODUCTION. xix
Dvadas4ha!’, are generally assigned to Agni, Indra, and the Visve Devak respectively. If in the ekAdasini, or traditional order of eleven victims that have to be immolated at the Soma-sacrifice, the victim sacred to Agni is placed first, while those to the Visve Dev4# and to Indra only come sixth and seventh respectively, we have probably to assume that this order was too firmly established (just as the so-called Apri-hymns are) by long usage to have been easily altered; the more so as the privileged position of the sacerdotal class was not thereby affected.
At the haviryagiias not less prominent a place is assigned to the divine yepresentatives of the two leading classes. The first oblation at every ishéi belongs to Agni. The second oblation at the new-moon sacrifice is offered either to Indra, or to Indra* and Agni; at the full-moon sacrifice, to Agni and Soma, the latter of whom constitutes Indra’s chief source of strength. Indra also plays an important part at the Seasonal offerings which indeed, according to the dogmatic, and by no means improbable, explanation of the Brahmamas, are performed with special reference to Indra’s struggle with V7itra, the demon of drought. At the Agny-upasth4na, or worship of the fires, which succeeds the Agnihotra, the first prayer is addressed to Agni, the second to Indra and Agni*. Indeed, while Agni appears everywhere as the Purohita, the ‘yagfasya deva ritvik,’ or divine priest of the sacrifice, Indra is the god of sacrifice‘, the Maghavan, or munificent patron of the priest.
From these indications it would appear far from improbable that the arrangement of the hymns in which the collections of the Rig-veda were finally handed down, was intended, as far as the leading deities are concerned, to b 2 xx SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
1 See, for instance, Ait. Br. IV, 29; 31; V,1.
3 The special oblations of the offering of first-fruits consist of a rice-cake to Indra and Agni, and a pap of rice-grains to the Visve Devas.
3 See Vag. S. III, 12-13; Sat. Br. II, 3, 4, 11-12. ‘Indra-Agni are everything,— Brahman, Kshatra, and Vis,’ Sat. Br. IV, a, 2, 14.
§ See, for instance, Sat. Br. I, 4, 5, 4; II, 3, 1,38; 3, 4.38; and especially IV, 1, 2, 15,‘ for Indra, indeed, is the Maghavan, the ruler (netr#) of the sacrifice.’ He is, as it were, the divine representative of the human sacrificer or patron, who is the yagfiapati or lord of sacrifice.
Br. I, 4, 5, 4; II, 3, 1,38; 3, 4.38; and especially IV, 1, 2, 15,‘ for Indra, indeed, is the Maghavan, the ruler (netr#) of the sacrifice.’ He is, as it were, the divine representative of the human sacrificer or patron, who is the yagfiapati or lord of sacrifice.
b 2 xx SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
exhibit a social gradation of the Hindu community which was either already firmly established or was steadily kept in view by the sacerdotal class as ‘a consummation devoutly to be wished.’ In either case the claims of the priests could not fail to be materially strengthened by the pre-eminent position assigned to their divine prototype in the inspired utterances of the Rishis. The question, whether the present arrangement is entirely the result of the final redaction, or whether it was already a feature of the earlier redactions, will perhaps never receive a quite satisfactory answer. It cannot, however, be denied that there is some force in Professor Ludwig’s! argument,— that, if the arrangement of the several collections had lain with the authors of the final redaction, the result would probably have been a far greater uniformity than they now present.
The idea of bringing together the different family collections would seem first to have suggested itself to the priests at a time when the hitherto divided Aryan tribes had moved from the Panjab to the eastern plains and became consolidated into larger communities, and the want of a more uniform system of worship would naturally make itself felt. To the same period, then, we may refer the first attempts at a systematic arrangement of the entire ceremonial of worship, and the definitive distribution of the sacrificial | duties among four classes of priests,—viz. the Adhvaryu, or performer of the material part of the ‘sacrifice; the Udgatrz, or chanter of hymns; the Hotr#, or reciter of solemn sacrificial prayers; and the Brahman, or superintendent of the entire performance. Though some of these offices had no doubt existed for a long time, we possess no definite information as to the exact extent of the duties entrusted to them*. The institution of the office
1 Der Rig-veda, vol. iii. p. 45.
* Compare the following remarks of M. Haug, who believed in the identity of the Vedic Adhvaryu and the Zota and Rathwi of the Zend-Avesta :—‘ At the most ancient times it appears that all the sacrificial formulas were spoken by the Hotar alone; the Adhvaryu was only his assistant, who arranged the sacrificial compound, provided the implements, and performed all manual labour. It was only at the time when regular metrical verses and hymns were introduced into the ritual, that a part of the duties of the Hotar devolved on the Adhvaryu.
INTRODUCTION. Xxi
It was only at the time when regular metrical verses and hymns were introduced into the ritual, that a part of the duties of the Hotar devolved on the Adhvaryu.
INTRODUCTION. Xxi
of Brahman, doubtless the latest of all, marks a new era in the development of the sacrificial system. While the other priests were only required to possess an accurate knowledge of their own special departments, the Brahman was to be the very embodiment of the sacrificial art and Vedic lore in general, so as to be able to advise the other priests on doubtful points and to rectify any mistakes that-might be committed during the performance of sacrifices. Neither had the Hotr? priest any special manual of his formulas assigned to him. He was rather expected to have acquired a thorough knowledge of the whole of the Rzk-samhita, from which the sacrificial prayers recited by him were exclusively selected. It was probably out of this class—or the Bahvrikas, as the followers of the Rig-veda came to be called—more than from any other, that individual priests would fit themselves for the office of Brahmam
As regards the two rémaining classes of priests—the Udgatris and Adhvaryus—we have no means of determining in what form and to what extent the stock of chants and sacrificial formulas used by them may have existed from the time of the institution of their offices down to the formation of the collections that have been handed down, viz. the SAama-veda-samhité and the Yagur-veda. From the close connection that exists between the Sdman and the eighth and ninth mazdalas of the Rzk, as well as from the fact that most of the hymns of these two mandalas are ascribed to authors whose family collections (including, in several instances, hymns of their own) are contained in earlier mazdalas,—we may perhaps assume that already at the time when the first nine mavdalas were collected the then existing hymns of the eighth and ninth mazdalas were set apart for the purpose of being chanted at the Somasacrifice. In course of time—hand in hand with the fuller development of the Soma ritual and the gradual influx of new hymn material which was either incorporated with the old collections or formed into a new mavdala—additional chants (or more suitable ones in the place of those hitherto
There are in the present ritual traces to be found, that the Hotar actually must have performed part of the duties of the Adhvaryu.’ Ait. Br. I, p. 31.
xxii SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
used) might be required and selected from the hymns of other mavdalas. In its original connected form, the material of these chants would naturally remain all along an essential part of the Rzk-samhita, for the use of the Hotvi and Brahman priests; and thus each of these two collections would henceforth have a history of its own, and discrepancies in the texts common to both would gradually become more and more numerous,
The sacrificial texts used by the Adhvaryu priest are contained in the Yagur-veda, of which several recensions have come down to us. These texts consist, in about equal parts, of verses (rzk) and prose formulas (yagus). The majority of the former are likewise found in the Riksamhit4, though not unfrequently with considerable variations, which may be explained partly from a difference of recension, and partly as the result of the adaptation of these verses to their special sacrificial purpose’. With the prose formulas, on the other hand, save a few isolated sacrificial calls alluded to in the Rzk2, we meet for the first time in this collection. In the older recensions of the Yagur-veda the texts are, as a rule, followed immediately by their dogmatic explanation. Now, these theological treatises, composed chiefly with the view of elucidating the sacrificial texts and explaining the origin and hidden meaning of the various rites, form one of the most important departments of the literature of the period which succeeded the systematic arrangement of the sacrificial ceremonial, and in which we must place the gradual consolidation of the Brahmanical hierarchy. Such as they lie before us, they contain the accumulated wisdom and speculations of generations of Indian divines. They are essentially digests of a floating mass of single discourses or dicta on various points of the ceremonial of worship, ascribed to individual teachers, and handed down orally in the theological schools. Single discourses of this kind were called brahmaza,—probably either because they were intended for the instruction and guidance of priests
1 See A. Weber, History of Indian Literature, pp. 9, 115. 2 See M. Haug, Ait. Br. I, p. 34.
INTRODUCTION. Xxiil
Single discourses of this kind were called brahmaza,—probably either because they were intended for the instruction and guidance of priests
1 See A. Weber, History of Indian Literature, pp. 9, 115. 2 See M. Haug, Ait. Br. I, p. 34.
INTRODUCTION. Xxiil
(brahman) generally ; or because they were, for the most part, the authoritative utterances of such as were thoroughly versed in Vedic and sacrificial lore and competent to act as Brahmans or superintending priests'. In later times a collection or digest of such detached pieces came to be likewise called a Brahmaza. Works of this kind have come down to us in connection with all the Vedic Samhitas, generally in more than one version which, though on the whole betraying a common stock of material, often vary considerably, both in their arrangement and their ‘treatment of these materials. Nay, owing as they do their origin to different schools of the same Veda, these recensions not unfrequently take the very opposite view of single points of ceremonial. Originally the number of such recensions, more or less differing from each other, must have been much larger; but the practical tendencies of a later age, which led to the production of concise manuals of ceremonial rules—the Kalpa-sitras—adapted to the sacrificial practices of more than one school, were not favourable to the perpetuation of these bulky ¢yclopedias of theological school-wisdom: thus only the Brahmazas of the schools which had the greatest number of followers survived; while others were probably never committed to writing, or at best had a precarious existence down to more recent times.
While the Brahmavas are thus our oldest sources from which a comprehensive view of the sacrificial ceremonial can be obtained, they also throw a great deal of light on the earliest metaphysical and linguistic speculations of the Hindus. Another, even more interesting feature of these works, consists in the numerous legends scattered through them. From the archaic style in which these mythological tales are generally composed, as well as from the fact that not a few of them are found in Brahmawas of different schools and Vedas, though often with considerable varia-
} See Max Miiller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 172; Rig-vedasamhita IV, p. vi. Professors Weber (History of Sanskrit Literature, p.11), Whitney, Westergaard, and other scholars derive brahmana from brahman, ‘ prayer, worship.’
XXIV SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA,
172; Rig-vedasamhita IV, p. vi. Professors Weber (History of Sanskrit Literature, p.11), Whitney, Westergaard, and other scholars derive brahmana from brahman, ‘ prayer, worship.’
XXIV SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA,
tions, it is pretty evident that the ground-work of many of them goes back to times preceding the composition of the Brahmazas. From a mythological, and to some extent from a linguistic, point of view these legends thus form a connecting link between the latter and the Vedic hymns. In the case of some of these legends—as those of Sunahsepha! and the fetching of the Soma from heaven *—we can even see how they have grown out of germs contained in the Vedic hymns; their relation to the latter being thus not unlike that of the Sagas of the younger Edda to the songs of the older Edda. The Kaushitaki Brahmama %, at the end of a story of this kind about Soma, remarks that it is thus told by those versed in legend (4khydnavidaZ). We may perhaps infer from this passage that there was a class of people who took a special interest in such legends, and made it their business to collect and repeat them. Indeed, many of the elaborate mythical stories with which we meet in the later epical and Purdwic literature doubtless owe their origin to simple popular legends of this kind ¢. Besides the genuine myths which we find in the Brahmazas, there is also a large number of stories which were evidently invented by the authors of these treatises for the purpose of supplying some kind of traditional support for particular points of ceremonial®, However small the intrinsic merit of such passages, they, too, are not entirely devoid of interest, especially from a linguistic point of view, since the style of narrative and the archaic mode of diction which they affect, readily lend themselves to syntactic turns of expression rarely indulged in by the authors in the purely explanatory and exegetic parts of their works. And, indeed, whatever opinion the general reader may form of the Brahmamas, as purely literary com-
1 See R. Roth in Weber’s Ind. Stud. I, 475 seq.; II, 111 seq.; Max Miiller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 408 seq.
2 See the present volume, p. 183. Compare also Professor Aufrecht’s remarks on the myth of Ap&la, Ind. Stud. IV, p. 8.
3K. B. III, 25; cf. Weber, Ind. Stud. II, 313.
4 Cf. Max Miiller, Upanishads, I, p. 39 note.
5 See, for instance, Sat. Br. II, 4, 3, 1, where a legend of this kind seems to be directly ascribed to Yagiavalkya.
INTRODUCTION, XXV
Stud. IV, p. 8.
3K. B. III, 25; cf. Weber, Ind. Stud. II, 313.
4 Cf. Max Miiller, Upanishads, I, p. 39 note.
5 See, for instance, Sat. Br. II, 4, 3, 1, where a legend of this kind seems to be directly ascribed to Yagiavalkya.
INTRODUCTION, XXV
positions—and, assuredly, it cannot be a very high one— to the Sanskrit student these works (together with their supplements, the Aravyakas; and their metaphysical appendages, the Upanishads) are of the highest importance as the only genuine prose works which the Sanskrit, as a popular language, has produced. For the comparative study of syntax, which has been taken up with such signal success by Professor Delbriick and other scholars, the Brahmamas offer a rich field of enquiry. Nor is the style of these compositions—with its compact grammatical forms and expressive particles, and its habitual employment of the oratio directa instead of dependent clauses—without a certain rough beauty of its own, which, however, almost entirely evaporates in a rendering into modern analytical speech. And notwithstanding the general emptiness of the speculations of the Indian theologians, ‘there are,’ as Professor Max Miiller observes, ‘passages in the Brahmazas full of genuine thought and feeling, and most valuable as pictures of life, and as records of early struggles, which have left no trace in the literature of other nations,’
Although the Adhvaryus, who had to perform ali the manual work connected with the sacrifice, were originally looked upon as a subordinate class of priests, their office seems to have risen in the general estimation with the increasing importance that was attributed to the endless details of the ceremonial. In a passage of the Taittiriya Upanishad (2, 3), the Yagus is said to be the head, the Rik the right side, the Saman the left side, the Adesa? the soul, and the Atharvangiras (Atharva-veda) the tail. With better reason the Yagur-veda might be called the body of the sacrifice, since it contains almost the entire apparatus of sacrificial formulas, while the other ritualistic works are concerned, either chiefly or entirely, with the Soma-sacrifice. As a matter of fact, no other Veda has given rise to so large a number of schools as the Yagur-
' History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 408. 2 That is, the Brahmana, according to Sankara. In Sat. Br. IV, 6, 7, 6, the Rik and Séman are identified with Speech, and the Yagus with the Mind.
xxvi SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
408. 2 That is, the Brahmana, according to Sankara. In Sat. Br. IV, 6, 7, 6, the Rik and Séman are identified with Speech, and the Yagus with the Mind.
xxvi SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
veda'. The numerous subdivisions of the Adhvaryus trace their origin to either of two principal schools, an older and a younger one, the latter of which is itself an offshoot of the former. The oral transmission of the large body of exegetic and legendary matter attached to the sacrificial formulas could hardly fail, in course of time, to produce considerable variations, in different localities, both as regards the wording and the arrangement of these works. Different schools would naturally arise,—each with its own approved recension of the traditional texts,—which in their turn would sooner or later become liable to the same process of disintegration. Such, indeed, has been the case, more or less, with all the Vedic texts, until mechanical means were devised to arrest this process of change. The names of many such subdivisions of the older Yagur-veda are recorded ; but hitherto the recensions of only three of them have come to light,—viz. the Ka¢aka, the Maitrayawi-samhita, and the Taittiriya-samhité. The two former texts belong to subdivisions of the Ka¢has and Maitrayaztyas, two branches of the old school of the Karakas or Karak4dhvaryus. The Taittiriyas, on the other hand, seem to have been an independent branch of the old Yagus?, the origin of which is ascribed to a teacher named Tittiri. Their text has come down to us in the recension of one of its subdivisions 3, the Apastambins.
The chief characteristic of the old Yagus texts consists, as has already been indicated, in the constant inter-
' Except, perhaps, the Sdma-veda, which, in the Karanavy(iha, is said to have counted a thousand schools; though that work itself enumerates only seven schools, one of them with five subdivisions, The number of teachers mentioned in connection with this Veda is, however, very considerable.
? As such, at least, the Taittirlyas are mentioned in the Karanavyfha. The term Karaka, however, is also (e. g. in the Pratigna-siitra) applied to the schools of the Black Yagus generally. If the Berlin MS. of the Kathaka professes, in the colophon, to contain the Karaka text of the work (which Professor Weber takes to refer to the Kardyaniyas), the Karaka-sakha of the Kachaka has perhaps to be understood in contradistinction to those portions of the Karzaka which have been adopted by the Taittiriyas and incorporated into their Brahmana.
3 The Taittirtyas divide themselves into two schools, the Aukhfyas and the Khindikiyas; the Apastambins are a subdivision of the latter branch. We have also the list of the contents (anakramazf) of the Atreyas, a subdivision of the Aukhiyas.
INTRODUCTION. XXVil
3 The Taittirtyas divide themselves into two schools, the Aukhfyas and the Khindikiyas; the Apastambins are a subdivision of the latter branch. We have also the list of the contents (anakramazf) of the Atreyas, a subdivision of the Aukhiyas.
INTRODUCTION. XXVil
mingling of the sacrificial formulas and the explanatory or Brahmamza portions. It was with the view of remedying this want of arrangement, by entirely separating the exegetic matter from the formulas, that the new school of Adhvaryus was founded. The name given to this school is Vagasaneyins, its origin being ascribed to Yagiiavalkya Vagasaneya. The result of this new redaction of the Yagus texts was the formation of a Samhita, or collection of mantras, and a Brahmamwa. This re-arrangement was doubtless undertaken in imitation of the texts of the Hotr# priests, who had a Brahmaza! of their own, while their sacrificial prayers formed part of the Rzk-samhita. Indeed, the Taittirtyas themselves became impressed with the desirability of having a Brahmama of their own,—and attained their object by the simple, if rather awkward, expedient of applying that designation to an appendage to their Saszhité, which exhibits the same mixture of mantra and brahmavza as the older work. They also incorporated a portion of the KAastaka text into their Brahmavza and its supplement, the Taittiriy4razyaka. Of all the schools of the old Yagus those of the Taittirfyas seem to have attracted by far the greatest number of adherents ; and in southern India their texts have continued pre-eminently the subject of study till the present day. In northern India, on the other hand, they have been largely superseded by their later rivals. On account of the lucid arrangement of their sacred texts, the Vagasaneyins callcd them the White (sukla) Yagur-veda; the term of Black or Dark (krishza) Yagur-veda being, for the opposite reason, applied to the texts of the older schools, In later times, an absurd story was invented (doubtless by followers of the White Yagus), in which the origin of the name Taittiriya is connected with the word tittiri?, in the sense of ‘ partridge.’
1 It has come down to us in two different recensions, the Aitareya and the - Kaushftaki (or SAukhAyana) Brahmana.
2 Professor Weber, however, thinks there may be some reason for this derivation; the name of Taittirfya having perhaps been applied to this school on account of the motley (partridge-like) character of its texts. According to the story alluded to, Yagwavalkya, having been taught the old Yagus texts by Vaisampayana, incurred the displeasure of his teacher, and was forced by him to disgorge the sacred science which, on falling to the ground, became soiled
XXVIii SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.,
According to the story alluded to, Yagwavalkya, having been taught the old Yagus texts by Vaisampayana, incurred the displeasure of his teacher, and was forced by him to disgorge the sacred science which, on falling to the ground, became soiled
XXVIii SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.,
The Brahmaza of the Vagasaneyins bears the name of Satapatha, that is, the Brahmama ‘of a hundred paths,’ because it consists of a hundred lectures (adhyAyas). Both the Vagasaneyi-samhita and the Satapatha-brahmaza have come down to us in two different recensions, those of the Madhyandina and the K4zva schools. Of the latter recension of the Brahmaza, however, three books out of seventeen are wanting in the European libraries and have, as far as I know, not yet been discovered in India. The M4dhyandina text both of the Sas#hité and the Brahmaaa has been edited by Professor Weber; the former with the various readings of the Kazva recension. To the same scholar we owe a German translation of the first adhy4ya of the first kanda?; and he has, moreover, subjected the entire accessible literature of the White Yagur-veda—with the exception of the K4ava text of the Brahmana—to. a careful examination, and has extracted from it all that seems calculated to throw light on its history, so that in this respect little remains to those who come after him but to state the results of his enquiries. Professor Max Miiller, in his History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, has also fully discussed the questions regarding the date and authorship of these texts, and has done much to clear up what was obscure in their relations to the older Yagus texts and to Vedic literature generally. Many points, however, still remain doubtful; and, above all, opinions are as divided as ever regarding the approximate date of the teacher with whose name tradition connects the origin of the modern school of the Adhvaryus.
The schools of the Vagasaneyins are stated to have been either fifteen or seventeen; and their names are given, though with considerable variations, in different works. No distinct traces, however, have as yet been discovered of any recensions besides the two already referred to. As regards the names of these two,—the Madhyandina and Kaxva,— the latter is the name of one of the chief families of Rishis
(hence Black Yagus), and was picked up by Yagfiavalkya’s condisciples, who had assumed the form of partridges. This story seems first to occur in the Puranas; sce Wilson’s translation of the Vishau Purana (ed. Hall), III, p.54. Panini (IV, 3, 102) and Patafigali only know of the Taittirfya texts as ‘ promulgated by Tittiri.’ * Zeitsch. der D. M.G., IV, p. 289 seq.; reprinted in Indische Streifen I, p. 31 seq.
INTRODUCTION, XXix
Hall), III, p.54. Panini (IV, 3,
102) and Patafigali only know of the Taittirfya texts as ‘ promulgated by Tittiri.’
* Zeitsch. der D. M.G., IV, p. 289 seq.; reprinted in Indische Streifen I, p. 31 seq.
INTRODUCTION, XXix
of the Rik-samhita ; and certain orthoepic peculiarities of the Yagus texts of the KAanvas would seem to favour the assumption of a connection of this school with the redaction of the Rzk. The name of the M4dhyandinas, literally ‘meridional,’ on the other hand, does not occur in the older literature. Nor can we draw any definite conclusions, as to the probable date of their recension, from Lassen’s identification of this name with the Mavd:adwol, mentioned by Megasthenes (as quoted by Arrian) as a people on the banks of a tributary of the Ganges; or from Professor Weber's conjecture that the MAdhyandina school may have taken its origin among that people.
The Madhyandina text of the Satapatha is divided into fourteen books (ka4zda). For several reasons, however, some of these books have to be assigned to a later period than the others. In the first place, the twelfth kaxda is called madhyama, ‘the middle one;’ a fact which in itself would suggest the idea that, at the time when this nomenclature was adopted, the last five books (or perhaps books 11-13) were regarded as a separate portion of the work!. Besides, Patavigali, in a karika or memorial couplet to Paz. IV, 2, 60, mentions the words shash¢ipatha (‘consisting of sixty paths’) and satapatha, with the view of forming derivative nouns from them, in the sense of one who studies such works. Now, as the first nine books of the Satapatha, in the M4dhyandina text, consist of sixty adhydyas, it was suggested by Professor Weber that it was probably this very portion of the work to which Patafgali applied the term ‘shashéipatha,’ and that consequently the first nine books were at that time considered as, in some sense, a distinct work and were studied as such. This conjecture has been generally accepted. There is indeed a possibility that Patagali may have been acquainted with some other
| The K4ava text is divided into seventeen books. Kandas 12-15 correspond to Madhyandina 10-13 ; and kAnda 16, which treats of the Pravargya ceremony, corresponds to the first three adhydyas of the last kanda of the MAdhyandinas. Thus, in the Kanva recension the fourteenth k4nda, called ‘madhyama,’ is the middle one of kandas 12-16; the seventeenth kanda. or Brihadfranyaka, being apparently considered as a supplement. Perhaps this division is more original than that of the Madhyandinas,
XXX: SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
Thus, in the Kanva recension the fourteenth k4nda, called ‘madhyama,’ is the middle one of kandas 12-16; the seventeenth kanda. or Brihadfranyaka, being apparently considered as a supplement. Perhaps this division is more original than that of the Madhyandinas,
XXX: SATAPATHA-BRAHMANA.
recension of the Brahmaza of the V4agasaneyins which consisted of only forty adhydyas; but even in that case the latter would in all probability correspond to the first nine books of the Madhyandina text. As regards the Kazva recension, we are unfortunately not yet able, owing to the want of some of its kAndas, to determine its exact extent; and have to rely on a list added by a scribe on the front page of one of the kaxdas in the Oxford MS.}, according to which that text consists of 104 adhydyas. Still further evidence regarding the mutual relations of the several portions of our Brahmaaa is contained in a passage of the Mahabharata (XII, 11739), where YAgiiavalkya relates that, at the inspiration of the Sun, he composed (£akre) the Satapatha, including? the Rahasya (mystery), the Samgraha (epitome), and the Parisishta (supplement). Now the tenth book is really called Agni-rahasya; while the eleventh contains a kind of summary of the preceding ritual; and kadas 12-14 treat of various other subjects. This relation between the first nine and the remaining five books is also fully borne out by internal evidence, as well as by a comparison with the Vagasaneyi-samhitaé. The latter consists of forty adhy4yas, the first eighteen of whieh contain the formulas of the ordinary sacrifices—the Haviryagiias and Soma-sacrifice—and correspond to the first nine books of the Satapatha-brahmaza. The succeeding adhyayas have been clearly shown by Professor Weber® to be later additions. As a rule only those formulas which are contained in the first eighteen adhydyas are found in the Taittirlya-samhita ; while those of the later adhydyas are given in the Taittirilya-brahmaza.
At the end of the Satapatha the White Yagus is said to have been promulgated (4-khy4) by Yagiiavalkya Vagasaneya. Now the name of this teacher is indeed more frequently met with in the Brahmava than that of any other ;
1 The accuracy of this list cannot be relied upon, as several mistakes occur in the number of kandikas there given. It is, however, unlikely that the scribe should have committed any mistake regarding the number of adhyayas.,
* Literally ‘ together with the rahasya (saiahasyam),’ &c.