likeness to those of his kinsman. Haug capped the climax of absurdity when he found the name of Zarathustra in the Rig-Veda. He finds him described R. V. VII, 37, 7 as ‘den die Leute von seinem Eigenthum vertrieben haben’; so in R. V. X, 85, 36 he reads Jaradashtir, Zarathustra. The word means ‘old man’, ‘age’, and is so accepted. The name Z. after having been ren- dered distinguished by its great bearer, acquired sanctity, and was later applied to a class, of chiefs, or Dasturs.
The above remarks are made in no hostile sense against the energetic Haug, but as a caution to students in Bombay, where he was well known. It is better to regard charekerethrd as equalling ‘counsels’ rather than ‘deeds’. The root of krdtw may be accepted for it. Hudemém seems figur- atively used as ‘position’, ‘standing’, ‘good footing’ in the community (cp. Sk. dama + su). It contains some of the elements of hushiti; cp. sukshema = ‘peaceful times’. Haug referred the word to su + dhmé = das Be- geisterung weckende Redefeuer (2). Others reading hudémim (for hu + ddmim) render: ‘having good wisdom’, ‘clever’.
The emendation humendaidydi (cp. L.2°) has been very cleverly suggested: ‘er will aus seiner Hrinnerung (mazda) vortragen, was ihm ‘im Geddchtniss ge- blieben’ von unserer Rede’. Dydi might be 1st sg. pres. mid. of a d@ = Indian dé (dydti), cp. niravaddyain the sense ‘giving a share’: ‘Therefore I will endow him with the high station of a prophet’. But it is hard to shake off the impression that we have here the remains of a daidydi, infin. for imper. shortened to suit the metre: ‘therefore J am to give him-- -’. (vakh(e)dhrahyd has three syllables). It is also not impossible that dydz may be a shortened daydi from dé = dhi; cp. nidhayad(t) etc. Another compares d@ = ‘to bind’, which is hardly used in the needed sense. My text of the Pahlavi, I trust, needs no defence. The Parsi-persian gives the proper version with i; cp. méi. I read vindid as indicated by the Pahl. text of the Parsi-persian which is vindid, or vindéd. (Zak aé ++ = ‘he, this one’). The Old Pahlavi-Pazand. glossary reports vanditu (sic for vindido) as a past participle, and, if it be such, of course i vindidd may mean ‘I obtained’; see the Gathd. The word chdraké was obviously chosen on account of its resemblance to the first syllable of charekerethrd; but it is not far out of the way, and may possibly be. of identical origin with that syllable. The trlr. refers hudemém to déma = ‘abode’. The glosses are harmless. Ner. also read li with the Per., but he errs, as I think my distinguished. pre- decessor Haug also did, inreading vindid as a 3" person sing. rather than as a first pers. 9. Khshinmén érddem, the reading before some earlier Pahl. trlr., would give: ‘I who /ament’ (the verb was understood as being a repetition of raostd), ‘I who, being of miserable mind (shan + man), lament the
will-less (sic) and illiberal one, or, his ardd being understood to show merely a text once read, érddem (one MS. has @), we should be perfectly free, while following his indication, to render ‘the inefficient’ (to rddh) one. His ren- dering ‘of sorrowful mind’ may be of the last importance; see below. As to érddem, it should not be forgotten that the Gathas are excessively ellip- tical, and érddem (cp. rédhemcha in Y. 9, 23) may be, after all, a noun in agreement with anaé(é)shem, and governed by the force of raostd, as in a
form of rud understood. The extravagant and ill-prepared Polemik, which —
has so long prevailed against the indications of the ancient Asiatic commen- tators, induces us to pause before rejecting their least probable suggestions. But the reading éradem followed by some earlier trlr. has, as so often, great value aside from his translation of it. It may well be said that the Pahl. trlr. has his chief importance as indicating the texts which were before him, and totally apart from the exact views which he took of them.
His perhaps erroneous rendering here raises the interesting question whether we have not the augment before us (cp. évaochad(t)); ‘1, who broken-hearted, have obtained for myself the will-less (sic) one, the voice-- - I, who indeed (mé = smd), or I, for myself (dé adverbially -used) -- -’. But khshanmainé(é) as dative also suits; ‘for myself, the one of miserable mind’; see below on the Pahl. I have reported the other excellent rendering ‘for the wounding’ = ‘wounded’ with change of accent (cp. for general analogy
hénmané = ‘with a blow’). .It is admirably appropriate, but seems now
neglected. De Harlez and others have thought khshnd present.
Some able writers, following Spiegel’s hint, prefer kisham as the related word, and eagerly see an infin. here; m can become m before m, as in dganmé from gam. Accordingly we have such a rendering as the following : ‘If I against my will (anaé(é)shem, adverbially (?)) am to carry out to its satisfying (?) the word of - - -’. Others, following the hint, ‘for my satisfying (?) shall I receive the - - word of «++. The above suggestion seems to demand an interrogative. Haug rendered khshanmeéné etc. guorwm- largitio-optatur as a reduplicated form of han = san (?), rddem = fect (well recognizing a verbal form); tshd-khshathrem = opum-possessionem. Anaé(é)- shem is in clear antithesis with aé(¢)shd-khshathrem*: ‘I have obtained one unable to effect his wish, whereas I wish one who has power to bring his desires to effect’. See the remarks on aé(é)shem, p.401.(*Or khshathrim = ° iyem).
Pahl. That ekhvdstdr rai 7 atdbaéné means ‘on account of the non-suppliant, the powerless’ is proved by pavan tabdand khvahishnih in line c, (see also Ner.’s gloss). Spiegel had only ménishn before him, hence he was obliged to ren- der the Pahl. as he did. Ashdyedd minishnih (so DJ. and the Pers. MS.) translates khshanmeén(é) (kshan + man), a far from improbable hint. But
the trlr. may have seen khshd(n)°, in an earlier MS, in the Pahl. character, and kA in that character is represented by », which also represents a. He
may therefore have read ash@, and thought of a + shd, regarding the n of ashin as accidental and superfluous Sandhi before m, the m also having been supposed to influence the preceding @, as it does in yam and the fem. acc. of the a stem everywhere, as internal Sandhi. Ashdinmén may have equalled to him a + shad + man = ‘of sorrowful mind’ (‘broken- hearted’). It might be supposed that he read ashdnmainé(é) (see J?) = ‘to me myself the broken-hearted one’, but his MS. read @, and as attached to rddem = érddem = ardd. 1 gravely doubt whether his hint ought not — to be followed as the only admissible one; it is excessively apt, and signi- ficant. Khshdnman éradem = ‘1 sorrowful have obtained’; or khshan(u)maineg ‘I have established for the broken-hearted’ would be his rendering emended (see above); and the number of instances in which his indications give the most critical solution is immense. As to kadd, note that the usual curious translation of the syllable dé does not occur close beside chigin, it is removed somewhat by intervening words, and is followed, as in Y. 29, 2, by aité which may have been meant to express ‘existence’. See the remarks on the Pahl. verse 2. As to whether ati equals ‘is’, or (with dahishnd) ‘dispensation-existence’, that is ‘the duration of the dispensation’, or not, one thing is certain, and it should be carefully noted, and that is, that the idea of duratiov is most positively intended here. See it expressed in the gloss: ‘Is that time ever coming?’
As ordinary Pahlavi, I read formerly: ‘It is the unprayerful man on account of whom I am powerless. Unwished-for is the thinking with illiberal giving (?) etc. - - +. (c) How is that giving always(?) etc’. The glosses are erroneous, but harmless. Ner. did not read am, and therefore of course does not refer atébdnd to it.
He first considered ashdyedd méinishnth = andnandamand = ashin (? to sha (cp. chan(?) = ‘rejoice’), the @ being regarded as possessing a nasalization of Sandhi; and then in his gloss, he renders what he regarded also as gloss, that is, atéband. .
10. That husheiti§ should be read simply because the majority of MSS. so read, while others produce hushitis, is an astounding departure by some able writers from their recent practice, which was to go in the face, not only of the majority of MSS., but of all MSS., and that, at every step. Aé(é)ibyé = ‘to these’ (tribesmen represented by the herds). Y@ is nom. pl. ntr. referring to aogd and khshathremchd@. Or it may be instr. sg. connecting avad(t) with ddd(#); ‘such a ruling that (yéna) it may bestow well-ordered domicil- iary-life and happiness’, Aogd is regarded by some as equivalent to jd,
otherwise it should be referred to the root of dkas, uch, uchyati. The Pahl., aside from the gloss, might be read in c: ‘I of that, O A., of it from, or of Thee, I think the first possession’; so, literally.
11. Mashdé; nom. pl. utr. (or masc. (?); ep. perhaps jimd (?) Y. 29. 3) in agreement with the three neuters Ashem, Vohuchéd Mano, and khshathrem. One scholar sees in it mashd = ‘O ye men (?)’. Another emends (md) (?). amashé = ‘O ye immortals (?)’ (Haug’s suggestion). The name Ameshd Sperta belongs to the later Avesta, we have only the beings, or personi- fied attributes, as yet, in the Gathas. Then again md@mashd, so reading, might be a 1* sg. conj. (so Haug, as to form only) of the redup. root of makshi, maksh (2?) = mash, as taksh = tash; but a first person, although a striking interruption, seems too advanced. Consider also mém (mdm) ashd, mam as governed by paiti-zdnatd, but see below.
Frakhshnené(é), root khshnd = jnd (so Haug rendering sapientia, and zum Erkennen). HRenderings are: ‘Sprechet mich also nur, 0 Mazda, einem ~Versorger zu, 2u grossem Lohne (2); ‘nehmt thr mich auf, 0 M., in die grosze
Wee bundesgenossenschaft (2). Better: ‘Assign to us your aid’ (see below). The Pahl.’s kabed is very general, pointing only to the frd°; but it recalls forms of priksh, prakshd for instance; and this explains admirably Srakhshné(é), frakhshni in the sense ‘to satisfy us’, ‘in satisfying’; ep. Yt. 19, 48 Srakhshni ustano-chinahya = ‘in the satisfying of his love of life’, That passage has been otherwise inadequately, I think, but still cleverly, explained by an able scholar as ‘caring (frakhsni = * prajnt) for the saving (?) of his life’. First, I do not think that chinahya means ‘of saving’, and secondly, the gen. after * prajn? = ‘caring’ would not suit so well as the dat. ‘To satisfy his love for life’, or, ‘in the fulness of his love for life’ is better. Moreover in Y. 44, 7 the MSS. show frasné(e)ni, and frakhsnini beside frakhshné(é). Is it possible that the reading frdkhshnené(é), and frdkhshnenem (one MS. at Y. 43, 14 has frdkhsnené(e)) should give place to frdkhshné n@? One very ancient MS. has °né at Y. 48, 12, frdkhshnenem has two variations and _ we have only Y.43, 12, 14 and Y.29, 11 to contend with. This would give us ‘to satisfy us’, while the short a of one MS. enables us to read frakhshné(é) mé. Otherwise we are confined to the unheard-of suffix nena, if priksh were compared; yet the meaning ‘to satisfy’, or ‘in the fulness’ is well adapted everywhere. Possibly frakhshné(é) |° ni], and frakhshnené [° nem] have different roots (?).
If however khshnd is the root in both, I would not render; ‘assign me to a guardian’, but ‘assign to us a helper (avaré with change of accent) for our guiding’, dat. infin. in ané; cp. dhiirvane. Or, with frdkhshnenem in view, it might be loc. ‘in guardian wisdom’ (cp. prajndna).
aa
Ehma, as a 1% pl. pret. of a (Roth), leads us to the further question, ‘can it be conjunctively taken, not as equalling @sma, but an unaugmented form, and so the improper conj.?’: ‘May we be partakers’ (rdtois as par- titive gen.). Still the long @ would more naturally equal 4. Looking at all sides of the subject here, 2hmd@ might be taken as the pronoun (but see below). Spiegel takes it with rdéd/s, as a compositum, which is interesting; ‘of your gift for us’. Hhmd as instrumental (cp. the dative ahmd:) might be a quasi adverbial expression ‘the liberality - - - with reference to us’. Or we may read eimai = ‘for us’. Nd nado may be a misreading for niind = nindm, am and an often contracting into d. Or reading n@ ndo, we may recall ahmdi né in Y. 30, 2, ‘now to us for this (great cause)’, mazdi magdi from line 8.