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THE
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST
[3] a
London
MACMILLAN AND CO.
PUBLISHERS TO THE UNIVERSITY OF
@xford.
THE
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST
TRANSLATED
BY VARIOUS ORIENTAL SCHOLARS
AND EDITED BY
F. MAX MULLER
VOL. I
@rford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1879
[All rights reserved]
THE UPANISHADS
TRANSLATED BY
F. MAX MULLER
PART I
THE XHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD
THE TALAVAKARA-UPANISHAD
THE AITAREYA-ARAVYAKA
THE KAUSHITAKI-BRAHMANA-UPANISHAD
AND
THE VAGASANEYI-SAMHITA-UPANISHAD
@rford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1879
[All rights reserved]
HARVARD
UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY
3 aque”
TO
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE MARQUIS OF SALISBURY, K.G.
CHANCELLOR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD,
LATELY SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA,
SIR HENRY J. 8. MAINE, K.0.8.1.
MEMBER OF THE COUNCIL OF INDIA,
AND
THE VERY BEV. H. G. LIDDELL, D.D.
DEAN OF CHRIST CHURCH,
TO WHOSE KIND INTEREST AND EXERTIONS
THIS ATTEMPT TO MAKE KNOWN TQ THE ENGLISH PEOPLE
THE SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST
IS SO LARGELY INDEBTED,
I NOW DEDICATE THESE VOLUMES
WITH SINCERE RESPECT AND GRATITUDE,
F. MAX MULLER.
[3] a3
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‘The general inclinations which are naturally implanted in my
soul to some religion, it ts impossible for me to shift off: but there
being such a multiplicity of religions in the world, I desire now
seriously to consider with my self which of them all to restrain these
my general inclinations to. And the reason of this my enquiry ts
not, that Iam in the least dissatisfied with that religion I have
already embraced; but because tis natural for all men to have an
overbearing opinion and esteem for that particular religion they are
born and bred-up in. That, therefore, I may not seem biassed by the
prejudice of education, I am resolved to prove and examine them all;
That, therefore, I may not seem biassed by the
prejudice of education, I am resolved to prove and examine them all;
‘Indeed there was never any religion so barbarous and diabolical,
but it was preferred before all other religions whatsoever, by them that
did profess it; otherwise they would not have professed tho...
‘And why, say they, may not you be mistaken as well as we? Espectally when there ts, at least, six to one against your Christian religion;
all of which think they serve God aright; and expect happiness thereby
as well @s you..... And hence it is that in my looking out for the
truest religion, being conscious to my self how great an ascendant
Christianity holds over me beyond the rest, as being that religion
whereinto I was born and baptized, that which the supreme authority
has enjoined and my parents educated me in; that which every one
I meet withal highly approves of, and which I my self have, by a long
continued profession, made almost natural to me: I am resolved to be
more jealous and suspicious of this religion, than of the rest, and be
sure not to entertain it any longer without being convinced by solid and
substantial arguments, of the truth and certainty of tt. That, therefore,
I may make diligent and impartial enquiry into all religions and so be
sure to find out the best, 1 shall for a time, look upon my self as one not
at all interested in any particular religion whatsoever, much less in the
Christian religion, but only as one who desires, in general, to serveand
obey Him that made me,in a right manner, and thereby to be made
partaker of that happiness my nature ts capable of?
BIsHOP BEVERIDGE (1636-1707).
Private Thoughts on Religion, Part I, Article 2.
Digitized by Google
CONTENTS.
PAGE
PREFACE TO THE SacrED Books oF THE East . . . ix
Program of a Translation of the Sacred Books of the
East . . . . . . . . . XXxxix
Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets . . . . xiviii
Approximate Pronunciation of the Roman Letters as
representing the Sanskrit Alphabet . . . lv
INTRODUCTION TO THE UPANISHADS . . oe . . Wii
Khandogya-upanishad . . . . . . Ixxxvi
Talavak4ra-upanishad . . . . . . Ixxxix
Aitareya-Aranzyaka . . . . . . - xc
Kaushitaki-brahmama-upanishad . . . . . XxCVviii
Vagasaneyi-samhita-upanishad .. . . . . c
TRANSLATION OF THE AHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD . . . I
TRANSLATION OF THE TALAVAKARA-UPANISHAD . . . 149
TRANSLATION OF THE AITAREYA-ARAVYAKA . . . 157
TRANSLATION OF THE KausHtTAKI-BRAHMANA-UPANISHAD . 271
TRANSLATION OF THE VAGASANEYI-SAMHITA-UPANISHAD . . il
pom
PREFACE
TO
THE SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST.
I must begin this series of translations of the
Sacred Books of the East with three cautions :—
the first, referring to the character of the original
texts here translated; the second, with regard to the
difficulties in making a proper use of translations ;
the third, showing what is possible and what is impossible in rendering ancient thought into modern
speech.
Readers who have been led to believe that the
Vedas of the ancient Brahmans, the Avesta of the
Zoroastrians, the Tripifaka of the Buddhists, the
Kings of Confucius, or the Koran of Mohammed
are books full of primeval wisdom and religious
enthusiasm, or at least of sound and simple moral
teaching, will be disappointed on consulting these
volumes. Looking at many of the books that have
lately been published on the religions of the ancient
world, I do not wonder that such a belief should
have been raised; but I have long felt that it was
high time to dispel such illusions, and to place the
study of the ancient religions of the world on a
more real and sound, on a more truly historical
basis. It is but natural that those who write on
x PREFACE TO THE
ancient religions, and who have studied them from
translations only, not from original documents,
should have had eyes for their bright rather than
for their dark sides. The former absorb all the
attention of the student, the latter, as they teach
nothing, seem hardly to deserve any notice. Scholars
also who have devoted their life either to the
editing of the original texts or to the careful interpretation of some of the sacred books, are more
inclined, after they have disinterred from a heap of
rubbish some solitary fragments of pure gold, to
exhibit these treasures only than to display all the
refuse from which they had to extract them. I do
not blame them for this, perhaps I should feel that I
was open to the same blame myself, for it is but
natural that scholars in their joy at finding one or
two fragrant fruits or flowers should gladly forget
the brambles and thorns that had to be thrown aside
in the course of their search.
But whether I am myself one of the guilty or not,
I cannot help calling attention to the real mischief
that has been done and is still being done by the
enthusiasm of those pioneers who have opened the
first avenues through the bewildering forest of the
sacred literature of the East. They have raised
expectations that cannot be fulfilled, fears also that,
as will be easily seen, are unfounded. Anyhow they
have removed the study of religion from that wholesome and matter-of-fact atmosphere in which alone
it can produce valuable and permanent results,
' The time has come when the study of the ancient
religions of mankind must be approached in a different, in a less enthusiastic, and more discriminating, in fact, in a more scholarlike spirit. Not
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. Xi
Not
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. Xi
that I object to dilettanti, if they only are what by
their name they profess to be, devoted lovers, and not
mere amateurs. The religions of antiquity, must
always be approached in a loving spirit, and the dry
and cold-blooded scholar is likely to do here as
much mischief as the enthusiastic sciolist. But true
love does not ignore all faults and failings: on the
contrary, it scans them keenly, though only in order
to be able to understand, to explain, and thus to
excuse them. To watch in the Sacred Books of
the East the dawn of the religious consciousness
of man, must always remain one of the most
inspiring and hallowing sights in the whole history
of the world; and he whose heart cannot quiver
with the first quivering rays of human thought
and human faith, as revealed in those ancient documents, is, in his own way, as unfit for these studies
as, from another side, the man who shrinks from
copying and collating ancient MSS., or toiling
through volumes of tedious commentary. What we
want here, as everywhere else, is the truth, and the
whole truth; and if the whole truth must be told,
it is that, however radiant the dawn of religious
thought, it is not without its dark clouds, its chilling
colds, its noxious vapours. Whoever does not
know these, or would hide them from his own sight
and from the sight of others, does not know and
can never understand the real toil and travail of the
human heart in its first religious aspirations; and
not knowing its toil and travail, can never know the
intensity of its triumphs and its joys.
In order to have a solid foundation for a comparative study of the religions of the East, we must
have before all things complete and thoroughly
Xii PREFACE TO THE
faithful translations of their sacred books. Extracts
will no longer suffice. We do not know Germany,
if we know the Rhine; nor Rome, when we have
admired St. Peter’s. No one who collects and publishes such extracts can resist, no one at all events,
so far as I know, has ever resisted, the temptation
of giving what is beautiful, or it may be what is
strange and startling, and leaving out what is commonplace, tedious, or it may be repulsive, or, lastly,
what is difficult to construe and to understand. We
must face the problem in its completeness, and I
confess it has been for many years a problem to
me, aye, and to a great extent is so still, how the
Sacred Books of the East should, by the side of so
much that is fresh, natural, simple, beautiful, and
true, contain so much that is not only unmeaning,
artificial, and silly, but even hideous and repellent.
This is a fact, and must be accounted for in some
way or other.
This is a fact, and must be accounted for in some
way or other.
To some minds this problem may seem to be no
problem at all. To those (and I do not speak of
Christians only) who look upon the sacred books of
all religions except their own as necessarily the outcome of human or superhuman ignorance and depravity, the mixed nature of their contents may
seem to be exactly what it ought to be, what they
expected it would be. But there are other and
more reverent minds who can feel a divine afflatus
in the sacred books, not only of their own, but of
other religions also, and to them the mixed character
of some of the ancient sacred canons must always
be extremely perplexing.
I can account for it to a certain extent, though
not entirely to my own satisfaction. Most of the
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. xii
ancient sacred books have been handed down by
oral tradition for many generations before they were
consigned to writing. In an age when there was
nothing corresponding to what we call literature,
every saying, every proverb, every story handed
down from father to son, received very soon a kind
of hallowed character. They became sacred heirlooms, sacred, because they came from an unknown
source, from a distant age. There was a stage in
the development of human thought, when the distance that separated the living generation from their
grandfathers or great-grandfathers was as yet the
nearest approach to a conception of eternity, and
when the name of grandfather and great-grandfather
seemed the nearest expression of God!. Hence,
what had been said by these half-human, half-divine
ancestors, if it was preserved at all, was soon looked
upon as a more than human utterance. It was
received with reverence, it was never questioned
and criticised.
Some of these ancient sayings were preserved
because they were so true and so striking that they
could not be forgotten. They contained eternal
truths, expressed for the first time in human language. Of such oracles of truth it was said in India
that they had been heard, sruta, and from it arose
the word sruti, the recognised term for divine
revelation in Sanskrit.
But besides those utterances which had a vitality
of their own, strong enough to defy the power of
1 Bishop Callaway, Unkulunkulu, or the Tradition of Creation,
as existing among the Amazulu and other tribes of South Africa,
P- 7-
XIV PREFACE TO THE
But besides those utterances which had a vitality
of their own, strong enough to defy the power of
1 Bishop Callaway, Unkulunkulu, or the Tradition of Creation,
as existing among the Amazulu and other tribes of South Africa,
P- 7-
XIV PREFACE TO THE
time, there were others which might have struck
the minds of the listeners with great force under
the peculiar circumstances that evoked them, but
which, when these circumstances were forgotten, became trivial and almost unintelligible. A few verses
sung by warriors on the eve of a great battle would,
if that battle ended in victory, assume a charm
quite independent of their poetic merit. They —
would be repeated in memory of the heroes
who conquered, and of the gods who granted
victory. But when the heroes, and the gods, and
the victory were all forgotten, the song of victory
and thanksgiving would often survive as a relic
of the past, though almost unintelligible to later
generations.
Even a single ceremonial act, performed at the
time of a famine or an inundation, and apparently
attended with a sudden and almost miraculous
success, might often be preserved in the liturgical
code of a family or a tribe with a superstitious awe
entirely beyond our understanding. It might be
repeated for some time on similar emergencies, till
when it had failed again and again it survived only
as a superstitious custom in the memory of priests
and poets.
Further, it should be remembered that in ancient
as in modern times, the utterances of men who had
once gained a certain prestige, would often receive
attention far beyond their merits, so that in many
a family or tribe the sayings and teachings of one
man, who had once in his youth or manhood uttered
words of inspired wisdom, would all be handed
down together, without any attempt to separate
the grain from the chaff.
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. xv.
Nor must we forget that though oral tradition,
when once brought under proper discipline, is a
most faithful guardian, it is not without its dangers
in its incipient stages. Many a word may have been
misunderstood, many a sentence confused, as it was
told by father to son, before it became fixed in the
tradition of a village community, and then resisted
by its very sacredness all attempts at emendation.
Lastly, we must remember that those who handed
down the ancestral treasures of ancient wisdom,
would often feel inclined to add what seemed useful
to themselves, and what they knew could be preserved in one way only, namely, if it was allowed to
form part of the tradition that had to be handed
down, as a sacred trust, from generation to generation. The priestly influence was at work, even
before there were priests by profession, and when
the priesthood had once become professional, its
influence may account for much that would otherwise seem inexplicable in the sacred codes of the
ancient world.
The priestly influence was at work, even
before there were priests by profession, and when
the priesthood had once become professional, its
influence may account for much that would otherwise seem inexplicable in the sacred codes of the
ancient world.
These are some of the considerations which may
help to explain how, mixed up with real treasures of
thought, we meet in the sacred books with so many
passages and whole chapters which either never had
any life or meaning at all, or if they had, have, in the
form in which they have come down to us, completely lost it. We must try to imagine what the Old
Testament would have been, if it had not been kept
distinct from the Talmud; or the New Testament,
if it had been mixed up not only with the spurious
gospels, but with the records of the wranglings of
the early Councils, if we wish to understand; to some
extent at least, the wild confusion of sublime truth
xvi PREFACE TO THE
with vulgar stupidity that meets us in the pages of
the Veda, the Avesta, and the Tripifaka. The idea
of keeping the original and genuine tradition separate
from apocryphal accretions was an idea of later
growth, that could spring up only after the earlier
tendency of preserving whatever could be preserved
of sacred or half-sacred lore, had done its work, and
wrought its own destruction.
In using, what may seem to some of my fellowworkers, this very strong and almost irreverent language with regard to the ancient Sacred Books of
the East, I have not neglected to make full allowance for that very important intellectual parallax
which, no doubt, renders it most difficult for a
Western observer to see things and thoughts under
exactly the same angle and in the same light as they
would appear to an Eastern eye. There are Western
expressions which offend Eastern taste as much as
Eastern expressions are apt to offend Western taste.
A symphony of Beethoven’s would be mere noise to
an Indian ear, an Indian Sangita seems to us without melody, harmony, or rhythm. All this I fully
admit, yet after making every allowance for national
taste and traditions, I still confidently appeal to the
best Oriental scholars, who have not entirely forgotten that there is a world outside the four walls
of their study, whether they think that my condemnation is too severe, or that Eastern nations
themselves would tolerate, in any of their classical
literary compositions, such violations of the simplest
rules of taste as they have accustomed themselves to
tolerate, if not to admire, in their sacred books.
But then it might no doubt be objected that books
of such a character hardly deserve the honour of
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. XVIi
But then it might no doubt be objected that books
of such a character hardly deserve the honour of
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. XVIi
being translated into English, and that the sooner
they are forgotten, the better. Such opinions have
of late been freely expressed by some eminent
writers, and supported by arguments worthy of the
Khalif Omar himself. In these days of anthropological research, when no custom is too disgusting
to be recorded, no rules of intermarriage too complicated to be disentangled, it may seem strange
that the few genuine relics of ancient religion which,
as by a miracle, have been preserved to us, should thus
have been judged from a purely esthetic, and not from
an historical point of view. There was some excuse for
this in the days of Sir William Jones and Colebrooke.
The latter, as is well known, considered ‘the Vedas
as too voluminous for a complete translation of the
whole,’ adding that ‘what they contain would hardly
reward the labour of the reader; much less that of
the translator?.’ The former went still further in
the condemnation which he pronounced on Anquetil
Duperron’s translation of the Zend-avesta. Sir W.
Jones, we must remember, was not only a scholar,
but also a man of taste, and the man of taste sometimes gained a victory over the scholar. His controversy with Anquetil Duperron, the discoverer of
the Zend-avesta, is well known. It was carried on
by Sir W. Jones apparently with great success, and
yet in the end the victor has proved to be the
vanquished. It was easy, no doubt, to pick out from
Anquetil Duperron’s translation of the sacred writings
of Zoroaster hundreds of passages which were or
seemed to be utterly unmeaning or absurd. This
arose partly, but partly only, from the imperfections
* Colebrooke’s Migcellaneous Essays, 1873, vol. ii, p. 102,
[3] b
XVili PREFACE TO THE
This
arose partly, but partly only, from the imperfections
* Colebrooke’s Migcellaneous Essays, 1873, vol. ii, p. 102,
[3] b
XVili PREFACE TO THE
of the translation. Much, however, of what Sir W.
Jones represented as ridiculous, and therefore unworthy of Zoroaster, and therefore unworthy of being
translated, forms an integral part of the sacred code
of the Zoroastrians. Sir W. Jones smiles at those who
‘think obscurity sublime and venerable, like that of
ancient cloisters and temples, shedding,’ as Milton
expresses it, ‘a dim religious light’ ‘On possédait déja, he writes in his letter addressed to
Anquetil Duperron, 'and composed in very good
and sparkling French, ‘plusieurs traités attribués 4
Zardusht ou Zeratusht, traduits en Persan moderne ;
de prétendues conférences de ce législateur avec
Ormuzd, des priéres, des dogmes, des lois religieuses.
Quelques savans, qui ont lu ces traductions, nous ont
assuré que les originaux étaient de la plus haute
antiquité, parce qu’ils renfermaient beaucoup de platitudes, de bévues, et de contradictions: mais nous
avons conclu par les mémes raisons, qu’ils étaient
trés-modernes, ou bien qu’ils n’étaient pas d’un
homme d’esprit, et d’un philosophe, tel que Zoroastre
est peint par nos historiens. Votre nouvelle traduction, Monsieur, nous confirme dans ce jugement: tout le collége des Guébres aurait beau
nous l’assurer; nous ne croirons jamais que le
charlatan le moins habile ait pu écrire les fadaises
dont vos deux derniers volumes sont rempplis?.’
He at last sums up his argument in the following
words: ‘Ou Zoroastre n/avait pas le sens commun,
ou il n’écrivit pas le livre que vous lui attribuez:
sil n'avait pas le sens commun, il fallait le laisser
dans la foule, et dans lobscurité; s'il n’écrivit pas
1 Sir W. Jones’s Works, vol. iv, p. 113. * Tb., vol. x, p. 408.
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. xix
Jones’s Works, vol. iv, p. 113. * Tb., vol. x, p. 408.
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. xix
ce livre, il était impudent de le publier sous son
nom. Ainsi, ou vous avez insulté le godt du public
en lui présentant des sottises, ou vous l’avez trompé
en lui donnant des faussetés: et de chaque cété vous
méritez son mépris!.’
' This alternative holds good no longer. The
sacred code of Zoroaster or of any other of the
founders of religions may appear to us to be full of
absurdities, or may in fact really be so, and it may
yet be the duty of the scholar to publish, to translate,
and carefully to examine those codes as memorials
of the past, as the only trustworthy documents in
which to study the growth and decay of religion.
It does not answer to say that if Zoroaster was what
we believe him to have been, a wise man, in our
sense of the word, he could not have written the
rubbish which we find in the Avesta. If we are
once satisfied that the text of the Avesta, or the
Veda, or the Tripi¢aka is old and genuine, and
that this text formed the foundation -on which,
during many centuries, the religious belief of millions
of human beings was based, it becomes our duty,
both as historians and philosophers, to study these
books, to try to understand how they could have
arisen, and how they could have exercised for ages
an influence over human beings who in all other
respects were not inferior to ourselves, nay, whom
we are accustomed to look up to on many points as
patterns of wisdom, of virtue, and of taste.
The facts, such as they are, must be faced, if the
study of the ancient religions of the world is ever
to assume a really historical character; and having
1 Works, vol. x, p. 437.
b2
XX PREFACE TO THE
The facts, such as they are, must be faced, if the
study of the ancient religions of the world is ever
to assume a really historical character; and having
1 Works, vol. x, p. 437.
b2
XX PREFACE TO THE
myself grudged no praise to what to my mind is really
beautiful or sublime in the early revelations of religious truth, I feel the less hesitation in fulfilling the
duty of the true scholar, and placing before historians
and philosophers accurate, complete, and unembellished versions of some of the sacred books of the
East. Such versions alone will enable them to form
a true and just estimate of the real development of
early religious thought, so far as we can still gain a
sight of it in literary records to which the highest
human or even divine authority has been ascribed
by the followers of the great religions of antiquity.
It often requires an effort to spoil a beautiful sentence by a few words which might so easily be
suppressed, but which are there in the original,
and must be taken into account quite as much
as the pointed ears in the beautiful Faun of the
Capitol. We want to know the ancient religions
such as they really were, not such as we wish they
should have been. We want to know, not their
wisdom only, but their folly also; and while we must
learn to look up to their highest points where they
seem to rise nearer to heaven than anything we were
acquainted with before, we must not shrink from
looking down into their stony tracts, their dark
abysses, their muddy moraines, in order to comprehend both the heighth and the depth of the human
mind in its searchings after the Infinite.
I can answer for myself and for those who have
worked with me, that our translations are truthful,
that we have suppressed nothing, that we have
varnished nothing, however hard it seemed sometimes even to write it down.
There is only one exception. There are in ancient
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. Xxt
books, and particularly in religious books, frequent
allusions to the sexual aspects of nature, which,
though perfectly harmless and innocent in themselves, cannot be rendered in modern language without the appearance of coarseness. We may regret
that it should be so, but tradition is too strong on
this point, and I have therefore felt obliged to leave
certain passages untranslated, and to give the original, when necessary, in a note. But this has been
done in extreme cases only, and many things which
we should feel inclined to suppress have been left in
all their outspoken simplicity, because those who
want to study ancient man, must learn to study him
as he really was, an animal, with all the strength
and weaknesses of an animal, though an animal that
was to rise above himself, and in the end discover his
true self, after many struggles and many defeats.
After this first caution, which I thought was due
to those who might expect to find in these volumes
nothing but gems, I feel I owe another to those
who may approach these translations under the
impression that they have only to read them in
order to gain an insight into the nature and character
of the religions of mankind. There are philosophers
who have accustomed themselves to look upon religions as things that can be studied as they study the
manners and customs of savage tribes, by glancing
at the entertaining accounts of travellers or missionaries, and then classing each religion under such
wide categories as fetishism, polytheism, monotheism,
and the rest. That is not the case. Translations
can do much, but they can never take the place of the
originals, and if the originals require not only to be
XXil PREFACE TO THE
read, but to be read again and again, translations of
sacred books require to be studied with much greater
care, before we can hope to gain a real understanding of the intentions of their authors or venture
on general assertions.
Such general assertions, if once made, are difficult
to extirpate, It has been stated, for instance, that
the religious notion of sin is wanting altogether in
the hymns of the Rig-veda, and some imfortant conclusions have been based on this supposed fact. Yet
the gradual growth of the concept of guilt is one of
the most interesting lessons which certain passages
of these ancient hymns can teach us'. It has been
asserted that in the Rig-veda Agni, fire, was adored
essentially as earthly sacrificial fire, and not as an
elemental force. How greatly such an assertion has
to be qualified, may be seen from a more careful
examination of the translations of the Vedic hymns
now accessible?. In many parts of the Avesta
fire is no doubt spoken of with great reverence, but those who speak of the Zoroastrians
as fire-worshippers, should know that the true followers of Zoroaster abhor that very name. Again,
there are certainly many passages in the Vedic
writings which prohibit the promiscuous communication of the Veda, but those who maintain that
the Brahmans, like Roman Catholic priests, keep
their sacred books from the people, must have for-
1 M.M., History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, second edition,
1859, Pp. 540 seq.
2 Ludwig, Rig-veda, tibersetzt, vol. iii, p. 331 seq. Muir, Sanskrit
Texts, vol. v, p. 199 seq. On the later growth of Agni, see a
very useful essay by Holtzmann, ‘Agni, nach den Vorstellungen des
Mahabharata,’ 1878,
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. XXill
gotten the many passages in the Brahmamas, the
Satras, and even in the Laws of Manu, where the
duty of learning the Veda by heart is inculcated for
every Brahmama, Kshatriya,Vaisya, that is, for every
man except a Sddra.
XXill
gotten the many passages in the Brahmamas, the
Satras, and even in the Laws of Manu, where the
duty of learning the Veda by heart is inculcated for
every Brahmama, Kshatriya,Vaisya, that is, for every
man except a Sddra.
These are a few specimens only to show how
dangerous it is to generalise even where there exist
complete translations of certain sacred books. It is
far easier to misapprehend, or even totally to misunderstand, a translation than the original; and it
should not be supposed, because a sentence or a
whole chapter seems at first sight unintelligible in
a translation, that therefore they are indeed devoid
of all meaning.
What can be more perplexing than the beginning
of the A#4ndogya-upanishad ? ‘Let a man meditate,’ we read, or, as others translate it, ‘Let a man
worship the syllable Om.’ It may seem impossible
at first sight to elicit any definite meaning from
these words and from much that follows after.
But it would be a mistake, nevertheless, to conclude that we have here vox et preterea nihil.
Meditation on the syllable Om consisted in a longcontinued repetition of that syllable with a view
of drawing the thoughts away from all other subjects, and thus concentrating them on some higher
object of thought of which that syllable was made to
be the symbol. This concentration of thought, ek4grata or one-pointedness, as the Hindus called it, is
something to us almost unknown. Our minds are
like kaleidoscopes of thoughts in constant motion;
and to shut our mental eyes to everything else, while
dwelling on one thought only, has become to most
of us almost as impossible as to apprehend one
XXIV PREFACE TO THE
musical note without harmonics. With the life we
are leading now, with telegrams, letters, newspapers,
reviews, pamphlets, and books ever breaking in upon
us, it has become impossible, or almost impossible,
ever to arrive at that intensity of thought which the
Hindus meant by ekAgrat4, and the attainment of
which was to them the indispensable condition of all
philosophical and religious speculation. The loss may
not be altogether on our side, yet a loss it is, and if we
see the Hindus, even-in their comparatively monotonous life, adopting all kinds of contrivances in
order to assist them in drawing away their thoughts
from all disturbing impressions and to fix them on
one subject only, we must not be satisfied with
smiling at their simplicity, but try to appreciate the
object they had in view.
When by means of repeating the syllable Om,
which originally seems to have meant ‘that,’ or ‘ yes,’
they had arrived at a certain degree of mental tranquillity, the question arose what was meant by this
Om, and to this question the most various answers
were given, according as the mind was to be led
up to higher and higher objects. Thus in one
passage we are told at first that Om is the beginning
of the Veda, or, as we have to deal with an Upanishad
of the Sama-veda, the beginning of the Sama-veda,
so that he who meditates on Om, may be supposed
to be meditating on the whole of the Sama-veda.
But that is not enough. Om is said to be the essence
of the Sama-veda, which, being almost entirely taken
from the Rig-veda, may itself be called the essence
of the Rig-veda. And more than that. The Rig-veda
stands for all speech, the S&ma-veda for all breath
or life, so that Om may be conceived again as the
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. ‘xxv
symbol of all speech and all life. Om thus becomes
the name, not only of all our physical and mental
powers, but especially of the living principle, the
Praza or spirit. This is explained by the parable
in the second chapter, while in the third chapter,
that spirit within us is identified with the spirit in
the sun. He therefore who meditates on Om, meditates on the spirit in man as identical with the spirit .
in nature, or in the sun; and thus the lesson that
is meant to be taught in the beginning of the
Ahandogya-upanishad is really this, that none of the
Vedas with their sacrifices and ceremonies could
ever secure the salvation of the worshipper, i.e.
that sacred works, performed according to the rules
of the Vedas, are of no avail in the end, but that
meditation on Om alone, or that knowledge of
what is meant by Om alone, can procure true salvation, or true immortality. Thus the pupil is led on
step by step to what is the highest object of the
Upanishads, viz. the recognition of the self in man
as identical with the Highest Self or Brahman.
The lessons which are to lead up to that highest
conception of the universe, both subjective and
objective, are no doubt mixed up with much that
is superstitious and absurd; still the main object is
never lost sight of. Thus, when we come to the
eighth chapter, the discussion, though it begins with
Om or the Udgitha, ends with the question of the
origin of the world; and though the final answer,
namely, that Om means ether (4k4sa), and that
ether is the origin of all things, may still sound to
us more physical than metaphysical, still the description given of ether or 4k4sa, shows that more is
meant by it than the physical ether, and that ether
XXVI PREFACE TO THE
is in fact one of the earlier and less perfect names
of the Infinite, of Brahman, the universal Self.
This, at least, is the lesson which the Brahmans
themselves read in this chapter'; and if we look
at the ancient language of the Upanishads as representing mere attempts at finding expression for
what their language could hardly express as yet,
.we shall, I think, be less inclined to disagree with
the interpretation put on those ancient oracles by
the later Ved4nta philosophers *, or, at all events,
we shall hesitate before we reject what is difficult to
interpret, as altogether devoid of meaning.
This is but one instance to show that even behind
the fantastic and whimsical phraseology of the sacred
writings of the Hindus and other Eastern nations,
there may be sometimes aspirations after truth
which deserve careful consideration from the student
of the psychological development and the historical
growth of early religious thought, and that after
careful sifting, treasures may be found in what at
first we may feel inclined to throw away as utterly
worthless.
And now I come to the third caution. Let it
not be supposed that a text, three thousand
years old, or, even if of more modern date, still
widely distant from our own sphere of thought,
can be translated in the same manner as a book
1 The Upanishad itself says: ‘The Brahman is the same as the
ether which is around us; and the ether which is around us, is the
same as the ether which is within us. And the ether which is
within, that is the ether within the heart. That ether in the heart
is omnipresent and unchanging. He who knows this obtains
omnipresent and unchangeable happiness.’ AA. Up. III, 12, 7-9.
_ § Cf. Vedanta-sfitras I, 1, 22. . ;
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. XXVii
written a few years ago in French or German.
Those who know French and German well enough,
know how difficult, nay, how impossible it is, to
render justice to certain touches of genius which
the true artist knows how to give to a sentence. Many poets have translated Heine into
English or Tennyson into German, many painters
have copied the Madonna di San Sisto or the socalled portrait of Beatrice Cenci. But the greater
the excellence of these translators, the more frank
has been their avowal, that the original is beyond
their reach. And what is a translation of modern
German into modern English compared with a translation of ancient Sanskrit or Zend or Chinese into
any modern language? It is an undertaking which,
from its very nature, admits of the most partial
success only, and a more intimate knowledge of the
ancient language, so far from facilitating the task
of the translator, renders it only more hopeless.
Modern words are round, ancient words are square,
and we may as well hope to solve the quadrature of
the circle, as to express adequately the ancient
thoughts of the Veda in modern English.
Modern words are round, ancient words are square,
and we may as well hope to solve the quadrature of
the circle, as to express adequately the ancient
thoughts of the Veda in modern English.
We must not expect therefore that a translation
of the sacred books of the ancients can ever be more
than an approximation of our language to theirs,
of our thoughts to theirs. The translator, however,
‘if he has once gained the conviction that it is
impossible to translate old thought into modern
speech, without doing some violence either to the
one or to the other, will hardly hesitate in his choice
between two evils. He will prefer to do some
violence to language rather than to misrepresent
old thoughts by clothing them in words which do
RXVili PREFACE TO THE
not fit them. If therefore the reader finds some
of these translations rather rugged, if he meets with
expressions which sound foreign, with combinations
of nouns and adjectives such as he has never seen
before, with sentences that seem too long or too
abrupt, let him feel sure that the translator has had
to deal with a choice of evils, and that when the
choice lay between sacrificing idiom or truth, he has
chosen the smaller evil of the two. I do not claim,
of course, either for myself or for my fellow-workers,
that we have always sacrificed as little as was
possible of truth or idiom, and that here and there
a happier rendering of certain passages may not be
suggested by those who come after us. I only wish
to warn the reader once more not to expect too
much from a translation, and to bear in mind that,
easy as it might be to render word by word, it is
difficult, aye, sometimes impossible, to render thought
by thought.
I shall give one instance only from my own
translation of the Upanishads. One of the most
important words in the ancient philosophy of the
Brahmans is Atman, nom. sing. Atma. It is
rendered in our dictionaries by ‘breath, soul, the
principle of life and sensation, the individual soul,
the self, the abstract individual, self, one’s self, the
reflexive pronoun, the natural temperament or disposition, essence, nature, character, peculiarity, the
person or the whole body, the body, the understanding, intellect, the mind, the faculty of thought and
reason, the thinking faculty, the highest principle
of life, Brahma, the supreme deity or soul of the
universe, care, effort, pains, firmness, the sun, fire,
wind, air, a son.’
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. XXIX
XXIX
This will give classical scholars an idea of the
chaotic state from which, thanks to the excellent
work done by Boehtlingk, Roth, and others, Sanskrit
lexicology is only just emerging. Some of the meanings here mentioned ought certainly not to be
ascribed to Atman. It never means, for instance,
the understanding, nor could it ever by itself be
translated by sun, fire, wind, air, pains or firmness,
But after deducting such surplusage, there still
remains a large variety of meanings which may,
under certain circumstances, be ascribed to Atman.
When 4tman occurs in philosophical treatises,
such as the Upanishads and the Vedanta system
which is based on them, it has generally been translated by soul, mind, or spirit. I tried myself to use
one or other of these words, but the oftener I
employed them, the more I felt their inadequacy,
and was driven at last to adopt self and Self as
the least liable to misunderstanding.
No doubt in many passages it sounds strange in
English to use self, and in the plural selfs instead
of selves; but that very strangeness is useful, for
while such words as soul and mind and spirit pass
over us unrealised, self and selfs will always ruffle
the surface of the mind, and stir up some reflection
in the reader. In English to speak even of the
I and the Non-I, was till lately considered harsh ;
it may still be called a foreign philosophical idiom.
In German the Ich and Nicht-ich have, since the
time of Fichte, become recognised and almost
familiar, not only as philosophical terms, but as
legitimate expressions in the literary language of
the day. But while the Ich with Fichte expressed
the highest abstraction of personal existence, the
XXX PREFACE TO THE
corresponding word in Sanskrit, the Aham or
Ahank4ra, was always looked upon as a secondary
development only, and as by no means free from all
purely phenomenal ingredients. Beyond the Aham
or Ego, with all its accidents and limitations, such
as sex, sense, language, country, and religion, the
ancient sages of India perceived, from a very early
time, the Atman or the self, independent of all such
accidents.
The individual 4tman or self, however, was with
the Brahmans a phase or phenomenal modification
only of the Highest Self, and that Highest Self
was to them the last point which could be reached
by philosophical speculation. It was to them what
in other systems of philosophy has been called by
various names, ro dv, the Divine, the Absolute. The
highest aim of all thought and study with the
Brahman of the Upanishads was to recognise his
own self as a mere limited reflection of the Highest
Self, to know his self in the Highest Self, and
through that knowledge to return to it, and regain
his identity with it. Here to know was to be, to
know the Atman was to be the Atman, and the
reward of that highest knowledge after death was
freedom from new births, or immortality.
Here to know was to be, to
know the Atman was to be the Atman, and the
reward of that highest knowledge after death was
freedom from new births, or immortality.
That Highest Self which had become to the
ancient Brahmans the goal of all their mental efforts, was looked upon at the same time as the
starting-point of all phenomenal existence, the root
of the world, the only thing that could truly be said
to be, to be real and true. As the root of all that
exists, the Atman was identified with the Brah man,
which in Sanskrit is both masculine and neuter, and
with the Sat, which is neuter only, that which is,
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. XXX
or Satya, the true, the real. It alone exists in the.
beginning and for ever; it has no second. Whatever else is said to exist, derives its real being from
the Sat. How the one Sat became many, how
what we call the creation, what they call emanation
(xpéodos), constantly proceeds and returns to it, has
been explained in various more or less fanciful ways
by ancient prophets and poets. But what they
all agree in is this, that the whole creation, the
visible and invisible world, all plants, all animals,
all men are due to the one Sat, are upheld by it,
and will return to it.
If we translate Atman by soul, mind, or spirit,
we commit, first of all, that fundamental mistake
of using words which may be predicated, in place of
a word which is a subject only, and can never become a predicate. We may say in English that
man possesses a soul, that a man is out of his mind,
that man has or even that man is a spirit, but we
could never predicate 4tman, or self, of anything
else. Spirit, if it means breath or life; mind, if it
means the organ of perception and conception ;
soul, if, like faitanya, it means intelligence in
general, all these may be predicated of the Atman,
as manifested in the phenomenal world. But
they are never subjects in the sense in which the
Atman is; they have no independent being, apart
from Atman. Thus to translate the beginning of the
Aitareya-upanishad, Atma v4 idam eka ev4gra
Asit, by ‘ This (world) verily was before (the creation
of the world) soul alone’ (Réer); or, ‘ Originally
this (universe) was indeed soul only’ (Colebrooke),
would give us a totally false idea. M. Regnaud
in his ‘ Matériaux pour servir 4 l'histoire de la philo-
Xxxil PREFACE TO THE
sophie de I’Inde’ (vol. ii, p. 24) has evidently felt
this, and has kept the word 4tman untranslated,
‘Au commencement cet univers n’était que ]’Atman.’
But while in French it would seem impossible to
find any equivalent for 4tman, I have ventured to
translate in English, as I should have done in
German, ‘Verily, in the beginning all this was
Self, one only.’
Thus again when we read in Sanskrit, ‘ Know the
Self by the self 4tm4nam 4tman4 pasya, tempting as it may seem, it would be entirely wrong to
render it by the Greek ya ceavrév. The Brahman
called upon his young pupil to know not himself,
but his Self, that is, to know his individual self as
a merely temporary reflex of the Eternal Self.
Were we to translate this so-called 4tmavidyé,
this self-knowledge, by knowledge of the soul, we
should not be altogether wrong, but we should nevertheless lose all that distinguishes Indian from Greek
thought. It may not be good English to say to know
his self, still’ less to know our selfs, but it would be
bad Sanskrit to say to know himself, to know ourselves; or, at all events, such a rendering would
deprive us of the greatest advantage in the study
of Indian philosophy, the opportunity of seeing in
how many different ways man has tried to solve the
riddles of the world and of his soul.
I have thought it best therefore to keep as close
as possible to the Sanskrit original, and where I
could not find an adequate term in English, I have
often retained the Sanskrit word rather than use a
misleading substitute in English. It is impossible, for
instance, to find an English equivalent for so simple
a word as Sat, 7o 6y. We cannot render the Greek 70
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. XXXili
év and ro wy dv by Being or Not-being, for both are
abstract nouns; nor by ‘the Being,’ for this would
almost always convey a wrong impression. In German it is easy to distinguish between das Sein,
i.e. being, in the abstract, and das Seiende, ro dv. |
In the same way the Sanskrit sat can easily be rendered in Greek by ro v, in German by das Seiende,
but in English, unless we say ‘that which is,’ we are
driven to retain the original Sat.
From this Sat was derived in Sanskrit Sat-ya,
meaning originally ‘endowed with being,’ then ‘true.’
This is an adjective ; but the same word, as a neuter,
is also used in the sense of truth, as an abstract;
and in translating it is very necessary always to distinguish between Satyam, the true, frequently the
same as Sat, ro év, and Satyam, truth, veracity,
One example will suffice to show how much the
clearness of a translation depends on the right rendering of such words as 4tman, sat, and satyam._
In a dialogue between Udd4laka and his son
Svetaketu, in which the father tries to open his son’s
mind, and to make him see man’s. true relation to
the Highest Self (AZ4ndogya-upanishad VI), the
father first explains how the Sat produced what we
should call the three elements}, viz. fire, water, and
earth, which he calls heat, water, and food. Having
produced them (VI, 2, 4), the Sat entered into them,
but not with its real nature, but only with its ‘living
self’ (VI, 3, 3), which is a reflection (A4bh4samatram)
_of the real Sat, as the sun in the water is a reflection
fire, water, and
earth, which he calls heat, water, and food. Having
produced them (VI, 2, 4), the Sat entered into them,
but not with its real nature, but only with its ‘living
self’ (VI, 3, 3), which is a reflection (A4bh4samatram)
_of the real Sat, as the sun in the water is a reflection
1 Devatés, literally deities, but frequently to be translated by
powers or beings. Mahadeva Moreshvar Kunte, the learned editor
of the Ved4nta-sfitras, ought not (p. 70) to have rendered devata,
in KA. Up. I, 11, 5, by goddess.
[3] Cc
XXXIV PREFACE TO THE
of the real sun. By this apparent union of the Sat
with the three elements, every form (rfipa) and
every name (ndman) in the world was produced ;
and therefore he who knows the three elements is
supposed to know everything in this world, nearly
in the same manner in which the Greeks imagined
that through a knowledge of the elements, everything else became known (VI, 4, 7). The same
three elements are shown to be also the constituent
elements of man (VI, 5). Food or the earthy element is supposed to produce not only flesh, but
also mind; water, not only blood, but also breath ;
heat, not only bone, but also speech. This is more
or less fanciful; the important point, however, is
this, that, from the Brahmanic point of view, breath,
speech, and mind are purely elemental, or external
instruments, and require the support of the living
self, the givatman, before they can act.
Having explained how the Sat produces progressively heat, how heat leads to water, water to
earth, and how, by a peculiar mixture of the three,
speech, breath, and mind are produced, the teacher
afterwards shows how in death, speech returns to
mind, mind to breath, breath to heat, and heat to
the Sat (VI, 8, 6). This Sat, the root of everything, is called para devatd, the highest deity, not
in the ordinary sense of the word deity, but as
expressing the highest abstraction of the human
mind. We must therefore translate it by the
Highest Being, in the same manner as we translate
devat4, when applied to heat, water, and earth, not
by deity, but by substance or element.
The same Sat, as the root or highest essence
of all material existence, is called aziman, from
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. XXXV
azu, small, subtile, infinitesimal, atom. It is an
abstract word, and I have translated it by subtile
essence.
The father then goes on explaining in various
ways that this Sat is underlying all existence,
and that we must learn to recognise it as the root,
not only of all the objective, but likewise of our
own subjective existence. ‘Bring the fruit of a
Nyagrodha tree,’ he says, ‘break it, and what do
you find?’ ‘The seeds,’ the son replies, ‘almost
infinitesimal.’ ‘Break one of them, and tell me
what you see.’ ‘Nothing, the son replies. Then
the father continues: ‘My son, that subtile essence
which you do not see there, of that very essence
this great Nyagrodha tree exists.’
Then
the father continues: ‘My son, that subtile essence
which you do not see there, of that very essence
this great Nyagrodha tree exists.’
After that follows this sentence: ‘ Etad4tmyam
idam sarvam, tat satyam, sa Atma, tat tvam asi
Svetaketo.’
This sentence has been rendered by Rajendralal
Mitra in the following way: ‘ All this universe has
the (Supreme) Deity for its life. That Deity is
Truth. He is the Universal Soul. Thou art He,
O Svetaketu '!.’
This translation is quite correct, as far as the
words go, but I doubt whether we can connect any
definite thoughts with these words. In spite of the
division adopted in the text, I believe it will be
necessary to join this sentence with the last words
of the preceding paragraph. This is clear from
the commentary, and from later paragraphs, where
this sentence is repeated, VI, 9, 4,&c. The division
’ Anquetil Duperron translates: ‘Ipso hoc modo (ens) illud est
subtile: et hoc omne, unus 4tma est: et id verum et rectum est,
O Sopatkit, tatoumes, id est, ille 4tma tu as.’
C2
XXXVI PREFACE TO THE
in the printed text (VI, 8, 6) is wrong, and VI, 8, 7
should begin with sa ya esho ’zimé, i.e. that which
is the subtile essence.
The question then is, what is further to be said
about this subtile essence. I have ventured to
translate the passage in the following way:
‘That which is the subtile essence (the Sat, the
root of everything), in it all that exists has its self,
or more literally, its self-hood. It is the True (not
the Truth in the abstract, but that which truly and
really exists). It is the Self, i.e. the Sat is what is
called the Self of everything'.’ Lastly, he sums up,
and tells Svetaketu that, not only the whole world,
but he too himself is that Self, that Satya, that
Sat.
No doubt this translation sounds strange to
English ears, but as the thoughts contained in the
Upanishads are strange, it would be wrong to
smoothe down their strangeness by clothing them
in language familiar to us, which, because it is
familiar, will fail to startle us, and because it fails
to startle us, will fail also to set us thinking.
To know oneself to be the Sat, to know that all
that is real and eternal in us is the Sat, that all came
from it and will, through knowledge, return to it,
requires an independent effort of speculative thought.
We must realise, as well as we can, the thoughts of
the ancient Aishis, before we can hope to translate
them. It is not enough simply to read the half-religious, half-philosophical utterances which we find in
‘ The change of gender in sa for tad is idiomatic. One could
not say in Sanskrit tad 4tmé, it is the Self, but sa 4tm4. By sa,
he, the Sat, that which is, is meant. The commentary explains
sa atm4 by tat sat, and continues tat sat tat tvam asi (p. 443).
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. XXXVii
One could
not say in Sanskrit tad 4tmé, it is the Self, but sa 4tm4. By sa,
he, the Sat, that which is, is meant. The commentary explains
sa atm4 by tat sat, and continues tat sat tat tvam asi (p. 443).
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. XXXVii
the Sacred Books of the East, and to say that they
are strange, or obscure, or mystic. Plato is strange,
till we know him; Berkeley is mystic, till for a time
we have identified ourselves with him. So it is with
these ancient sages, who have become the founders
of the great religions of antiquity. They can never
be judged from without, they must be judged from
within. We need not become Brahmans or Buddhists or Taosze altogether, but we must for a time,
if we wish to understand, and still more, if we are
bold enough to undertake to translate their doctrines. Whoever shrinks from that effort, will see
hardly anything in these sacred books or their
translations but matter to wonder at or to laugh at ;
possibly something to make him thankful that he is
not as other men. But to the patient reader these
same books will, in spite of many drawbacks, open a
new view of the history of the human race, of that
one race to which we all belong, with all the fibres
of our flesh, with all the fears and hopes of our soul.
We cannot separate ourselves from those who believed in these sacred books. There is no specific
difference between ourselves and the Brahmans, the
Buddhists, the Zoroastrians, or the Taosze. Our
powers of perceiving, of reasoning, and of believing
may be more highly developed, but we cannot claim
the possession of any verifying power or of any
power of belief which they did not possess as well.
Shall we say then that they were forsaken of God,
while we are His chosen people? God forbid!
There is much, no doubt, in their sacred books
which we should tolerate no longer, though we must
not forget that there are portions in our own sacred
books, too, which many of us would wish to be absent,
XXXViii PREFACE TO THE
which, from the earliest ages of Christianity, have
been regretted by theologians of undoubted piety,
and which often prove a stumblingblock to those
who have been won over by our missionaries to the
simple faith of Christ. But that is not the question.
The question is, whether there is or whether there is
not, hidden in every one of the sacred books, something that could lift up the human heart from this
earth to a higher world, something that could make
man feel the omnipresence of a higher Power, something that could make him shrink from evil and incline to good, something to sustain him in the short
journey through life, with its bright moments of
happiness, and its long hours of terrible distress.
If some of those who read and mark these translations learn how to discover some such precious
grains in the sacred books of other nations, though
hidden under heaps of rubbish, our labour will not
have been in vain, for there is no lesson which at
the present time seems more important than to learn
that in every religion there are such precious grains ;
that we must draw in every religion a broad distinction
between what is essential and what is not, between
the eternal and the temporary, between the divine
and the human; and that though the non-essential
may fill many volumes, the essential can often be
comprehended in a few words, but words on which
‘hang all the law and the prophets,’
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. XXXIX
PROGRAM OF A TRANSLATION
OF
THE SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST.
I here subjoin the program in which I first put
forward the idea of a translation of the Sacred
Books of the East, and through which I invited the
co-operation of Oriental scholars in this undertaking.
The difficulty of finding translators, both willing
and competent to take a part in it, proved far
greater than I had anticipated. Even when I had
secured the assistance of a number of excellent
scholars, and had received their promises of prompt
co-operation, illness, domestic affliction, and even
death asserted their control over all human affairs.
Professor Childers, who had shown the warmest
interest in our work, and on whom I chiefly depended for the Pali literature of the Buddhists, was
taken from us, an irreparable loss to Oriental scholarship in general, and to our undertaking in particular.
Among native scholars, whose co-operation I had
been particularly desired to secure, Rajendralal Mitra,
who had promised a translation of the Vayu-purdza,
was prevented by serious illness from fulfilling his
engagement. In other cases sorrow and sickness have
caused, at all events, serious delay in the translation
of the very books which were to have inaugurated
this Series. However, new offers of assistance have
come, and I hope that more may still come from
Oriental scholars both in India and England, so
that the limit of time which had been originally
xl PREFACE TO THE
assigned to the publication of twenty-four volumes
may not, I hope, be much exceeded.
Tue Sacrep Books oF THE East, TRANSLATED, WITH INTRODUC-
Tions AND NoTEs, BY VARIOUS ORIENTAL SCHOLARS, AND EpITED
By F. Max MUL.ER.
Tue Sacrep Books oF THE East, TRANSLATED, WITH INTRODUC-
Tions AND NoTEs, BY VARIOUS ORIENTAL SCHOLARS, AND EpITED
By F. Max MUL.ER.
Apart from the interest which the Sacred Books of all religions
possess in the eyes of the theologian, and, more particularly, of the
missionary, to whom an accurate knowledge of them is as indispensable as a knowledge of the enemy’s country is to a general, these
works have of late assumed a new importance, as viewed in the
character of ancient historical documents. In every country where
Sacred Books have been preserved, whether by oral tradition or by
writing, they are the oldest records, and mark the beginning of
what may be called documentary, in opposition to purely traditional, history.
There is nothing more ancient in India than the Vedas; and, if
we except the Vedas and the literature connected with them, there
is again no literary work in India which, so far as we know at
present, can with certainty be referred to an earlier date than that
of the Sacred Canon of the Buddhists. Whatever age we may
assign to the various portions of the Avesta and to their final
arrangement, there is no book in the Persian language of greater
antiquity than the Sacred Books of the followers of Zarathustra,
nay, even than their translation in Pehlevi. There may have been
an extensive ancient literature in China long before Khung-fd-3ze
and L&o-3ze, but among all that was rescued and preserved of it,
the five King and the four Sh claim again the highest antiquity.
As to the Koran, it is known to be the fountain-head both of the
religion and of the literature of the Arabs.
This being the case, it was but natural that the attention of the
historian should of late have been more strongly attracted by these
Sacred Books, as likely to afford most valuable information, not
only on the religion, but also on the moral sentiments, the social
institutions, the legal maxims of some of the most important nations
of antiquity. There are not many nations that have preserved
sacred writings, and many of those that have been preserved have
but lately become accessible to us in their original form, through
the rapid advance of Oriental scholarship in Europe. Neither
Greeks, nor Romans, nor Germans, nor Celts, nor Slaves have
left us anything that deserves the name of Sacred Books. The
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. xlt
Neither
Greeks, nor Romans, nor Germans, nor Celts, nor Slaves have
left us anything that deserves the name of Sacred Books. The
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. xlt
Homeric Poems are national Epics, like the Ramayana, and the
Nibelunge, and the Homeric Hymns have never received that
general recognition or sanction which alone can impart to the
poetical effusions of personal piety the sacred or canonical character which is the distinguishing feature of the Vedic Hymns.
The sacred literature of the early inhabitants of Italy seems to have
been of a liturgical rather than of a purely religious kind, and
whatever the Celts, the Germans, the Slaves may have possessed
of sacred traditions about their gods and heroes, having been
handed down by oral tradition chiefly, has perished beyond all
hope of recovery. Some portions of the Eddas alone give us an
idea of what the religious and heroic poetry of the Scandinavians
may have been. The Egyptians possessed Sacred Books, and
some of them, such as the Book of the Dead, have come down to
us in various forms. There is a translation of the Book of the
Dead by Dr. Birch, published in the fifth volume of Bunsen’s
Egypt, and a new edition and translation of this important work
may be expected from the combined labours of Birch, Chabas,
Lepsius, and Naville. In Babylon and Assyria, too, important
fragments of what may be called a Sacred Literature have lately
come to light. The interpretation, however, of these Hieroglyphic
and Cuneiform texts is as yet so difficult that, for the present, they
are of interest to the scholar only, and hardly available for histotical purposes,
Leaving out of consideration the Jewish and Christian Scriptures,
it appears that the only great and original religions which profess
to be founded on Sacred Books', and have preserved them in
manuscript, are :—
1. The religion of the Brahmans,
. The religion of the followers of Buddha.
. The religion of the followers of Zarathustra.
. The religion of the followers of Khung-f-3ze.
. The religion of the followers of L4o-;ze.
. The religion of the followers of Mohammed.
A desire for a trustworthy translation of the Sacred Books of
these six Eastern religions has often been expressed. Several have
been translated into English, French, German, or Latin, but in
some cases these translations are difficult to procure, in others they
are loaded with notes and commentaries, which are intended for
An & WwW DN
1 Introduction to the Science of Religion, by F. Max Miller
(Longmans, 1873), p. 104.
xlii PREFACE TO THE
Max Miller
(Longmans, 1873), p. 104.
xlii PREFACE TO THE
students by profession only. Oriental scholars have been blamed
for not having as yet supplied a want so generally felt, and so frequently expressed, as a complete, trustworthy, and readable translation of the principal Sacred Books of the Eastern Religions, The
reasons, however, why hitherto they have shrunk from such an
undertaking are clear enough. The difficulties in many cases of
giving complete translations, and not selections only, are very great.
There is still much work to be done in a critical restoration of the
original texts, in an examination of their grammar and metres, and
in determining the exact meaning of many words and passages.
That kind of work is naturally far more attractive to scholars than
a mere translation, particularly when they cannot but feel that,
with the progress of our knowledge, many a passage which now
seems clear and easy, may, on being re-examined, assume a new
import. Thus while scholars who are most competent to undertake a translation, prefer to devote their time to more special
researches, the work of a complete translation is deferred to the
future, and historians are left under the impression that Oriental
scholarship is still in so unsatisfactory a state as to make any
reliance on translations of the Veda, the Avesta, or the T4o-te
King extremely hazardous.
It is clear, therefore, that a translation of the principal Sacred
Books of the East can be carried out only at a certain sacrifice.
Scholars must leave for a time their own special researches in
order to render the general results already obtained accessible to
the public at large. And even then, really useful results can be
achieved viribus unitis only. If four of the best Egyptologists
have to combine in order to produce a satisfactory edition and
translation of one of the Sacred Books of ancient Egypt, a much
larger number of Oriental scholars will be required for translating
the Sacred Books of the Brahmans, the Buddhists, the Zoroastrians,
the followers of Khung-f(-3ze, LAo-3ze, and Mohammed.
Lastly, there was the most serious difficulty of all, a difficulty
which no scholar could remove, viz. the difficulty of finding the
funds necessary for carrying out so large an undertaking. No
doubt there exists at present a very keen interest in questions
connected with the origin, the growth, and decay of religion. But
much of that interest is theoretic rather than historical. How
people might or could or should have elaborated religious ideas, is
a topic most warmly discussed among psychologists and theologians, but a study of the documents, in which alone the actual
growth of religious thought can be traced, is much neglected.
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. xliii
How
people might or could or should have elaborated religious ideas, is
a topic most warmly discussed among psychologists and theologians, but a study of the documents, in which alone the actual
growth of religious thought can be traced, is much neglected.
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. xliii
A faithful, unvarnished prose translation of the Sacred Books of
India, Persia, China, and Arabia, though it may interest careful
students, will never, I fear, excite a widespread interest, or command a circulation large enough to make it a matter of private
enterprise and commercial speculation.
No doubt there is much in these old books that is startling by
its very simplicity and truth, much that is elevated and elevating,
much that is beautiful and sublime; but people who have vague
ideas of primeval wisdom and the splendour of Eastern poetry will
soon find themselves grievously disappointed. It cannot be too
strongly stated, that the chief, and, in many cases, the only interest
of the Sacred Books of the East is historical; that much in them is
extremely childish, tedious, if not repulsive; and that no one but
the historian will be able to understand the important lessons which
they teach. It would have been impossible to undertake a translation even of the most important only of the Sacred Books of the
East, without the support of an Academy or a University which
recognises the necessity of rendering these works more generally
accessible, on the same grounds on which it recognises the duty of
collecting and exhibiting in Museums the petrifactions of bygone
ages, little concerned whether the public admires the beauty of
fossilised plants and broken skeletons, as long as hard-working
students find there some light for reading once more the darker
pages in the history of the earth.
‘ Having been so fortunate as to secure that support, having also
received promises of assistance from some of the best Oriental
scholars in England and India, I hope I shall be able, after the
necessary preparations are completed, to publish about three
volumes of translations every year, selecting from the stores of the
six so-called ‘Book-religions’ those works which at present can be
translated, and which are most likely to prove useful. All translations will be made from the original texts, and where good
translations exist already, they will be carefully revised by competent scholars. Such is the bulk of the religious literature of the
Brahmans and the Buddhists, that to attempt a complete translation
would be far beyond the powers of one generation of scholars.
Still, if the interest in the work itself should continue, there is no
reason why this series of translations should not be carried on,
even after those who commenced it shall have ceased from their
labours.
What I contemplate at present, and I am afraid at my time of
life even this may seem too sanguine, is no more than a Series
xliv PREFACE TO THE
What I contemplate at present, and I am afraid at my time of
life even this may seem too sanguine, is no more than a Series
xliv PREFACE TO THE
of twenty-four volumes, the publication of which will probably
extend over eight years. In this Series I hope to comprehend the
following books, though I do not pledge myself to adhere strictly
to this outline :—
1. From among the Sacred Books of the Brahmans I hope to
give a translation of the Hymns of the Rig-veda. While I shall
continue my translation of selected hymns of that Veda, a traduction raisonnée which is intended for Sanskrit scholars only, on
the same principles which I have followed in the first volume’,
explaining every word and sentence that seems to require elucidation, and carefully examining the opinions of previous commentators, both native and European, I intend to contribute a freer
translation of the hymns to this Series, with a few explanatory
notes only, such as are absolutely necessary to enable readers who
are unacquainted with Sanskrit to understand the thoughts of the
Vedic poets. The translation of perhaps another Samhita, one or
two of the Brahmaaas, or portions of them, will have to be included
in our Series, as well as the principal Upanishads, theosophic treatises of great interest and beauty. There is every prospect of an
early appearance of a translation of the Bhagavad-git4, of the most
important among the sacred Law-books, and of one at least of the
Purdsas. I should have wished to include a translation of some of
the Gain books, of the Granth of the Sikhs, and of similar works
illustrative of the later developments of religion in India, but there
is hardly room for them at present.
2. The Sacred Books of the Buddhists will be translated chiefly
from the two original collections, the Southern in Pali, the
Northern in Sanskrit. Here the selection will, no doubt, be most
difficult. Among the first books to be published will be, I hope,
Satras from the Digha Nik4ya, a part of the Vinaya-pifaka, the
Dhammapada, the Divy4vadana, the Lalita-vistara, or legendary
life of Buddha. ;
3. The Sacred Books of the Zoroastrians lie within a smaller
compass, but they will require fuller notes and commentaries in
order to make a translation intelligible and useful.
4. The books which enjoy the highest authority with the followers of Khung-fd-3ze are the King and the Sha. Of the former
the Sh King or Book of History; the Odes of the Temple and
? Rig-veda-sanhité, The Sacred Hymns of the Brahmans, translated and explained by F. Max Miller. Vol. i. Hymns to the
Maruts or the Storm-Gods. London, 1869.
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. xlv
Of the former
the Sh King or Book of History; the Odes of the Temple and
? Rig-veda-sanhité, The Sacred Hymns of the Brahmans, translated and explained by F. Max Miller. Vol. i. Hymns to the
Maruts or the Storm-Gods. London, 1869.
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. xlv
the Altar, and other pieces illustrating the ancient religious views
and practices of the Chinese, in the Shih King or Book of Poetry;
the Yi King; the Lt Xf; and the Hsiao King or Classic of Filial
Piety, will all be given, it is hoped, entire. ‘Of the latter, the Series
will contain the Xung Yung or Doctrine of the Mean; the Ta Hsio
or Great Learning; all Confucius’ utterances in the Lun Yi or Confucian Analects, which are of a religious nature, and refer to the
principles of his moral system; and Mang-3ze’s Doctrine of the
Goodness of Human Nature.
5. For the system of L&o-3ze we require only a translation of
the T4o-teh King with some of its commentaries, and, it may be,
an authoritative work to illustrate the actual operation of its
principles.
6. For Islam, all that is éssential is a trustworthy translation of
the Koran.
It will be my endeavour to divide the twenty-four volumes which
are contemplated in this Series as equally as possible among the
six religions. But much must depend on the assistance which I
receive from Oriental scholars, and also on the interest and the
wishes of the public. ..
F. MAX MULLER.
Oxrorp, October, 1876.
The following distinguished scholars, all of them
occupying the foremost rank in their own special
departments of Oriental literature, are at present
engaged in preparing translations of some of the
Sacred Books of the East: S. Beal, R. G. Bhan-:
darkar, G. Bihler, A. Burnell, E. B. Cowell, J.
Darmesteter, T, W. Rhys Davids, J. Eggeling,
V. Fausbdéll, H. Jacobi, J. Jolly, H. Kern, F. Kielhorn, J. Legge, H. Oldenberg, E. H. Palmer, R.
Pischel, K. T. Telang, E. W. West.
The works which for the present have been
selected for translation are the following:
I. AncieENT VeEpic RELIGION.
Hymns of the Azg-veda.
The Satapatha-brahmaza.
xlvi PREFACE TO THE
The Upanishads.
The Grzhya-sitras of Hirazyakesin and others.
II. Law-Books IN PROSE.
The Sttras of Apastamba, Gautama, Baudhdyana,
Vasish¢ha, Vishau, &c.
TIL LAW-BOOKS IN VERSE.
The Laws of Manu, Yagfiavalkya, &c.
IV. Larter BRAHMANISM.
The Bhagavad-gita.
The Vayu-puraza.
V. Buppuism.
1. Pali Documents.
The Mah4parinibbana Sutta, the Tevigga Sutta,
the Mahasudassana Sutta, the Dhammagakkappavattana Sutta; the Suttanipdta; the Mahdvagga,
the Xullavagga, and the Patimokkha.
2. Sanskrit Documents.
The Divyavadana and Saddharmapuzaartka.
3. Chinese Documents.
The Phf-y4o King, or life of Buddha.
4. Prakrit Gaina Documents.
The Afaranga Sdtra, Dasavaik4lika Sdtra, Satrakrvztanga, and Uttaradhyayana Satra.
VI. Parsi REtIcIon.
1. Zend Documents.
The Venditdad.
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. xlvii
2. Pehlevi and Parsi Documents.
3. Chinese Documents.
The Phf-y4o King, or life of Buddha.
4. Prakrit Gaina Documents.
The Afaranga Sdtra, Dasavaik4lika Sdtra, Satrakrvztanga, and Uttaradhyayana Satra.
VI. Parsi REtIcIon.
1. Zend Documents.
The Venditdad.
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. xlvii
2. Pehlevi and Parsi Documents.
The Bundahis, Bahman Yasht, Shdyast-la-shayast,
Dadistani Dint, Mainyéi Khard.
VII. MoHAMMEDANISM.
The Koran.
VIII. Cuinese RE LIGIon.
1. Confucianism.
The Sha King, Shih King, Hsiao King, Yt King,
Li #1, Lun Yi, and Mang-jze.
2. Taoism.
The T4o-teh King, Awang-3ze, and Kan Ying
Phien.
xl viii PREFACE TO THE
_ TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL
ALPHABETS,
The system of transcribing Oriental words with
Roman types, adopted by the translators of the
Sacred Books of the East, is, on the whole, the
same which I first laid down in my Proposals for
a Missionary Alphabet, 1854, and which afterwards
I shortly described in my Lectures on the Science
of Language, Second Series, p. 169 (ninth edition).
That system allows of great freedom in its application to different languages, and has, therefore,
recommended itself to many scholars, even if they
had long been accustomed to use their own system
of transliteration.
It rests in fact on a few principles only, which
may be applied to individual languages according to
the views which each student has formed for himself of the character and the pronunciation of the
vowels and consonants of any given alphabet.
It does not differ essentially from the Standard
Alphabet proposed by Professor Lepsius. It only
endeavours to realise, by means of the ordinary
types which are found in every printing office, what
my learned friend has been enabled to achieve, it
may be in a more perfect manner, by means of a
number of new types with diacritical marks, cast
‘expressly for him by the Berlin Academy.
The general principles of what, on account of its
easy application to all languages, I have called the
Missionary Alphabet, are these :
1. No letters are to be used which do not exist
in ordinary founts.
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. xlix
2. The same Roman type is always to represent
the same foreign letter, and the same foreign letter
is always to be represented by the same Roman
type.
3. Simple letters are, as a rule, to be represented
by simple, compound by compound types.
4. It is not attempted to indicate the pronunciation of foreign languages, but only to represent
foreign letters by Roman types, leaving the pronunciation to be learnt, as it is now, from grammars or from conversation with natives.
4. It is not attempted to indicate the pronunciation of foreign languages, but only to represent
foreign letters by Roman types, leaving the pronunciation to be learnt, as it is now, from grammars or from conversation with natives.
5. The foundation of every system of transliteration must consist of a classification of the typical
sounds of human speech. Such classification may
be more or less perfect, more or less minute, according to the objects in view. For ordinary purposes
the classification in vowels and consonants, and of
consonants again in gutturals, dentals, and labials
suffices. In these three classes we distinguish hard
(not-voiced) and sonant (voiced) consonants, each
being liable to aspiration; nasals, sibilants, and
semivowels, sonie of these also, being either voiced
or not-voiced.
6. After having settled the typical sounds, we
assign to them, as much as possible, the ordinary
Roman types of the first class.
7. We then arrange in every language which
possesses a richer alphabet, all remaining letters,
according to their affinities, as modifications of the
nearest typical letters, or as letters of the second
and third class. Thus linguals in Sanskrit are treated
as nearest to dentals, palatals to gutturals.
8. The manner of expressing such modifications
is uniform throughout. While all typical letters of
(3) d
| PREFACE TO THE
the first class are expressed by Roman types, modified letters of the second class are expressed by
italics, modified letters of the third class by small
capitals. Only in extreme cases, where another class
of modified types is wanted, are we compelled to
have recourse either to diacritical marks, or to a
different fount of types.
9. Which letters in each language are to be
considered as primary, secondary, or tertiary may,
to a certain extent, be left to the discretion of
individual scholars.
to. As it has been found quite impossible to
devise any practical alphabet that should accurately
represent the pronunciation of words, the Missionary
Alphabet, by not attempting to indicate minute
shades of pronunciation, has at all events the
advantage of not misleading readers in their pronunciation of foreign words. An italic ¢, for instance,
or a small capital T, serves simply as a warning that
this is not the ordinary t, though it has some affinity
with it. How it is to be pronounced must be learnt
for each language, as it now is, from a grammar
or otherwise. Thus ¢ in Sanskrit is the lingual 4.
How that is to be pronounced, we must learn from
the Pratisikhyas, or from the mouth of a highly
educated Srotriya. We shall then learn that its
pronunciation is really that of what we call the
ordinary dental t, as in town, while the ordinary
dental t in Sanskrit has a pronunciation of its own,
extremely difficult to acquire for Europeans.
11. Words or sentences which used to be printed
in italics are spaced.
d2
11. Words or sentences which used to be printed
in italics are spaced.
d2
TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS ADOPTED FOR THE TRANSLATIONS
OF THE SACRED Books OF THE East.
CONSONANTS,
MISSIONARY ALPHABET,
T Class.
II Class.
IIT Class,
Zend.
Pehlevi.
Persian,
Arabic,
Hebrew.
Chinese.
Gutturales.
1 Tenuis......
2 4, # aspirata.......
Bs Media: sora) s6.%. 1. Baie a ese
4 ,, aspirata........
5 Gutturo-labialis .
6 Nasalis......
8 ”
9 ss
DO sg
BT
it an
asper faucalis .
lenis faucalis . .
asper fricatus ...
lenis fricatus ....
Gutturales modificatae
(palatales, &c.)
13 Tenuis ........2..
14 » aspirata .......
15 Media ........
16 ”
17 ,,
aspirata. .....-.
Nasalis........
eee w
ANAAR
Ra2EAE
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST.
li
CONSONANTS
(continued).
MISSIONARY ALPHABET.
T Class,
II Class.
—
IIT Class,
Pehlevi.
Persian.
Arabic.
Hebrew.
Chinese,
18 Semivocalis .......
19 Spiritus asper......
20 ~« lenis ......
21s, asper assibilatus
22)—Ci«ss lenis assibilatus
Dentales.
23 Tenuis ..........
24 ~=«,”)saspirata......
25 ,, assibilata.....
26 Media ......22.5.-
27 ~=«y,”~=s aspirata......
28 =, assibilata.....
29 Nasalis.......2..2.
30 Semivocalis .......
31 » mollisl...
32 ” mollis2...
33 Spiritus asper] .....
34 Sg, asper2.....
35,
36
37
lenis ...--.
» asperrimus 2. .
» asperrimusl.,..
i)
(y)
PREFACE TO THE
Dentales modificatace
(linguales, &c.)
38 Tenuis....°.....45
39 ,, aspirata ......
40 Media ..........4.
41 ,, aspirata.......
42 Nasalis.... 2... 200s
43 Semivocalis ........
44 » fricata. ....
45 * diacritica ....
46 Spiritus asper .......
47 » lenis.......-
Labiales,
49 » SSpirata ......
50 Media .....-..200%
51 ,, = aspirata......
52 Tenuissima.........
54 Semivocalis ........
55 » aspirata.....
56 Spiritus asperr .......
57, _”~—sdenisw 2. ees
68 Anusvéra. ... 0-0 ee
59 Visarga.... 2. ee eee
eee
sh
zh
weee towed
b
eooee oe
ze
Br
4
st
t
a
z
al
ee eeee
ee eoeee oee @eese
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST.
lili
MISSIONARY ALPHABET.
T Class.
11 Class.
111 Class,
Sanskri Zend.
Pehlevi.
Persian,
Arabic.
Hebrew.
Chinese.
2 Laryngo-palatalis
3 ,, - labialis .......
4 Gutturalis brevis. ......
5 ” longa .......
6 Palatalis brevis. .......
7 ” longa ........
8 Dentalis brevis. .......
9 » longa........
10 Lingualis brevis
11 ” longa
12 Labialis brevis ........
13 s» longa ........
14 Gutturo-palatalis brevis .. .
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PREFACE TO THE
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. lv
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PREFACE TO THE
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST. lv
APPROXIMATE PRONUNCIATION OF THE ROMAN LETTERS
AS REPRESENTING THE SANSKRIT ALPHABET.
Vows. fi as in new
a’ “as insam y ma sy, yet
a aT ,, psalm 8 BW ,, sharp
i = 4 knit Dentals.
t = ,, neat t W as in tin (2 Yone or the tech)
ri =] fiery th @ ,, lanthorn
ré Qi» d & , din
i @ ,, friendly dh WW ,, landholder
e &@» 7 n A sy nay
u 3s, full 1 HS 5, let
a BB ,, fool l Sr»
-e ze » date 8 SB ,, grass
ai z aisle :
(+) wt ” note Linguals._ of tongue strikau a proud t Z as in town (ing alv region)
th 3 4, ~outhouse
d 3S ,, done
ConsoNANTS. dh @ 4, rodhook
Gutturals. n ww 4 no
k @ as in kite r ty red
kh @ _,, inkhorn sh © =,, shun
g -Ty gate Labials.
gh @ ,, springhead p Was in pan
h(ng)F ,, sing ph W ,, topheavy
ho & » hear b & 4. bed
Palatals. bh W~ ,, clubhouse
k @as in church m a, mill
kk @ ,, church-history v a, live
g W~ 4, jolly m a » Anusvara (sient )
gh ® 4, bridge-house ho = s@_y,_- Visarga (brecthing)
Proper names have frequently been left in their ordinary spelling, e.g.
Rajendra, instead of Ragendra. In words which have almost become
English, the diacritical marks have often been omitted, e.g. Rig-veda,
instead of Rig-veda; Brahman, instead of Brabmana; Confucius,
Zoroaster, Koran, &c.
INTRODUCTION
TO
THE UPANISHADS.
FIRST TRANSLATION OF THE UPANISHADS.
DARA SHUKOH, ANQUETIL DUPERRON, SCHOPENHAUER.
THE ancient Vedic literature, the foundation of the
whole literature of India, which has been handed down
in that country in an unbroken succession from the earliest
times within the recollection of man to the present day,
became known for the first time beyond the frontiers of
India through the Upanishads. The Upanishads were
translated from Sanskrit into Persian by, or, it may be, for
Dara Shukoh, the eldest son of Shah Jeh4n, an enlightened
prince, who openly professed the liberal religious tenets of
the great Emperor Akbar, and even wrote a book intended
to reconcile the religious doctrines of Hindus and Mohammedans. He seems first to have heard of the Upanishads
during his stay in Kashmir in 1640. He afterwards invited several Pandits from Benares to Delhi, who were to
assist him in the work of translation. The translation
was finished in 1657. Three years after the accomplishment of this work, in 1659, the prince was put to death by
his brother Aurangzib}, in reality, no doubt, because he
was the eldest son and legitimate successor of Shah Jehan,
but under the pretext that he was an infidel, and dangerous
to the established religion of the empire.
When the Upanishads had once been translated from
Sanskrit into Persian, at that time the most widely read
language of the East and understood likewise by many
European scholars, they became generally accessible to
When the Upanishads had once been translated from
Sanskrit into Persian, at that time the most widely read
language of the East and understood likewise by many
European scholars, they became generally accessible to
1 Elphinstone, History of India, ed. Cowfll, p. 610,
Iviii UPANISHADS.
all who took an interest in the religious literature of
India. It is true that under Akbar’s reign (1556-1586)
similar translations had been prepared ', but neither those
nor the translations of Dara Shukoh attracted the attention
of European scholars till the year 1775. In that year
Anquetil Duperron, the famous traveller and discoverer
of the Zend-avesta, received one MS. of the Persian translation of the Upanishads, sent to him by M. Gentil, the
French resident at the court of Shuja ud daula, and brought
to France by M. Bernier. After receiving another MS.,
Anquetil Duperron collated the two, and translated the
Persian translation? into French (not published), and into
Latin. That Latin translation was published in 1801 and
1802, under the title of ‘Oupnek’hat, id est, Secretum tegendum: opus ipsa in India rarissimum, continens antiquam et
arcanam, seu theologicam et philosophicam doctrinam, e
quatuor sacris Indorum libris Rak baid, Djedjer baid, Sam
baid, Athrban baid excerptam; ad verbum, e Persico
idiomate, Samkreticis vocabulis intermixto, in Latinum
conversum: Dissertationibus et Annotationibus difficiliora explanantibus, illustratum: studio et opera Anquetil
Duperron, Indicopleuste. Argentorati, typis et impensis
fratrum Levrault, vol. i, 1801; vol. ii, 1802 5.’
This translation, though it attracted considerable interest
among scholars, was written in so utterly unintelligible a
style, that it required the lynxlike perspicacity of an intre-
1 M.M., Introduction to the Science of Religion, p. 79.
® Several other MSS. of this translation have since come to light; one at
Oxford, Codices Wilsoniani, 399 and 400. Anquetil Duperron gives the following
title of the Persian translation: ‘ Hanc interpretationem r&v Oupnekhathai quorumvis quatuor librorum Beid, quod, designatum cum secreto magno (per
secretum magnum) est, et integram cognitionem luminis luminum, hic Fakir
sine tristitia (Sultan) Mohammed Dara Schakoh ipse, cum significatione recta,
cum sinceritate, in tempore sex mensium (postremo die, secundo rod Schonbeh,
vigesimo) sexto mensis rod Ramazzan, anno 1067 rod Hedjri (Christi, 1657) in
urbe Delhi, in mansione nakhe noudeh, cum absolutione ad finem fecit pervenire.’
The MS. was copied by Atma Ram in the year 1767 a.p. Anquetil Duperron
adds: ‘Absolutum est hoc Apographum versionis Latins 7@v quinquaginta
Oupnekhatha, ad verbum, e Persico idiomate, Samskreticis vocabulis intermixto, facte, die g Octobris, 1796, 18 Brumaire, anni 4, Reipublic. Gall.
Parisiis.’ -
3 M.M., History of Adbcient Sanskrit Literature, second edition, p. 325.
INTRODUCTION. lix
Gall.
Parisiis.’ -
3 M.M., History of Adbcient Sanskrit Literature, second edition, p. 325.
INTRODUCTION. lix
pid philosopher, such as Schopenhauer, to discover a thread
through such a labyrinth. Schopenhauer, however, not only
found and followed such a thread, but he had the courage to
proclaim to an incredulous age the vast treasures of thought
which were lying buried beneath that fearful jargon.
As Anquetil Duperron’s volumes have become scarce, I
shall here give a short specimen of his translation, which
corresponds to the first sentences of my translation of the
KhAndogya-upanishad (p. 1):—‘Oum hoc verbum (esse)
adkit ut sciveris, sic r6 maschghouli fac (de eo meditare), quod ipsum hoc verbum aodkit est; propter illud
quod hoc (verbum) oum, in Sam Beid, cum voce alta,
cum harmonia pronunciatum fiat.
‘Adkiteh porro cremor (optimum, selectissimum)
est: quemadmodum ex (prz) omni quieto (non moto),
et moto, pulvis (terra) cremor (optimum) est; et e (pre)
terra aqua cremor est; et ex aqua, comedendum (victus)
cremor est ; (et) e comedendo, comedens cremor est; et e€
comedente, loquela (id quod dicitur) cremor est; et e
loquela, atet rod Beid, et ex atet, 7d siam, id est, cum harmonia (pronunciatum); et e Sam, rd adkit, cremor est ;
id est, oum, voce alta, cum harmonia pronunciare, aokit,
cremor cremorum (optimum optimorum) est. Major, ex
(prz) adkit, cremor alter non est.’
Schopenhauer not only read this translation carefully,
but he makes no secret of it, that his own philosophy is
powerfully impregnated by the fundamental doctrines of
the Upanishads. He dwells on it again and again, and it
seems both fair to Schopenhauer’s memory and _ highly
important for a true appreciation of the philosophical value
of the Upanishads, to put together what that vigorous
thinker has written on those ancient rhapsodies of truth.
In his ‘Welt als Wille und Vorstellung,’ he writes,
in the preface to the first edition, p. xiii:
“If the reader has also received the benefit of the Vedas, the
access to which by means of the Upanishads is in my eyes
the greatest privilege which this still young century (1818)
may claim before all previous centuries, (for I anticipate
that the influence of Sanskrit literature will not be less pro-
lx UPANISHADS.
found than the revival of Greek in the fourteenth century, )}—if
then the reader, I say, has received his initiation in primeval
Indian wisdom, and received it with an open heart, he will
be prepared in the very best way for hearing what I have
to tell him. It will not sound to him strange, as to many
others, much less disagreeable ; for I might, if it did not
sound conceited, contend that every one of the detached
statements which constitute the Upanishads, may be deduced as a necessary result from the fundamental thoughts
which I have to enunciate, though those deductions themselves are by no means to be found there.’
And again!:
‘If I consider how difficult it is, even with the assistance
of the best and carefully educated teachers, and with all
the excellent philological appliances collected in the course
of this century, to arrive at a really correct, accurate, and
living understanding of Greek and Roman authors, whose
language was after all the language of our own predecessors
in Europe, and the mother of our own, while Sanskrit, on
the contrary, was spoken thousands of years ago in distant
India, and can be learnt only with appliances which are as
yet very imperfect ;—if I add to this the impression which
the translations of Sanskrit works by European scholars,
with very few exceptions, produce on my mind, I cannot
resist a certain suspicion that our Sanskrit scholars do not
understand their texts much better than the higher class of
schoolboys their Greek. Of course, as they are not boys,
but men of knowledge and understanding, they put together,
out of what they do understand, something like what the
general meaning may have been, but much probably creeps
in ex ingenio. It is still worse with the Chinese of our
European Sinologues.
‘If then I consider, on the other hand, that Sultan
Mohammed Dérd Shukoh, the brother of Aurangzib, was
born and bred in India, was a learned, thoughtful, and
enquiring man, and therefore probably understood his
Sanskrit about as well as we our Latin, that moreover
1 Schopenhauer, Parerga, third edition, II, p. 426.
INTRODUCTION. Ixi
he was assisted by a number. of the most learned Pandits,
all this together gives me at once a very high opinion of
his translation of the Vedic Upanishads into Persian. If,
besides this, I see with what profound and quite appropriate reverence Anquetil Duperron has treated that
Persian translation, rendering it in Latin word by word,
retaining, in spite of Latin grammar, the Persian syntax,
and all the Sanskrit words which the Sultan himself had
left untranslated, though explaining them in a glossary,
I feel the most perfect confidence in reading that translation, and that confidence’ soon receives its most perfect
justification. For how entirely does the Oupnekhat breathe
throughout the holy spirit of the Vedas! How is every
one who by a diligent study of its Persian Latin has
become familiar with that incomparable book, stirred by
that spirit to the very depth of his soul! How does every
line display its firm, definite, and throughout harmonious
meaning! From every sentence deep, original, and sublime
thoughts arise, and the whole is pervaded by a high and
holy and earnest spirit. Indian air surrounds us, and
original thoughts of kindred spirits. And oh, how thoroughly
is the mind here washed clean of all early engrafted Jewish
superstitions, and of all philosophy that cringes before those.
superstitions! In the whole world there is no study, except
that of the originals, so beneficial and so elevating as that
of the Oupnekhat. It has been the solace of my life, it
will be the solace of my death! —e
superstitions! In the whole world there is no study, except
that of the originals, so beneficial and so elevating as that
of the Oupnekhat. It has been the solace of my life, it
will be the solace of my death! —e
‘Though ! I feel the highest regard for the religious and
philosophical works of Sanskrit literature, I have not been
able to derive much pleasure from their poetical compositions. Nay, they seem to me sometimes as tasteless and
monstrous as the sculpture of India. °
‘In? most of the pagan philosophical writers of the first
Christian centuries we see the Jewish theism, which, as
Christianity, was soon to become the faith of the people,
shining through, much as at present we may perceive
shining through in the writings of the learned, the native
1 Loc. cit. II, pp. 435. ® Loc, cit. I, p. 59.
lxit UPANISHADS. |
pantheism of India, which is destined sooner or later to
become the faith of the people. Ex oriente lux.’
This may seem strong language, and, in some respects,
too strong. But I thought it right to quote it here, because, whatever may be urged against Schopenhauer, he
was a thoroughly honest thinker and honest speaker, and
no one would suspect him of any predilection for what has
been so readily called Indian mysticism. That Schelling
and his school should use rapturous language about the
Upanishads, might carry little weight with that large class
of philosophers by whom everything beyond the clouds
of their own horizon is labelled mysticism. But that
Schopenhauer should have spoken of the Upanishads as
‘products of the highest wisdom’ (Ausgeburt der héchsten
Weisheit)!, that he should have placed the pantheism
there taught high above the pantheism of Bruno, Malebranche, Spinoza, and Scotus Erigena, as brought to light
again at Oxford in 16812, may perhaps secure a more considerate reception for these relics of ancient wisdom than
anything that I could say in their favour.
RAMMOHUN Roy.
Greater, however, than the influence exercised on the
philosophical thought of modern Europe, has been the
impulse which these same Upanishads have imparted to
the religious life of modern India. In about the same year
(1774 or 1775) when the first MS. of the Persian translation
of the Upanishads was received by Anquetil Duperron,
Rammohun Roy® was born in India, the reformer and
reviver of the ancient religion of the Brahmans. A man
who in his youth could write a book ‘Against the Idolatry
of all Religions,’ and who afterwards expressed in so many
exact words his ‘belief in the divine authority of Christ 4,’
was not likely to retain anything of the sacred literature of
his own religion, unless he had perceived in it the same
1 Loe. cit. II, p. 428.
2 Loc. cit. I, p.6. These passages were pointed out to me by Professor Noire.
8 Born 1774, died at 3.30 4.M., on Friday, 28th September, 1833.
‘ Last Days of Rammohun Roy, by Mary Carpenter, 1866, p. 135.
INTRODUCTION. Ixiii
cit. II, p. 428.
2 Loc. cit. I, p.6. These passages were pointed out to me by Professor Noire.
8 Born 1774, died at 3.30 4.M., on Friday, 28th September, 1833.
‘ Last Days of Rammohun Roy, by Mary Carpenter, 1866, p. 135.
INTRODUCTION. Ixiii
divine authority which he recognised in the teaching of
Christ. He rejected the Purdzas, he would not have been
swayed in his convictions by the authority of the Laws of
Manu, or even by the sacredness of the Vedas. He was
above all that. But he discovered in the Upanishads and
in the so-called Vedanta something different from all the
rest, something that ought not to be thrown away, something that, if rightly understood, might supply the right
native soil in which alone the seeds of true religion, aye, of
true Christianity, might spring up again and prosper in India,
as they had once sprung up and prospered from out the
philosophies of Origen or Synesius. European scholars
have often wondered that Rammohun Roy, in his defence
of the Veda, should have put aside the Samhitas and the
Brahmaaas, and laid his finger on the Upanishads only, as
the true kernel of the whole Veda. Historically, no doubt,
he was wrong, for the Upanishads presuppose both the
hymns and the liturgical books of the Veda. But as the
ancient philosophers distinguished in the Veda between the
Karma-kanda and the Giiana-kamda, between works and
knowledge; as they themselves pointed to the learning of
the sacred hymns and the performance of sacrifices as a
preparation only for that enlightenment which was reserved as the highest reward for the faithful performance
of all previous duties!, Rammohun Roy, like Buddha and
other enlightened men before him, perceived that the time
for insisting on all that previous discipline with its minute
prescriptions and superstitious observances was gone, while
the knowledge conveyed in the Upanishads or the Vedanta,
enveloped though it may be in strange coverings, should
henceforth form the foundation of a new religious life *.
He would tolerate nothing idolatrous, not even in his
mother, poor woman, who after joining his most bitter
opponents, confessed to her son, before she set out on her
' M.M., History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 319.
® <The adoration of the invisible Supreme Being is exclusively prescribed
by the Upanishads or the principal parts of the Vedas and also by the Vedant.’
Rammohun Roy, Translation of the Kena-upanishad, Calcutta, 1816, p. 6.
M. M., History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 320.
lxiv UPANISHADS.
® <The adoration of the invisible Supreme Being is exclusively prescribed
by the Upanishads or the principal parts of the Vedas and also by the Vedant.’
Rammohun Roy, Translation of the Kena-upanishad, Calcutta, 1816, p. 6.
M. M., History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 320.
lxiv UPANISHADS.
last pilgrimage to Juggernaut, where she died, that ‘he was
right, but that she was a weak woman, and grown too old
to give up the observances which were a comfort to her.’ It
was not therefore from any regard of their antiquity or
their sacred character that Rammohun Roy clung to the
Upanishads, that he translated them into Bengali, Hindi,
and English, and published them at his own expense. It
was because he recognised in them seeds of eternal truth,
and was bold enough to distinguish between what was
essential in them and what was not,—a distinction, as he
often remarked with great perplexity, which Christian
teachers seemed either unable or unwilling to make}.
The death of that really great and good man during his
stay in England in 1833, was one of the severest blows that
have fallen on the prospects of India. But his work has not
been in vain, Like a tree whose first shoot has been killed
by one winter frost, it has broken out again in a number of
new and more vigorous shoots, for whatever the outward
differences may be between the Adi Brahmo Sam§j of Debendranath Tagore, or the Brahmo Samaj of India of
_Keshub Chunder Sen, or the Sadharan Brahmo Sam§j,
the common root of them all is the work done, once for all,
by Rammohun Roy, That work may have disappeared
from sight for a time, and its present manifestations may
seem to many observers who are too near, not very
promising. But in one form or another, under one name
or another, I feel convinced that work will live. ‘In India,’
Schopenhauer writes, ‘ our religion will now and never strike
root: the primitive wisdom of the human race will never be
pushed aside there by the events of Galilee. On the contrary, Indian wisdom will flow back upon Europe, and
produce a thorough change in our knowing and thinking.’
Here, again, the great philosopher seems to me to have
allowed himself to be carried away too far by his enthusiasm for the less known. He is blind for the dark sides
of the Upanishads, and he wilfully shuts his eyes against
the bright rays of eternal truth in the Gospels, which even
1 Last Days, p. 11.
INTRODUCTION. lxv
Rammohun Roy was quick enough to perceive behind the
mists and clouds of tradition that gather so quickly round
the sunrise of every religion.
POSITION OF THE UPANISHADS IN VEDIC LITERATURE.
11.
INTRODUCTION. lxv
Rammohun Roy was quick enough to perceive behind the
mists and clouds of tradition that gather so quickly round
the sunrise of every religion.
POSITION OF THE UPANISHADS IN VEDIC LITERATURE.
If now we ask what has been thought of the Upanishads
by Sanskrit scholars or by Oriental scholars in general, it
must be confessed that hitherto they have not received at
their hands that treatment which in the eyes of philosophers and theologians they seem so fully to deserve.
When the first enthusiasm for such works as Sakuntala
and Gita-Govinda had somewhat subsided, and Sanskrit
scholars had recognised that a truly scholarlike study of
Indian literature must begin with the beginning, the exclusively historical interest prevailed to so large an extent
that the hymns of the Veda, the Brahmavas, and the
Sftras absorbed all interest, while the Upanishads were
put aside for a time as of doubtful antiquity, and therefore of minor importance.
My real love for Sanskrit literature was first kindled by
the Upanishads. It was in the year 1844, when attending
Schelling’s lectures at Berlin, that my attention was drawn
to those ancient theosophic treatises, and I still possess my
collations of the Sanskrit MSS. which had then just arrived
at Berlin, the Chambers collection, and my copies of commentaries, and commentaries on commentaries, which I
made at that time. Some of my translations which I
left with Schelling, I have never been able to recover,
though to judge from others which I still possess, the
loss of them is of small consequence. Soon after leaving
Berlin, when continuing my Sanskrit studies at Paris under
Burnouf, I put aside the Upanishads, convinced that for a
true appreciation of them it was necessary to study, first of
all, the earlier periods of Vedic literature, as represented by
the hymns and the Brahmamas of the Vedas.
In returning, after more than thirty years, to these
favourite studies, I find that my interest in them, though
it has changed in character, has by no means diminished.
[3] e
Ixvi UPANISHADS,
In returning, after more than thirty years, to these
favourite studies, I find that my interest in them, though
it has changed in character, has by no means diminished.
[3] e
Ixvi UPANISHADS,
It is true, no doubt, that the stratum of literature
which contains the Upanishads is later than the Samhit4s, and later than the Brahmamas, but the first germs
of Upanishad doctrines go back at least as far as the
Mantra period, which provisionally has been fixed between
1000 and 800 B.C. Conceptions corresponding to the
general teaching of the Upanishads occur in certain hymns
of the Rig-veda-samhita, they must have existed therefore before that collection was finally closed. One hymn
in the Samhita of the Rig-veda (I, 191) was designated
by K4tydyana, the author of the Sarvanukramazika, as
an Upanishad. Here, however, upanishad means rather
a secret charm than a philosophical doctrine. Verses
of the hymns have often been incorporated in the Upanishads, and among the Oupnekhats translated into Persian
by Dara Shukoh we actually find the Purusha-sdkta,
the goth hymn of the tenth book of the Rig-veda},
forming the greater portion of the Bark’heh Soukt. In the
Samhita of the Yagur-veda, however, in the Vagasaneyisakha, we meet with a real Upanishad, the famous ts& or
fsAvAsya-upanishad, while the Sivasamkalpa, too, forms part
of its thirty-fourth book *. In the Brahmamas several U panishads occur, even in portions which are not classed as
Aranyakas, as, for instance, the well-known Kena or Talavakéra-upanishad. The recognised place, however, for the
ancient Upanishads is in the Arazyakas, or forest-books,
which, as a rule, form an appendix to the Brahmazas, but
are sometimes included also under the general name of
Brahmava. Brahmaza, in fact, meaning originally the
sayings of Brahmans, whether in the general sense of
priests, or in the more special of Brahman-priest, is a name
applicable not only to the books, properly so called,
but to all old prose traditions, whether contained in the
Samhitas, such as the Taittirtya-sas#hit4, the Brahmazas,
the Aranyakas, the Upanishads, and even, in certain cases,
in the Sitras. We shall see in the introduction to the
Aitareya-A4ravyaka, that that Aramyaka is in the beginning
' See Weber, Indische Studien, IX, p. 1 seq.
3 See M. M., History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 317.
INTRODUCTION. Ixvii
We shall see in the introduction to the
Aitareya-A4ravyaka, that that Aramyaka is in the beginning
' See Weber, Indische Studien, IX, p. 1 seq.
3 See M. M., History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 317.
INTRODUCTION. Ixvii
a Brahmawa, a mere continuation of the Aitareya-brahmaza, explaining the Mahavrata ceremony, while its last
book contains the Sftras or short technical rules explaining the same ceremony which in the first book had been
treated in the style peculiar to the Brahmavas. In the same
Aitareya-aramyaka, III, 2, 6, 6, a passage of the Upanishad
is spoken of as a Brahmaza, possibly as something like a
Brahmaza, while something very like an Upanishad occurs
in the Apastamba-sitras, and might be quoted therefore
as a Sftra’. At all events the Upanishads, like the
Aranyakas, belong to what Hindu theologians call Sruti,
or revealed literature, in opposition to Smziti, or traditional
literature, which is supposed to be founded on the former,
and allowed to claim a secondary authority only ; and the
earliest of these philosophical treatises will always, I believe, maintain a place in the literature of the world, among
the most astounding productions of the human mind in any
age and in any country.
DIFFERENT CLASSES OF UPANISHADS.
The ancient Upanishads, i.e. those which occupy a
place in the Saszhitas, Brahmanas, and Aramyakas, must
be, if we follow the chronology which at present is commonly, though, it may be, provisionally only, received
by Sanskrit scholars, older than 600 B.C. i.e. anterior
to the rise of Buddhism. As to other. Upanishads, and
their number is very large, which either stand by themselves, or which are ascribed to the Atharva-veda, it is
extremely difficult to fix their age. Some of them are,
no doubt, quite modern, for mention is made even of
an Allah-upanishad; but others may claim a far higher
_antiquity than is generally assigned to them on internal
evidence. I shall only mention that the name of Atharvasiras, an Upanishad generally assigned to a very modern
date, is quoted in the Sdtras of Gautama and Baudhayana?;
1 Apastamba, translated by Biihler, Sacred Books of the East, vol. ii, p. 75.
? Gautama, translated by Biihler, Sacred Books of the East, vol. ii, p. 47%
and Introduction, p. lvi.
e€2
Ixviii UPANISHADS.
that the Svet4svatara-upanishad, or the Svetasvataranam
Mantropanishad, though bearing many notes of later periods
of thought, is quoted by Sankara in his commentary on
the Vedanta-sitras!; while the Nvésimhottaratapantyaupanishad forms part of the twelve Upanishads explained
by Vidy4razya in his Sarvopanishad-arthanubhati-prakasa.
The Upanishads comprehended in that work are:
1. Aitareya-upanishad.
2. Taittiriya-upanishad.
3. Khindogya-upanishad.
4. Mundaka-upanishad.
5. Prasna-upanishad.
6. Kaushitaki-upanishad.
7. Maitrayamiya-upanishad.
8. Karhavalli-upanishad.
g. Svet4svatara-upanishad.
10. Brihad-dravyaka-upanishad.
11, Talavakara (Kena)-upanishad.
Aitareya-upanishad.
2. Taittiriya-upanishad.
3. Khindogya-upanishad.
4. Mundaka-upanishad.
5. Prasna-upanishad.
6. Kaushitaki-upanishad.
7. Maitrayamiya-upanishad.
8. Karhavalli-upanishad.
g. Svet4svatara-upanishad.
10. Brihad-dravyaka-upanishad.
11, Talavakara (Kena)-upanishad.
12. Nrisimhottaratapantya-upanishad *.
The number of Upanishads translated by Dara Shukoh
amounts to 50; their number, as given in the Mahavakyamukt4vali and in the Muktik4-upanishad, is 108%. Professor Weber thinks that their number, so far as we know
at present, may be reckoned at 235‘. In order, however,
to arrive at so high a number, every title of an Upanishad
would have to be counted separately, while in several cases
it is clearly the same Upanishad which is quoted under different names. In an alphabetical list which I published in
1865 (Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft XIX, 137-158), the number of real Upanishads
reached 149. To that number Dr. Burnell® in his Catalogue
1 Vedanta-sitras I, 1,11.
2 One misses the {fs8 or tsivasya-upanishad in this list. The Upanishads
chiefly studied in Bengal are the Brihad-aranyaka, Aitareya, Khandogya, Taittiriya, tsa, Kena, Katha, Prasna, Mundaka, and Mandikya, to which should be
added the Svetasvatara. M.M., History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 325.
* Dr. Burnell thinks that this is an artificial computation, 108 being a sacred
number in Southern India. See Kielhom in Gough's Papers on Ancient Sanskrit
Literature, p. 193.
- * Weber, History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 155 note.
§ Indian Antiquary, II, 267.
INTRODUCTION. Ixix
(p. 59) added 5, Professor Haug (Brahma und die Brahmanen) 16, making a sum total of 170. New names, however,
are constantly being added in the catalogues of MSS. published by Biihler, Kielhorn, Burnell, Rajendralal Mitra, and
others, and I shall reserve therefore a more complete list of
Upanishads for a later volume.
Though it is easy to see that these Upanishads belong to
very different periods of Indian thought, any attempt to fix
their relative age seems to me for the present almost hopeless.
No one can doubt that the Upanishads which have had
a place assigned to them in the Samhitds, Brahmazas, and
Aranyakas are the oldest. Next to these we can draw a
line to include the Upanishads clearly referred to in the
Vedanta-sitras, or explained and quoted by Sankara, by
Sdyaza, and other more modern commentators. We can
distinguish Upanishads in prose from Upanishads in mixed
prose and verse, and again Upanishads in archaic verse from
Upanishads in regular and continuous Anushfubh Slokas.
We can also class them according to their subjects, and, at
last, according to the sects to which they belong. But
beyond this it is hardly safe to venture at present. Attempts
have been made by Professor Weber and M. Regnaud to
We can also class them according to their subjects, and, at
last, according to the sects to which they belong. But
beyond this it is hardly safe to venture at present. Attempts
have been made by Professor Weber and M. Regnaud to
_ fix in each class the relative age of certain Upanishads, and
I do not deny to their arguments, even where they conflict
with each other, considerable weight in forming a preliminary
judgment. But I know of hardly any argument which is
really convincing, or which could not be met by counter
arguments equally strong. Simplicity may be a sign of
antiquity, but it is not so always, for what seems simple,
may be the result of abbreviation. One Upanishad may
give the correct, another an evidently corrupt reading,
yet it does not follow that the correct reading may not be
the result of an emendation. It is quite clear that a large
mass of traditional Upanishads must have existed before
they assumed their present form. Where two or three or
four Upanishads contain the same story, told almost in the
same words, they are not always copied from one another,
but they have been settled independently, in different localities, by different teachers, it may be, for different purposes.
Ixx UPANISHADS.
Lastly, the influence of Sakh4s or schools may have told
more or legs on certain Upanishads. Thus the Maitrayatyaupanishad, as we now possess it, shows a number of irregular
forms which even the commentator can account for only as
peculiarities of the Maitrayaztya-sakha1. That Upanishad,
as it has come down to us, is full of what we should call
clear indications of a modern and corrupt age. It contains
in VI, 37, a sloka from the M4nava-dharma-sdstra, which
startled even the commentator, but is explained away by
him as possibly found in another S4kh4, and borrowed from
there by Manu. It contains corruptions of easy words which
one would have thought must have been familiar to every
student. Thus instead of the passage as found in the KAandogya-upanishad VIII, 7, 1, ya 4tmapahatap4pma vigaro
vimrityur visoko ’vigighatso ’pipd4sak, &c., the text of the
Maitrayaxiya-upanishad (VII, 7) reads, 4tmapahatapapm4
vigaro vimrityur visoko ’vikikitso ’vipasak. But here again
the commentator explains that another SakhA reads ’vigighatsa, and that avipdsa is to be explained by means of
a change of letters as apipdsa. Corruptions, therefore, or
modern elements which are found in one Upanishad, as
handed down in one Sakh4, do not prove that the same
existed in other Sakhds, or that they were found in the
original text.
Corruptions, therefore, or
modern elements which are found in one Upanishad, as
handed down in one Sakh4, do not prove that the same
existed in other Sakhds, or that they were found in the
original text.
All these questions have to be taken into account before
we can venture to give a final judgment on the relative age
of Upanishads which belong to one and the same class,
I know of no problem which offers so many similarities
with the one before us as that of the relative age of the
four Gospels. All the difficulties which occur in the Upanishads occur here, and no critical student who knows the
difficulties that have to be encountered in determining the
relative age of the four Gospels, will feel inclined, in the
present state of Vedic scholarship, to speak with confidence
on the relative age of the ancient Upanishads.
1 They are generally explained as #handasa, but in one place (Maitr. Up.
II, 4) the commentator treats such irregularities as etakkAakhasahketapashak, a
reading peculiar to the Maitrayantya school. Some learned remarks on this point
may be seen in an article by Dr, L. Schroeder, Uber die Maitrayant Samhita.
INTRODUCTION. Ixxi
CRITICAL TREATMENT OF THE TEXT OF THE
UPANISHADS.
With regard to a critical restoration of the text of the Upanishads, I have but seldom relied on the authority of new
MSS., but have endeavoured throughout to follow that text
which is presupposed by the commentaries, whether they are
the work of the old Sankar4zarya, or of the more modern
Sankarananda, or Sayama, or others. Though there still
prevails some uncertainty as to the date of Sankara#arya,
commonly assigned to the eighth century A.D., yet I doubt
whether any MSS. of the Upanishads could now be found
prior to 1000 A.D. The text, therefore, which Sankara
had before his eyes, or, it may be, his ears, commands, I
think, a higher authority than that of any MSS. likely to
be recovered at present.
It may be objected that Sankara’s text belonged to one
locality only, and that different readings and different
recensions may have existed in other parts of India.
That is perfectly true. We possess various recensions of
several Upanishads, as handed down in different Sakhds of
different Vedas, and we know of various readings recorded
by the commentators. These, where they are of importance for our purposes, have been carefully taken into
account.
That is perfectly true. We possess various recensions of
several Upanishads, as handed down in different Sakhds of
different Vedas, and we know of various readings recorded
by the commentators. These, where they are of importance for our purposes, have been carefully taken into
account.
It has also been supposed that Sankara, who, in writing
his commentaries on the Upanishad, was chiefly guided by
philosophical considerations, his chief object being to use
the Upanishads as a sacred foundation for the Vedanta
philosophy, may now and then have taken liberties with
the text. That may be so, but no stringent proof of
it has as yet been brought forward, and I therefore
hold that when we succeed in establishing throughout
that text which served as the basis of Sankara’s commentaries, we have done enough for the present, and have
fulfilled at all events the first and indispensable task in a
critical treatment of the text of the Upanishads,
But in.the same manner as it is easy to see that the text
Ixxii UPANISHADS.
of the Rig-veda, which is presupposed by Sayama’s commentary and even by earlier works, is in many places
palpably corrupt, we cannot resist the same conviction with
regard to the text of the Upanishads. In some cases the
metre, in others grammar, in others again the collation of
analogous passages enable us to detect errors, and probably very ancient errors, that had crept into the text
long before Sankara composed his commentaries.
Some questions connected with the metres of the Upanishads have been very learnedly treated by Professor Gildemeister in his essay, ‘Zur Theorie des Sloka.’ The lesson
to be derived from that essay, and from a study of the
Upanishads, is certainly to abstain for the present from
conjectural emendations. In the old Upanishads the same
metrical freedom prevails as in the hymns; in the later
Upanishads, much may be tolerated as the result of conscious or unconscious imitation. The metrical emendations
that suggest themselves are generally so easy and so
obvious that, for that very reason, we should hesitate before
correcting what native scholars would have corrected long
ago, if they had thought that there was any real necessity
for correction.
It is easy to suggest, for instance, that in the Vagasaneyisamhita-upanishad, verse 5, instead of tad antar asya sarvasya tadu sarvasy4sya bahyata4, the original text may have
been tad antar asya sarvasya tadu sarvasya bahyatas; yet
Sankara evidently read sarvasyasya, and as the same
reading is found in the text of the V4agasaneyi-samhita,
who would venture to correct so old a mistake?
Again, if in verse 8, we left out ydthdtathyatas, we
should get a much more regular metre,
Kavir manishi paribh0k svyambhik
arthan vyadadhaé &£AAsvatibhyak samAbhyas.
Here vyada forms one syllable by what I have proposed
to call synizesis!, which is allowed in the Upanishads as
well as in the hymns. All would then seem right, except
Here vyada forms one syllable by what I have proposed
to call synizesis!, which is allowed in the Upanishads as
well as in the hymns. All would then seem right, except
? Rig-veda, translated by M. M., vol. i, Preface, p. cxliii.
INTRODUCTION. Ixxiil
that it is difficult to explain how so rare a word as yathatathyata’ could have been introduced into the text.
In verse 10 one feels tempted to propose the omission of
eva in anyad 4hur avidyayéa, while in verse 11, an eva inserted
after vidyam ka would certainly improve the metre.
In verse 15 the expression satyadharmaya drishéaye is
archaic, but perfectly legitimate in the sense of ‘that we
may see the nature of the True,’ or ‘that we see him whose
nature is true.’ When this verse is repeated in the Maitr.
Up. VI, 35, we find instead, satyadharmaya vishaave, ‘for
the true Vishzu.’ But here, again, no sound critic would
venture to correct a mistake, intentional or unintentional,
which is sanctioned both by the MSS. of the text and by
the commentary.
Such instances, where every reader feels tempted at once
to correct the textus receptus, occur again and again,
and when they seem of any interest they have been mentioned in the notes. It may happen, however, that the
correction, though at first sight plausible, has to be surrendered on more mature consideration. Thus in the
V4gasaneyi-samhit4-upanishad, verse 2, one feels certainly
inclined to write evam tve nanyatheto ’sti, instead of evam
tvayi nanyatheto’sti. But tve, if it were used here, would
probably itself have to be pronounced dissyllabically, while
tvayi, though it never occurs in the Rig-veda, may well
keep its place here, in the last book of the Vagasaneyisamhit4, provided we pronounce it by synizesis, i.e. as one
syllable.
Attempts have been made sometimes to go beyond
Sankara, and to restore the text, as it ought to have been
originally, but as it was no longer in Sankara’s time. It is
one thing to decline to follow Sankara in every one of his
interpretations, it is quite another to decline to accept the
text which he interprets. The former is inevitable, the
latter is always very precarious.
Thus I see, for instance, that M. Regnaud, in the Errata
to the second volume of his excellent work on the Upanishads (Matériaux pour servir 4 histoire de la philosophie
de l'Inde, 1878) proposes to read in the Brihad-4ranyaka-
Ixxiv UPANISHADS.
Thus I see, for instance, that M. Regnaud, in the Errata
to the second volume of his excellent work on the Upanishads (Matériaux pour servir 4 histoire de la philosophie
de l'Inde, 1878) proposes to read in the Brihad-4ranyaka-
Ixxiv UPANISHADS.
upanishad IV, 3, 1-8, sam anena vadishya iti, instead of sa
mene na vadishya iti. Sankara adopted the latter reading,
and explained accordingly, that Yagfiavalkya went to king
Ganaka, but made up his mind not to speak. M. Regnaud,
reading sam anena vadishya iti, takes the very opposite .
view, namely, that Y4giavalkya went to king Ganaka,
having made up his mind to have a conversation with him.
As M. Regnaud does not rest this emendation on the authority of any new MSS., we may examine it as an ingenious
conjecture; but in that case it seems to me clear that, if
we adopted it, we should have at the same time to omit
the whole sentence which follows. Sankara saw clearly
that what had to be accounted or explained was why the
king should address the Brahman first, samrad eva prvam
paprakkhka; whereas if Yagtiavalkya had come with the
intention of having a conversation with the king, he, the
Brahman, should have spoken first. This irregularity is
explained by the intervening sentence, in which we are reminded that on a former occasion, when Ganaka and Y4g‘fiavalkya had a disputation on the Agnihotra, Yagiiavalkya
granted Ganaka a boon to choose, and he chose as his boon
the right of asking questions according to his pleasure.
Having received that boon, Ganaka was at liberty to
question Yagfiavalkya, even though he did not like it,
and hence Ganaka is introduced here as the first to ask a
question.
All this hangs well together, while if we assume that
YAgfiavalkya came for the purpose of having a conversation
with Ganaka, the whole sentence from ‘atha ha yag ganakas
ka’ to ‘pirvam paprakkha’ would be useless, nor would there
be any excuse for Ganaka beginning the conversation, when
YAagiiavalkya came himself on purpose to question him.
It is necessary, even when we feel obliged to reject an
interpretation of Sankara’s, without at the same time
altering the text, to remember that Sankara, where he is
not blinded by philosophical predilections, commands the
highest respect as an interpreter. I cannot help thinking
therefore that M. Regnaud (vol. i, p. 59) was right in translating the passage in the AKAand. Up. V, 3, 7, tasmad u
INTRODUCTION. Ixxv
I cannot help thinking
therefore that M. Regnaud (vol. i, p. 59) was right in translating the passage in the AKAand. Up. V, 3, 7, tasmad u
INTRODUCTION. Ixxv
sarveshu lokeshu kshattrasyaiva pras4sanam abhbit, by ‘que
le kshatriya seul I’a enseignée dans tous les mondes.’ For
when he proposes in the ‘ Errata’ to translate instead, ‘c’est
pourquoi l’empire dans tous les mondes fut attribué au
kshatriya seulement,’ he forgets that such an idea is foreign
to the ordinary atmosphere in which the Upanishads move.
It is not on account of the philosophical knowledge possessed
by a few Kshatriyas, such as Ganaka or Pravahama, that the
privilege of government belongs everywhere to the second
class. That rests on a totally different basis. Such exceptional knowledge, as is displayed by a few kings, might be
an excuse for their claiming the privileges belonging to the
Brahmans, but it would never, in the eyes of the ancient
Indian Aryas, be considered as an argument for their claiming kingly power. Therefore, although I am well aware that
prasds is most frequently used in the sense of ruling, I have
no doubt that Sankara likewise was fully aware of that,
and that if he nevertheless explained prasdsana here in the
sense of prasAstritvam sishy4a#4m, he did so because this
meaning too was admissible, particularly here, where we
may actually translate it by proclaiming, while the other
meaning, that of ruling, would simply be impossible in the
concatenation of ideas, which is placed before us in the
Upanishad.
It seems, no doubt, extremely strange that neither the
last redactors of the text of the Upanishads, nor the commentators, who probably knew the principal Upanishads by
heart, should have perceived how certain passages in one
Upanishad represented the same or nearly the same text
which is found in another Upanishad, only occasionally
with the most palpable corruptions,
Thus when the ceremony of offering a mantha or mash
is described, we read in the K4ndogya-upanishad V, 2, 6,
that it is to be accompanied by certain words which on the
whole are intelligible. But when the same passage occurs
again in the Brthad-aramzyaka, those words have been
changed to such a degree, and in two different ways in the
two Sakh4s of the M4dhyandinas and K4zvas, that, though
the commentator explains them, they are almost unintel-
Ixxvi UPANISHADS. ~
ligible. I shall place the three passages together in three
parallel lines:
I. KAandogya-upanishad V, 2, 6
II. Brihad-adranyaka, MAdhyandina-sakh4, XIV, 9, 3, 10:
III. Brithad-dravyaka-upanishad, K4mva-sakh4, VI, 3, 5
I. Amo namd4sy am4 hi te sarvam idam sa hi gyeshthahk
II. 4mo’sy 4mam hi te mayi sa hi
III. Aamamsy 4mamhi te mahi sa hi
I. sreshtho ragAdhipatiz sa mA gyaishthyam srai-
II. ragesdno ‘dhipatiZ sa ma ragesdno
IIL. ragesano
I. shtkyam ragyam Adhipatyam gamayatv aham evedam
IT. *dhipatim karotv iti.
III. *dhipatim —karotv iti.
I. sarvam asaniti.
II,
Ill.
Aamamsy 4mamhi te mahi sa hi
I. sreshtho ragAdhipatiz sa mA gyaishthyam srai-
II. ragesdno ‘dhipatiZ sa ma ragesdno
IIL. ragesano
I. shtkyam ragyam Adhipatyam gamayatv aham evedam
IT. *dhipatim karotv iti.
III. *dhipatim —karotv iti.
I. sarvam asaniti.
II,
Ill.
The text in the K/#Andogya-upanishad yields a certain
sense, viz. ‘Thou art Ama by name, for all this together
exists in thee. He is the oldest and best, the king, the
sovereign. May he make me the oldest, the best, the king,
the sovereign. May I be all this. This, according to the
commentator, is addressed to Prava, and Ama, though a
purely artificial word, is used in the sense of Pr4va, or
breath, in another passage also, viz. Brzhad-arazyaka-up. I,
3,22. If therefore we accept this meaning of Ama, the
rest is easy and intelligible.
But if we proceed to the Bvthad-4rayaka, in the Madhyandina-sakha, we find the commentator proposing the following interpretation : ‘O Mantha, thou art a full knower,
complete knowledge of me belongs to thee.’ This meaning
is obtained by deriving Ama’ from 4+ man, in the sense of
knower, and then taking 4mam, as a neuter, in the sense of
knowledge, derivations which are simply impossible.
Lastly, if we come to the text of the Kazva-sakha, the
grammatical interpretation becomes bolder still. Sankara
does not explain the passage at all, which is strange, but
Anandagiri interprets Amamsi tvam by ‘Thou knowest
INTRODUCTION. Ixxvii
(all), and dmamhi te mahi, by ‘we know thy great
(shape), which are again impossible forms.
But although there can be little doubt here that the
reading of the KAandogya-upanishad gives us the original
text, or a text nearest to the original, no sound critic
would venture to correct the readings of the Brzhadaramyaka. They are corruptions, but even as corruptions they possess authority, at all events up to a certain
point, and it is the fixing of those certain points or chronological limits, which alone can impart a scientific character
to our criticism of ancient texts.
They are corruptions, but even as corruptions they possess authority, at all events up to a certain
point, and it is the fixing of those certain points or chronological limits, which alone can impart a scientific character
to our criticism of ancient texts.
In the Kaushitaki-brahmava-upanishad Professor Cowell
has pointed out a passage to me, where we must go beyond
the text as it stood when commented on by the Sankarananda. In the beginning of the fourth adhydya all MSS.
of the text read savasan, and this is the reading which
the commentator seems anxious to explain, though not
very successfully. I thought that possibly the commentator
might have had before him the reading sa vasan, or so ’vasan, but both would be very unusual. Professor Cowell in
his Various Readings, p. xii, conjectured saszvasan, which
would be liable to the same objection. He now, however,
informs me that, as B. has samtvan, and C. satvan, he
believes the original text to have been Satvan-Matsyeshu.
This seems to me quite convincing, and is borne out by the
reading of the Berlin MS., so far as it can be made out
from Professor Weber’s essay on the Upanishads, Indische
Studien I, p. 419. I see that Boehtlingk and Roth in
their Sanskrit Dictionary, s.v. satvat, suggest the same
emendation.
The more we study the nature of Sanskrit MSS., the
more, I believe, we shall feel convinced that their proper
arrangement is one by locality rather than by time. I have
frequently dwelt on this subject in the introductions to the
successive volumes of my edition of the Rig-veda and its
commentary by Saya#4karya, and my convictions on this
point have become stronger ever since. A MS., however
modern, from the south of India or from the north, is
more important as a check on the textus receptus of
Ixxviii ’ UPANISHADS,
A MS., however
modern, from the south of India or from the north, is
more important as a check on the textus receptus of
Ixxviii ’ UPANISHADS,
any Sanskrit work, as prevalent in Bengal or Bombay,
than ever so many MSS., even if of greater antiquity,
from the same locality. When therefore I was informed
by my friend Dr. Bihler that he had discovered in
Kashmir a MS. of the Aitareya-upanishad, I certainly expected some real help from such a treasure. The MS. is
described by its discoverer in the last number of the Journal
of the Bombay Asiatic Society, p. 341, and has since been
sent to me by the Indian Government. It is written on
birch bark (bhdrga), and in the alphabet commonly called
Sarad&. The leaves are very much injured on the margin,
and it is almost impossible to handle them without some
injury. In many places the bark has shrunk, probably on
being moistened, and the letters have become illegible.
Apart from these drawbacks, there remain the difficulties
inherent in the S4rad4 alphabet which, owing to its numerous combinations, is extremely difficult to read, and
very trying to eyes which are growing weak. However,
I collated the Upanishad from the Aitareya-arazyaka,
which turned out to be the last portion only, viz. the
Samhita-upanishad (Ait. Ar. III, 1-2), or, as it is called
here, Samhitarazya, and I am sorry to say my expectations
have been disappointed. The MS. shows certain graphic
peculiarities which Dr. Biihler has pointed out. It is particularly careful in the use of the sibilants, replacing the Visarga
by sibilants, writing s+s and s+'s instead of 4+s and
Ak+s; distinguishing also the Gihvamiliya and Upadhmaniya. If therefore the MS. writes antastha, we may be
sure that it really meant to write so, and not antaAstha, or,
as it would have written, antasstha. It shows equal care in
the use of the nasals, and generally carries on the sandhi
between different paragraphs. Here and there I met with
better readings than those given in Rajendralal Mitra’s
edition, but in most cases the commentary would have been
sufficient to restore the right reading. A few various readings, which seemed to deserve being mentioned, will be found
1 Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1877. Extra
Number, containing the Detailed Report of a Tour in search of Sanskrit MSS.,
made in Kasmir, Rajputana, and Central India, by G. Biihler.
INTRODUCTION. xxix
Extra
Number, containing the Detailed Report of a Tour in search of Sanskrit MSS.,
made in Kasmir, Rajputana, and Central India, by G. Biihler.
INTRODUCTION. xxix
in the notes. The MS., though carefully written, is not
free from the ordinary blunders. At first one feels inclined
to attribute some importance to every peculiarity of a new
MS., but very soon one finds out that what seems peculiar,
is in reality carelessness. Thus Ait. Ar. III, 1, 5, 2, the
Kashmir MS. has pfirvam aksharam ripam, instead of
what alone can be right, pirvartpam. Instead of pragay&
pasubhi# it writes repeatedly pragaya pasubhi4, which
is impossible. In ITE, 2, 2, it leaves out again and again
manomaya between £4andomaya and vanimaya; but that
this is a mere accident we learn later on, where in the same
sentence manomayo is found in its right place. Such cases
reduce this MS. to its*proper level, and make us look with
suspicion on any accidental variations, such as I have
noticed in my translation.
The additional paragraph, noticed by Dr. Biihler, is very
indistinct, and contains, so far as I am able to find out,
santi verses only.
I have no doubt that the discovery of new MSS. of the
Upanishads and their commentaries will throw new light
on the very numerous difficulties with which a translator
of the Upanishads, particularly in attempting a complete
and faithful translation, has at present to grapple. Some of
the difficulties, which existed thirty years ago, have been
removed since by the general progress of Vedic scholarship, and by the editions of texts and commentaries and
translations of Upanishads, many of which were known at
that time in manuscript only. But I fully agree with M.
Regnaud as to the difficultés considérables que les
meilleures traductions laissent subsister, and which
can be solved only by a continued study of the Upanishads,
the Arayakas, the Brahmaaas, and the Ved4nta-sitras,
MEANING OF THE WORD UPANISHAD.
How Upanishad became the recognised name of the
philosophical treatises contained in the Veda is difficult to
explain. Most European scholars are agreed in deriving
lxxx UPANISHADS.
upa-ni-shad from the root sad, to sit down, preceded by
the two prepositions ni, down, and upa, near, so that it
would express the idea of session, or assembly of pupils
sitting down near their teacher to listen to his instruction.
In the Trika#dasesha, upanishad is explained by samipasadana, sitting down near a person !.
In the Trika#dasesha, upanishad is explained by samipasadana, sitting down near a person !.
Such a word, however, would have been applicable, it
would seem, to any other portion of the Veda as well as to
the chapters called Upanishad, and it has never been explained how its meaning came thus to be restricted. It is
still more strange that upanishad, in the sense of session or
assembly, has never, so far as I am aware, been met with.
Whenever the word occurs, it has the meaning of doctrine,
secret doctrine, or is simply used as the title of the philosophic treatises which constitute the gfid4nakavda, the knowledge portion, as opposed to the karmak4zda, the work or
ceremonial portion, of the Veda. .
Native philosophers seem never to have thought of deriving upanishad from sad, to sit down. They derive it either
from the root sad, in the sense of destruction, supposing
these ancient treatises to have received their name because
they were intended to destroy passion and ignorance by
means of divine revelation®?, or from the root sad, in the
sense of approaching, because a knowledge of Brahman
comes near to us by means of the Upanishads, or because
we approach Brahman by their help. Another explanation
proposed by Sankara in his commentary on the Taittirtyaupanishad II, 9, is that the highest bliss is contained in the
Upanishad (param sreyo ’sy4m nishannam).
These explanations seem so wilfully perverse that it is
difficult to understand the unanimity of native scholars.
We ought to take into account, however, that very
general tendency among half-educated people, to acquiesce in any etymology which accounts for the most
prevalent meaning of a word. The Aranyakas abound in
1 Panini I, 4, 79, has upanishatkritya.
* M. M., History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 318; Colebrooke, Essays,
I, 92; Regnaud, Matériaux, p. 7.
INTRODUCTION. Ixxxi
such etymologies, which probably were never intended as
real etymologies, in our sense of the word, but simply as
plays on words, helping to account somehow for their
meaning. The Upanishads, no doubt, were meant to
destroy ignorance and passion, and nothing seemed more
natural therefore than that their etymological meaning
should be that of destroyers}.
The history and the genius of the Sanskrit language
leave little doubt that upanishad meant originally session,
particularly a session consisting of pupils, assembled at a
respectful distance round their teacher.
With upa alone, sad occurs as early as the hymns of the
Rig-veda, in the sense of approaching respectfully ? :-—
Rig-veda IX, 11, 6. Namasa it upa sidata, ‘approach
him with praise.’ See also Rig-veda X, 73, 11; I, 65, 1.
In the Aandogya-upanishad VI, 13, 1, a teacher says
to his pupil, atha m4 pratar upasidath4Z, ‘come to me (for
advice) to-morrow morning.’
:-—
Rig-veda IX, 11, 6. Namasa it upa sidata, ‘approach
him with praise.’ See also Rig-veda X, 73, 11; I, 65, 1.
In the Aandogya-upanishad VI, 13, 1, a teacher says
to his pupil, atha m4 pratar upasidath4Z, ‘come to me (for
advice) to-morrow morning.’
In the same Upanishad VII, 8, 1, a distinction is made
between those who serve their teachers (pariéarita), and
those who are admitted to their more intimate society
(upasatt4, comm. samipaga/, antarangas, priya).
Again, in the AAandogya-upanishad VII, 1, we read of
a pupil approaching his teacher (upasasdda or upasasada),
and of the teacher telling him to approach with what he
knows, i.e. to tell him first what he has learnt already
(yad vettha tena mopasida §).
In the Sftras (Gobhiliya Grzhya-sitra II, 10, 38) upasad
is the recognised term for the position assumed by a pupil
with his hands folded and his eyes looking up to the
teacher who is to instruct him.
It should be stated, however, that no passage has yet
been met with in which upa-ni-sad is used in the sense of
pupils approaching and listening to their teacher. In the
1 The distinction between possible and real etymologies is as modern as
that between legend and history.
* See M. M.’s History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 318.
5 See also Khand. Up. VI, 7, 2.
[3] f
Ixxxii UPANISHADS.
only passage in which upanishasd4da occurs (Ait. Ar. II, 2,
1), it is used of Indra sitting down by the side of Visvamitra, and it is curious to observe that both MSS. and
commentaries give here upanishasasd4da, an entirely irregular form.
The same is the case with two other roots which are
used almost synonymously with sad, viz. 4s and vis. We
find upa+4s used to express the position which the pupil
occupies when listening to his teacher, e.g. PA. ITI, 4, 72,
updsito gurum bhavan, ‘thou hast approached the Guru,’ or
upasito gurur bhavata, ‘the Guru has been approached by
thee.” We find pari+upa-+ 4s used with regard to relations
assembled round the bed of a dying friend, KA#and. Up.
VI, 15; or of hungry children sitting round their mother,
and likened to people performing the Agnihotra sacrifice
(KAand. Up. V, 24, 5). But I have never met with upa-ni-as
in that sense.
We likewise find upa-vis used in the sense of sitting
down to a discussion (K 4nd. Up. I, 8, 2), but I have never
found upa+ni+vis as applied to a pupil listening to his
teacher.
The two prepositions upa and ni occur, however, with
pat, to fly, in the sense of flying down and settling near a
person, K#and. Up. IV, 7,2; FV, 8,2. And the same prepositions joined to the verb sri, impart to it the meaning of
sitting down beneath a person, so as to show him respect :
Brth. Ar. I, 4,11. ‘Although a king is exalted, he sits
down at the end of the sacrifice below the Brahman,’
brahmaivantata upanisrayati.
Up. IV, 7,2; FV, 8,2. And the same prepositions joined to the verb sri, impart to it the meaning of
sitting down beneath a person, so as to show him respect :
Brth. Ar. I, 4,11. ‘Although a king is exalted, he sits
down at the end of the sacrifice below the Brahman,’
brahmaivantata upanisrayati.
Sad, with upa and ni, occurs in upanishddin only, and
has there the meaning of subject, e.g. Satap. Brahm. IX, 4,
3, 3, kshatrdya tad visam adhast4d upanishddinim karoti,
‘he thus makes the Vis (citizen) below, subject to the
Kshatriya.’
Sometimes nishad is used by the side of upanishad, and so
far as we can judge, without any difference of meaning }.
All we can say therefore, for the present, is that upani-
* Mahabharata, Santiparva, 1613.
INTRODUCTION. Ixxxiii
shad, besides being the recognised title of certain philosophical treatises, occurs also in the sense of doctrine and
of secret doctrine, and that it seems to have assumed this
meaning from having been used originally in the sense of
session or assembly in which one or more pupils receive
instruction from a teacher.
Thus we find the word upanishad used in the Upanishads
themselves in the following meanings :
1. Secret or esoteric explanation, whether true or false.
2. Knowledge derived from such explanation.
3. Special rules or observances incumbent on those who
have received such knowledge.
4. Title of the books containing such knowledge.
I. Ait. Ar. HI, 1, 6, 3. ‘For this Upanishad, i.e. in order
to obtain the information about the true meaning of Sasmhita, Tarukshya served as a cowherd for a whole year.’
Taitt. Up. I, 3. ‘We shall now explain the Upanishad of
the Samhita.’
Ait. Ar. IIT, 2, 5, 1. ‘Next follows this Upanishad of the
whole speech. True, all these are Upanishads of the whole
speech, but this they declare especially.’
Talav. Up. IV, 7."‘As you have asked me to tell you the
Upanishad, the Upanishad has now been told you. We
have told you the Brahmi Upanishad,’ i.e. the true meaning
of Brahman.
In the K#and. Up. III, 11, 3, after the meaning of
Brahman has been explained, the text says: ‘To him who
thus knows this Brahma upanishad (the secret doctrine of
Brahman) the sun does not rise and does not set.’ In the
next paragraph brahma itself is used, meaning either
Brahman as the object taught in the Upanishad, or, by a
slight change of meaning, the Upanishad itself.
KhAnd. Up. I, 13, 4. ‘Speech yields its milk to him who
knows this Upanishad (secret doctrine) of the Samans in
this wise.’
Kihand. Up. VIII, 8, 4. When Indra and Virokana had
both misunderstood the teaching of Pragdpati, he says:
‘They both go away without having perceived and without
having known the Self, and whoever of these two, whether
f2
Ixxxiv UPANISHADS.
Devas or Asuras, will follow this doctrine (upanishad), will
perish.’
When Indra and Virokana had
both misunderstood the teaching of Pragdpati, he says:
‘They both go away without having perceived and without
having known the Self, and whoever of these two, whether
f2
Ixxxiv UPANISHADS.
Devas or Asuras, will follow this doctrine (upanishad), will
perish.’
II. In the KA4nd. Up. I, 1, after the deeper meaning of
the Udgitha or Om has been described, the advantage of
knowing that deeper meaning is put forward, and it is said
that the sacrifice which a man performs with knowledge,
with faith, and with the Upanishad, i.e. with an understanding of its deeper meaning, is more powerful.
III. In the Taittiriya-upanishad, at the end of the second
chapter, called the Brahmanandavalli, and again at the end
of the tenth chapter, the text itself says: Ity upanishad,
‘this is the Upanishad, the true doctrine.’
IV. In the Kaushitaki-upanishad II, 1; 2, we read: ‘Let
him not beg, this is the Upanishad for him who knows this.’
Here upanishad stands for vrata or rahasya-vrata, rule.
WORKS ON THE UPANISHADS.
Anquetil Duperron, Oupnek’hat, 1801, 1802. See page
clii.
Rammohun Roy, Translation of Several Principal Books,
Passages, and Texts of the Veds. Second edition. London,
1832.
Translation of the Moonduk-Oopunishud of the Uthurvu Ved, p. 23.
Translation of the Céna Upanishad, one of the Chapters of the Sdma Véda,
. 4t.
P Translation of the Kut’h-Oopunishud of the Ujoor-Ved, p. 55.
Translation of the Ishopanishad, one of the Chapters of the Yajur Véda, p. 81.
H. T. Colebrooke, Miscellaneous Essays, in three volumes,
1873.
K. J. H. Windischmann, Die Philosophie im Fortgange
der Weltgeschichte, 1827-34.
F, W. Windischmann, Sancara, seu de theologumenis
Vedanticorum, 1833.
E. Réer, The Taittirtya, Aitareya, Svet4svatara, Kena
tsa, Katka, Prasna, Muadaka, and Mandtkya Upanishads
translated ; Bibliotheca Indica. Calcutta, 1853.
Rajendralal Mitra, The AAandogya Upanishad, with
extracts from the commentary of Sankara; Bibliotheca
Indica. Calcutta, 1862.
Bite yr
INTRODUCTION. Ixxxv
Calcutta, 1853.
Rajendralal Mitra, The AAandogya Upanishad, with
extracts from the commentary of Sankara; Bibliotheca
Indica. Calcutta, 1862.
Bite yr
INTRODUCTION. Ixxxv
E. B. Cowell, The Kaushitaki - brahmaza - upanishad,
edited with an English translation; Bibliotheca Indica.
Calcutta, 1861. ~ he ty ke ttarés, in Le Muteon ;
E. B. Cowell, The Maitri Upanishad, edited with an Fey. BF/
English translation ; Bibliotheca Indica. Calcutta, 1870.
A. Weber, Die Vagrasi#i des Asvaghosha. Berlin, 1860.
A. Weber, Die Rama-tapantya Upanishad. Berlin, 1864.
A. Weber, Analyse der in Anquetil du Perron’s Ubersetzung enthalten Upanishad; Indische Studien, vol. i,
Pp. 247 et seq.
A. E. Gough, The Philosophy of the Upanishads ; Calcutta Review, CXXXI. 4
P. Regnaud, Matériaux pour servir 4 l'histoire de la Philosophie de l’Inde. Paris, 1876.
Editions of the Upanishads, their commentaries and
glosses have been published in the Tattvabodhini patrika,
and by Poley (who has also translated several Upanishads into French), by Réer, Cowell, Rajendralal Mitra,
Harakandra Vidyabhishaza, Visvanatha Sastri, RAmamaya Tarkaratna, and others. For fuller titles see Gildemeister, Bibliotheca Sanscrita, and E. Haas, Catalogue of \
Sanskrit and Pali Books in the British Museum, s.v. Upa- }
nishads.
IXXXVI UPANISHADS.
I.
THE KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
THE KAandogya-upanishad belongs to the Sama-veda.
Together with the Brzhad-drazyaka, which belongs to the
Yagur-veda, it has contributed the most important materials to what may be called the orthodox philosophy of
India, the Vedanta’, i.e. the end, the purpose, the highest
object of the Veda. It consists of eight adhy4yas or lectures, and formed part of a KA4ndogya-brahmaza, in which
it was preceded by two other adhyayas. While MSS. of
the KAandogya-upanishad and its commentary are frequent, no MSS. of the whole Brahmaza has been met with
in Europe. Several scholars had actually doubted its existence, but Rajendralal Mitra’, in the Introduction to his
translation of the A/andogya-upanishad, states that in
India ‘MSS. of the work are easily available, though as
yet he has seen no commentary attached to the Brahmaza
portion of any one of them.’ ‘According to general accep-
of the work are easily available, though as
yet he has seen no commentary attached to the Brahmaza
portion of any one of them.’ ‘According to general accep-
1 Vedanta, as a technical term, did not mean originally the last portions of
the Veda, or chapters placed, as it were, at the end of a volume of Vedic
literature, but the end, i.e. the object, the highest purpose of the Veda.
There are, of course, passages, like the one in the Taittirfya-dranyaka (ed.
Rajendralal Mitra, p. 820), which have been misunderstood both by native and
European scholars, and where vedanta means simply the end of the Veda :—yo
vedidau svarak prokto vedante fa pratishthitah, ‘the Om which is pronounced
at the beginning of the Veda, and has its place also at the end of the Veda.’
Here vedanta stands simply in opposition to vedadau, and it is impossible to
translate it, as Sayana does, by Vedanta or Upanishad. Vedanta, in the sense of
philosophy, occurs in the Taittirtya-aranyaka (p. 817), ina verse of the Narfyantyaupanishad, repeated in the Mundaka-upanishad III, 2, 6, and elsewhere,
vedantavighanasunistitarthas, ‘ those who have well understood the object of the
knowledge arising from the Vedanta,’ not ‘from the last books of the Veda ;’
and Svetasvatara-up. VI, 22, vedfinte paramam guhyam, ‘the highest mystery in _
the Vedanta.’ Afterwards it is used in the plural also, e.g. Kshurikopanishad, ~
10 (Bibl. Ind. p. 210), pundartketi vedanteshu nigadyate, ‘it is called pundartka
in the Vedantas,’ i.e. in the KAandogya and other Upanishads, as the commentator says, but not in the last books of each Veda. A curious passage is
found in the Gautama-sfitras XIX, 12, where a distinction seems to be made
between Upanishad and Vedanta. Sacred Books, vol. ii, p. 272.
* Khandogya-upanishad, translated by Rajendralal Mitra, Calcutta, 1862,
Introduction, p. 17.
INTRODUCTION. Ixxxvii
A curious passage is
found in the Gautama-sfitras XIX, 12, where a distinction seems to be made
between Upanishad and Vedanta. Sacred Books, vol. ii, p. 272.
* Khandogya-upanishad, translated by Rajendralal Mitra, Calcutta, 1862,
Introduction, p. 17.
INTRODUCTION. Ixxxvii
tation,’ he adds, ‘the work embraces ten chapters, of which
the first two are reckoned to be the Brahmaza, and the rest
is known under the name of AAandogya-upanishad. In
their arrangement and style the two portions differ greatly,
and judged by them they appear to be productions of very
different ages, though both are evidently relics of pretty
remote antiquity. Of the two chapters of the KAandogyabrahmaza }, the first includes eight sQktas (hymns) on the
ceremony of marriage, and the rites necessary to be observed at the birth of a child. The first skta is intended
to be recited when offering an oblation to Agni on the
occasion of a marriage, and its object is to pray for prosperity in behalf of the married couple. The second prays
for long life, kind relatives, and a numerous progeny. The
third is the marriage pledge by which the contracting
parties bind themselves to each other. Its spirit may be
guessed from a single verse. In talking of the unanimity
with which they will dwell, the bridegroom addresses his
bride, “ That heart of thine shall be mine, and this heart of
mine shall be thine®.”. The fourth and the fifth invoke
Agni, Vayu, Kandramas, and Sirya to bless the couple and
ensure healthful progeny. The sixth is a mantra for
offering an oblation on the birth of a child; and the seventh
and the eighth are prayers for its being healthy, wealthy,
and powerful, not weak, poor, or mute, and to ensure a
profusion of wealth and milch-cows. The first sOkta of the
second chapter is addressed to the Earth, Agni, and Indra,
with a prayer for wealth, health, and prosperity; the
second, third, fourth, fifth, and sixth are mantras for offering oblations to cattle, the manes, Sdrya, and divers minor
deities. The seventh is a curse upon worms, insects, flies,
and other nuisances, and the last, the concluding mantra of
the marriage ceremony, in which a general blessing is
invoked for all concerned.’
After this statement there can be but little doubt that
' It begins, Om, deva savitak, pra suva yagham pra suva yagnhapatim
bhagfya. The second begins, yak praky4m disi sarpariga esha te balis.
* Yad etad dhridayam tava tad astu hridayam mama, Yad idam hridayam
mama tad astu hridayam tava.
Ixxxviii UPANISHADS.
this Upanishad originally formed part of a Brahmaaa.
This may have been called either by a general name,
the Brahmava of the Aandogas, the followers of the
Sama-veda, or, on account of the prominent place occupied
in it by the Upanishad, the Upanishad-brahmanza). In
that case it would be one of the eight Brahmazas of the
SAma-veda, enumerated by Kumarila Bha¢éa and others?,
and called simply Upanishad, scil. Brahmama.
In
that case it would be one of the eight Brahmazas of the
SAma-veda, enumerated by Kumarila Bha¢éa and others?,
and called simply Upanishad, scil. Brahmama.
The text of the Upanishad with the commentary of
Sankara and the gloss of Anandagiri has been published in
the Bibliotheca Indica. The edition can only claim the
character of a manuscript, and of a manuscript not always
very correctly read.
A translation of the Upanishad was published, likewise
in the Bibliotheca Indica, by Rajendralal Mitra.
It is one of the Upanishads that was translated into
Persian under the auspices of Dara Shukoh', and from
Persian into French by Anquetil Duperron, in his Oupnekhat, i.e. Secretum Tegendum. Portions of it were
translated into English by Colebrooke in his Miscellaneous Essays, into Latin and German by F. W.
Windischmann, in his Sankara, seu de theologumenis
Vedanticorum (Bonn, 1833), and in a work published
by his father, K. J. H. Windischmann, Die Philosophie
im Fortgang der Weltgeschichte (Bonn, 1827-34).
Professor A. Weber has treated of this Upanishad in his
Indische Studien I, 254; likewise M. P. Regnaud in his
Matériaux pour servir 4 l'histoire de la philosophie de
Inde (Paris, 1876) and Mr. Gough in several articles on
‘the Philosophy of the Upanishads,’ in the Calcutta
Review, No. CXXXI.
I have consulted my predecessors whenever there was a
serious difficulty to solve in the translation of these ancient
texts. These difficulties are very numerous, as those know
' The same name seems, however, to be given to the adhyaya of the Talavakara-brahmana, which contains the Kena-upanishad.
* M. M., History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 348. Most valuable
information on the literature of the Sama-veda may be found in Dr. Burnell’s
editions of the smaller Brahmanas of that Veda.
* M.M., History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 325.
INTRODUCTION. Ixxxix
best who have attempted to give complete translations of
these ancient texts. It will be seen that my translation
differs sometimes very considerably from those of my predecessors. Though I have but seldom entered into any
controversy with them, they may rest assured that I have
not deviated from them without careful reflection.
II.
THE TALAVAKARA-UPANISHAD.
It will be seen that my translation
differs sometimes very considerably from those of my predecessors. Though I have but seldom entered into any
controversy with them, they may rest assured that I have
not deviated from them without careful reflection.
II.
THE TALAVAKARA-UPANISHAD.
THIS Upanishad is best known by the name of Kenaupanishad, from its first word. The name of brahmiupanishad (IV, 7) can hardly be considered as a title. It
means ‘the teaching of Brahman,’ and is used with reference
to other Upanishads also'. Sankara, in his commentary,
tells us that this Upanishad forms the ninth adhydya of
a Brahmaza, or, if we take his words quite literally, he says,
‘the beginning of the ninth adhydya is “the Upanishad
beginning with the words Keneshitam, and treating of the
Highest Brahman has to be taught.”’ In the eight preceeding adhydyas, he tells us, all the sacred rites or
sacrifices had been fully explained, and likewise the meditations (upasana) on the praza (vital breath) which belongs
to all these sacrifices, and those meditations also which
have reference to the fivefold and sevenfold SAmans.
After that followed Gayatra-saman and the Vamsa, the
genealogical list. All this would naturally form the subject
of a Sama-veda-brahmaza, and we find portions corresponding to the description given by Sankara in the K/andogya-upanishad, e. g. the fivefold Saman, II, 2; the sevenfold SAdman, II, 8; the Gayatra-saman, ITI, 12, 1.
Anandagfi4na tells us that our Upanishad belonged to
the Sakha of the Talavakaras.
All this had formerly to be taken on trust, because
no Brahmaza was known containing the Upanishad. Dr.
Burnell, however, has lately discovered a Brahmana of the
SAma-veda which comes very near the description given by
Sankara. In a letter dated Tanjore, 8th Dec. 1878, he
1 See before, p. Ixxxiii.
xc UPANISHADS.
writes: ‘It appears to me that you would be glad to know
the following about the Kena-upanishad, as it occurs in my
MS. of the Talavakara-brahmaza.
‘The last book but one of this Brahmavza is termed
Upanishad-brahmama. It consists of 145 khamdas treating
of the GAayatra-sdman, and the 134th is a Vamsa. The
Kena-upanishad comprises the 135-145 khazdas, or the
tenth anuvaka of a chapter. The 139th section begins: 4s
va idam agra sit, &c.
‘My MS. of the Talavak4ra-brahmama agrees, as regards
the contents, exactly with what Sankara says, but not in
the divisions. He says that the Kena-upanishad begins the
ninth adhydya, but that is not so in my MS. Neither
the beginning nor the end of this Upanishad is noticed
particularly.
‘The last book of this Brahmavza is the Arsheya-brahmaa, which I printed last February.
He says that the Kena-upanishad begins the
ninth adhydya, but that is not so in my MS. Neither
the beginning nor the end of this Upanishad is noticed
particularly.
‘The last book of this Brahmavza is the Arsheya-brahmaa, which I printed last February.
‘Among the teachers quoted in the Brahmaza I have
noticed both Tazdya and Satyayani. I should not be
surprised to find in it the difficult quotations which are
incorrectly given in the MSS. of Sayaza’s commentary on
the Rig-veda. The story of Apala, quoted by Sayama in
his commentary on the Rig-veda, VIII, 80, as from the
Satydyanaka, is found word for word, except some trivial
var. lectiones, in sections 220-221 of the Agnishfoma book
of the Talavakara-brahmaza. The SAtyAyanins seem to
be closely connected with the Talavakdra-sakha.’
From a communication made by Dr. Burnell to the
Academy (1 Feb. 79), I gather that this Talavak4ra-brahmama is called by those who study it ‘ Gaiminiya-brahmaaa,’
after the S4kha4 of the SAma-veda which they follow. The
account given in the Academy differs on some particulars
slightly from that given in Dr. Burnell’s letter to me. He
writes: ‘The largest part of the Brahmama treats of the
sacrifices and the Samans used at them. The first chapter
is on the Agnihotra, and the Agnishéoma and other rites
follow at great length, Then comes a book termed
Upanishad-brahmama. This contains 145 sections in four
chapters. It begins with speculations on the Gdayatra-
INTRODUCTION. xci
saman, followed by a Vamsa; next, some similar matter
and another Vamsa. Then (§§ 135-138) comes the Kenaupanishad (Talavakara). The last book is the Arsheya.
The Upanishad forms the tenth anuvaka of the fourth
chapter, not the beginning of a ninth chapter, as Sankara
remarks,’
The Kena-upanishad has been frequently published and
translated. It forms part of Dara Shukoh’s Persian, and
Anquetil Duperron’s Latin translations. It was several times
published in English by Rammohun Roy (Translations of
Several Principal Books, Passages, and Texts of the Veda,
London, 1832, p. 41), in German by Windischmann, Poley,
and others. It has been more or less fully discussed by
Colebrooke, Windischmann, Poley, Weber, Réer, Gough,
and Regnaud in the books mentioned before.
Besides the text of this Upanishad contained in the
Brahmana of the SAma-veda, there is another text, slightly
differing, belonging to the Atharva-veda, and there are
commentaries on both texts (Colebrooke, Misc. Essays,
1873, II, p. 80).
III.
THE AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
Besides the text of this Upanishad contained in the
Brahmana of the SAma-veda, there is another text, slightly
differing, belonging to the Atharva-veda, and there are
commentaries on both texts (Colebrooke, Misc. Essays,
1873, II, p. 80).
III.
THE AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
IN giving a translation of the Aitareya-upanishad, I found
it necessary to give at the same time a translation of that
portion of the Aitareya-4razyaka which precedes the Upanishad. The Arazyakas seem to have been from the beginning the proper repositories of the ancient Upanishads,
though it is difficult at first sight to find out in what relation
the Upanishads stood to the Arazyakas. The Arazyakas
are to be read and studied, not in the village (grame), but
in the forest, and so are the Upanishads. But the subjects
treated in the Upanishads belong to a very different order
from those treated in the other portions of the Arayakas,
the former being philosophical, the latter liturgical.
The liturgical chapters of the Arazyakas might quite as
well have formed part of the Brahmazas, and but for the
restriction that they are to be read in the forest, it is difficult to distinguish between them and the Brahmamas. The
XCii UPANISHADS.
first chapter of the Aitareya-drazyaka is a mere continuation of the Aitareya-brahmama, and gives the description
of the Mahavrata, the last day but one of the Gavamayana, a sattra or sacrifice which is supposed to last a whole
year. The duties which are to be performed by the Hotzz
priests are described in the Aitareya-arazyaka ; not all,
however, but those only which are peculiar to the Mahavrata day. The general rules for the performance of the
MahAvrata are to be taken over from other sacrifices, such
as the Visvagit, Katurvimsa, &c., which form the type
(prakriti) of the Mahavrata. Thus the two sastras or recitations, called 4gya-praiiga, are taken over from the Visvagit,
the sastras of the Hotrakas from the Katurvimsa, The
MahAvrata is treated here as belonging to the Gavamayana
sattra, which is described in a different SAkha, see Taittirtya Samhita VII, 5, 8, and partly in other Vedas. It is
the day preceding the udayaniya, the last day of the sattra.
It can be celebrated, however, by itself also, as an ekAha or
ahina sacrifice, and in the latter case it is the tenth day of
the Ekadasaratra (eleven nights sacrifice) called Pusdarika.
S4yana does not hesitate to speak of the Aitareyaaravyaka as a part of the Brahmaza'; and a still earlier
authority, Sankara, by calling the Aitareya-upanishad by
the name of Bahvrita-brahmava-upanishad ?, seems to
imply that both the Upanishad and the Arazyaka may be
classed as Brahmama.
S4yana does not hesitate to speak of the Aitareyaaravyaka as a part of the Brahmaza'; and a still earlier
authority, Sankara, by calling the Aitareya-upanishad by
the name of Bahvrita-brahmava-upanishad ?, seems to
imply that both the Upanishad and the Arazyaka may be
classed as Brahmama.
The Aitareya-4razyaka appears at first sight a miscellaneous work, consisting of liturgical treatises in the first,
fourth, and fifth Arazyakas, and of three Upanishads, in
the second and third Aranyakas. This, however, is not
the case. The first Arazyaka is purely liturgical, giving
a description of the Mah4vrata, so far as it concerns the
- Hotz? priest. It is written in the ordinary Brahmaza style.
Then follows the first Upanishad, Arazyaka II, 1-3, showing
* Aitareyabrahmane ’sti kéndam franyakabhidham (introduction), a remark
which he repeats in the fifth Aranyaka. He also speaks of the Arasyakavratariipam brahmanam ; see p. cxiv, 1]. 24.
* In the same manner the Kaushitaki-upanishad is properly called Kaushitakibréhmaza-upanishad, though occurring in the Aranyaka ; see Kaushftaki-brahmana-upanishad, ed. Cowell, p. 30.
INTRODUCTION. Xcill
how certain portions of the Mahavrata, as described in the
first Arazyaka, can be made to suggest a deeper meaning,
and ought to lead the mind of the sacrificer away from the
purely outward ceremonial to meditation on higher subjects.
Without a knowledge of the first Arayaka therefore the
first Upanishad would be almost unintelligible, and though
its translation was extremely tedious, it could not well
have been omitted.
The second and third Upanishads are not connected
with the ceremonial of the Mah4vrata, but in the fourth
and fifth Arazyakas the Mahavrata forms again the principal subject, treated, however, not as before in the style
of the Brahmazas, but in the style of Satras. The fourth
Aranyaka contains nothing but a list of the Mah4ndmni
hymns}, but the fifth describes the Mah4vrata again, so
that if the first Arazyaka may be looked upon as a portion
of the Aitareya-brahmamas, the fifth could best be classed
with the Satras of Asvalayana.
To a certain extent this fact, the composite character of
the Aitareya-aramyaka, is recognised even by native scholars,
who generally do not trouble themselves much on such
questions. They look both on the Aitareya-brahmamza
and on the greater portion of Aitareya-fraxyaka as the
works of an inspired Rishi, Mahidasa Aitareya?, but they
consider the fourth and fifth books of the Aranyaka as
contributed by purely human authors, such as Asvalayana
and Saunaka, who, like other Sdtrak4ras, took in verses
belonging to other SAkh4s, and did not confine their rules
to their own SAkh4 only,
There are many legends about Mahid4sa, the reputed
author of the Aitareya-brahmama and Arazyaka. He is
He is
1 See Boehtlingk and Roth, s.v. ‘*Neun Vedische Verse die in ihrem vollstandigen Wortlaut aber noch nicht nachgewiesen sind.’ Weber, Indische Studien
VIII, 68. How these hymns are to be employed we learn from the Asvalfyanasitras VII, 12, 10, where we are told that if the Udgatris sing the Sakvara
Saman as the Prishshastotra, the nine verses beginning with Vida maghavan,
and known by the name of Mah&ndmntf, are to be joined in a peculiar manner.
The only excuse given, why these Mahanamnis are mentioned here, and not in
the Braéhmana, is that they are to be studied in the forest.
2M. M,, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, pp. 177, 335-
XciV UPANISHADS.
quoted several times as Mahid4sa Aitareya in the Aranyaka
itself, though not in the Brahmaza. We also meet his
name in the K/Aandogya-upanishad (III, 16, 7), where we
are told that he lived to an age of 116 years’. All this,
however, would only prove that, at the time of the composition or collection of these Arazyakas and Upanishads,
a sage was known of the name of Mahid4sa Aitareya,
descended possibly from Itara or Itara, and that one text
of the Brahmamas and the Arazyakas of the Bahvrizas was
handed down in the family of the Aitareyins.
Not content with this apparently very obvious explanation, later theologians tried to discover their own reasons for
the name of Aitareya. Thus Sdyava, in his introduction
to the Aitareya-brahmama*, tells us that there was once
a Rishi who had many wives. One of them was called
Itar4, and she had a son called Mahiddsa. His father
preferred the sons of his other wives to Mahid4sa, and once
he insulted him in the sacrificial hall, by placing his other
sons on his lap, but not Mahidasa. Mahid4sa’s mother,
seeing her son with tears in his eyes, prayed to her tutelary
goddess, the Earth (sviyakuladevata Bhdmiz), and the
goddess in her heavenly form appeared in the midst of
the assembly, placed Mahid4sa on a throne, and on account
of his learning, gave him the gift of knowing the Brahmaaa,
consisting of forty adhy4yas, and, as Sayaxa calls it, another
Brahmaza, ‘treating of the Aranyaka duties’ (Aranyakavratardpam brahmazam).
Without attaching much value to the legend of Itard,
we see at all events that Sayaza considered what we call
the Aitareyarazyaka as a kind of Brahmama, not however
the whole of it, but only the first, second, and third Aramyakas (atha mah4vratam ity4dikam 4#4rya ak4ry4 ityantam). How easy it was for Hindu theologians to invent
such legends we see from another account of Mahid4sa,
given by Anandatirtha in his notes on the Aitareya-upani-
* Not 1600 years, as I printed by mistake; for 24+ 44 +48 make 116 years.
Rajendralal Mitra should not have corrected his right rendering 116 into 1600.
Ait. Ar. Introduction, p. 3.
* M.M., History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 336.
INTRODUCTION. XCV
Rajendralal Mitra should not have corrected his right rendering 116 into 1600.
Ait. Ar. Introduction, p. 3.
* M.M., History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 336.
INTRODUCTION. XCV
shad. He, as Colebrooke was the first to point out, takes
Mahidasa ‘to be an incarnation of Narayawa, proceeding
from Visdla, son of Abga,’ and he adds, that on the sudden
appearance of this.deity at a solemn celebration, the whole
assembly of gods and priests (suraviprasangha) fainted, but
at the intercession of Brahm4, they were revived, and after
making their obeisance, they were instructed in holy science.
This avataéra was called Mahid4sa, because those venerable
personages (mahin) declared themselves to be his slaves
(dasa) ?.
In order properly to understand this legend, we must
remember that Anandatirtha, or rather Visvesvaratirtha,
whose commentary he explains, treated the whole of the
Mahaitareya-upanishad from a Vaishzava point of view, and
that his object was to identify Mahiddsa with Nardyawa.,
He therefore represents Naradyaza or Hari as the avatéra
of Visdla, the son of Brahman (abgasuta), who appeared
at a sacrifice, as described before, who received then and
there the name of Mahid4sa (or Mahidasa), and who taught
this Upanishad. Any other person besides Mahid4sa would
have been identified with the same ease by Visvesvaratirtha with Vishzu or Bhagavat.
A third legend has been made up out of these two by
European scholars who represent Mahid4sa as the son of
Visdla and Itar4, two persons who probably never met
before, for even the Vaish#ava commentator does not
attempt to take liberties with the name of Aitareya, but
simply states that the Upanishad was called Aitarey?, from
Aitareya.
Leaving these legends for what they are worth, we may
at all events retain the fact that, whoever was the author of
the Aitareya-brahmama and the first three books of the
Aitareya-4razyaka, was not the author of the two concluding Arazyakas. And this is confirmed in different
ways. S4yaza, when quoting in his commentary on the
Rig-veda from the last books, constantly calls it a Sdtra of
Saunaka, while the fourth Araszyaka is specially ascribed
1 Colebrooke, Miscellaneous Essays, 1873, JI, p. 42.
xevi UPANISHADS.
to Asvalayana, the pupil and successor of Saunaka’. These
two names of Saunaka and Asvalayana are frequently intermixed. If, however, in certain MSS. the whole of the
Aitareya-4ranyaka is sometimes ascribed either to Asvalayana or Saunaka, this is more probably due to the colophon
of the fourth and fifth Arazyakas having been mistaken for
the title of the whole work than to the fact that such MSS.
represent the text of the Arazyaka, as adopted by the
school of Asvalayana.
The Aitareya-drazyaka consists of the following five
Aranyakas :
The first Arazyaka has five Adhy4yas :
1. First Adhy4ya, Atha mah&vratam, has four Khandas, 1-4.
a. Second Adhyfya, A tva ratham, has four Khandas, 5-8.
3. Third Adhyaya, Hinkarena, has eight? Khandas, 9-16.
The Aitareya-drazyaka consists of the following five
Aranyakas :
The first Arazyaka has five Adhy4yas :
1. First Adhy4ya, Atha mah&vratam, has four Khandas, 1-4.
a. Second Adhyfya, A tva ratham, has four Khandas, 5-8.
3. Third Adhyaya, Hinkarena, has eight? Khandas, 9-16.
4 Fourth Adhyaya, Atha sfidadoh4h, has three Khandas, 17-19.
5. Fifth Adhyaya, Vasam samsati, has three Khandas, ‘20-22.
The second Aranyaka has seven Adhydyas:
First Adhyfya, Esha panthas, has eight Khandas, 1-8.
. Second Adhyfya, Esha imam lokam, has four Khandas, 9-12.
. Third Adhy4ya, Yo ha va &tm&nam, has eight (not three)
Khandas, 13-20.
. Fourth Adhyaya, Atma va idam, has three Khandas, 21-23.
1o. Fifth Adhyaya, Purushe ha va, has one Khanda, 24.
11, Sixth Adhyaya, Ko ’yam &tmeti, has one Khanda, 25.
1a. Seventh Adhy4ya, Va me manasi, has one Khanda, 26.
The third Arazyaka has two Adhy4yas :
| 13. First Adhydya, Athatak samhit4ya upanishat, has six Khandas,
1-6,
L 14. Second Adhyaya, Préso vamsa iti sthavirak Sakalyak, has six
Khandas, 7-12.
The fourth Arazyaka has one Adhydya:
. First Adhy4ya, Vida maghavan, has one Khanda (the Mahanaémnf’s).
The fifth Aranyaka has three Adhydyas :
16. First Adhyfya, Mahfvratasya paisavimsatim, has six Khandas,
1-6.
17. Second Adhyfya, (Grivas) Yasyedam, has five Khandas, 7-11.
18. Third Adhyaya, (Or) Indragnt, has four Khandas, 11-14.
ON DN
A
Bahvrika-upanishad
_
©
Aitareya-upanishad
~
on
1M. M., History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 235.
9 Not six, as in Rajerdralal Mitra’s edition.
INTRODUCTION, xcvii
With regard to the Upanishad, ‘we must distinguish
between the Aitareya-upanishad, properly so-called, which
fills the fourth, fifth, and sixth adhydyas of the second
Aranyaka, and the Mahaitareya-upanishad ', also called by
a more general name Bahvrika-upanishad, which comprises
the whole of the second and third Arazyakas.
The Persian translator seems to have confined himself to
the second Arazyaka?, to which he gives various titles,
Sarbsar, Asarbeh, Antrteheh. That Antrteheh 13,251 is a
misreading of 1,2! was pointed out long ago by Burnouf,
and the same explanation applies probably to w,!, asarbeh, and if to that, then to Sarbsar also, No explanation
has ever been given why the Aitareya-upanishad should
haye been called Sarvaséra, which Professor Weber thinks
was corrupted into Sarbsar. At all events the Aitareyaupanishad is not the Sarvasdra-upanishad, the Oupnek’hat
Sarb, more correctly called Sarvopanishatsara, and ascribed
either to the Taittirlyaka or to the Atharva-veda*.
The Aitareya-upanishad, properly so called, has been
edited and translated in the Bibliotheca Indica by Dr.
Réer. The whole of the Aitareya-Arazyaka with Sayana’s
commentary was published in the same series by Rajendralal Mitra.
The Aitareya-upanishad, properly so called, has been
edited and translated in the Bibliotheca Indica by Dr.
Réer. The whole of the Aitareya-Arazyaka with Sayana’s
commentary was published in the same series by Rajendralal Mitra.
Though I have had several MSS. of the text and commentary at my disposal, I have derived little aid from
them, but have throughout endeavoured to restore that
text which Sankara (the pupil of Govinda) and Sayana
had before them. Sdyama, for the Upanishad portion, follows Sankara’s commentary, of which we have a gloss by
Anandagfiana.
Colebrooke in his Essays (vol. ii, p. 42) says that he
1 This may have been the origin of a Rishi Mahaitareya, by the side of the
Rishi Aitareya, mentioned in the Asvalayana Grihya-sfitras III, 4 (ed. Stenzler).
Professor Weber takes Aitareya and Mahaitareya here as names of works, but
he admits that in the Saikh4yana Grihya-s(tras they are clearly names of
Rishis (Ind. Stud. I, p. 389).
* He translates II, 1-II, 3, 4, leaving out the rest of the third adhyaya ;
afterwards II, 4-II, 7.
® Bibliotheca Indica, the Atharvaza-upanishads, p. 394.
{3] g
Xcvili UPANISHADS.
possessed one gloss by N4rayazendra on Sankara’s commentary, and another by Anandatirtha on a different gloss
for the entire Upanishad. The gloss by Narayazendra’,
however, is, so Dr. Rost informs me, the same as that of
Anandagiiana, while, so far as I can see, the gloss contained
in MS. E. I. H. 2386 (also MS. Wilson 401), to which Colebrooke refers, is not a gloss by Anandatirtha at all, but a
gloss by Visvesvaratirtha on a commentary by Anandatirthabhagavatpadaéarya, also called Pirzapragiiaarya, who
explained the whole of the Mahaitareya-upanishad from a
Vaishzava point of view.
IV.
THE KAUSHITAKI-BRAHMANA-UPANISHAD.
THE Kaushitaki-upanishad, or, as it is more properly
called, the Kaushitaki-brahmama-upanishad, belongs, like
the Aitareya-upanishad, to the followers of the Rig-veda. It
was translated into Persian under the title of Kokhenk, and
has been published in the Bibliotheca Indica with Sankarananda’s commentary and an excellent translation by
Professor Cowell.
Though it is called the Kaushitaki-brahmaza-upanishad,
it does not form part of the Kaushitaki-brahmaza in 30
adhy4dyas which we possess, and we must therefore account
for its name by admitting that the Arazyaka, of which it
formed a portion, could be reckoned as part of the Brahmava literature of the Rig-veda (see Aitareya-aranyaka,
Introduction, p. xcii), and that hence the Upanishad might
be called the Upanishad of the Brahmamza of the Kaushitakins *, L.
From a commentary discovered by Professor Cowell
it appears that the four adhy4yas of this Upanishad
xcii), and that hence the Upanishad might
be called the Upanishad of the Brahmamza of the Kaushitakins *, L.
From a commentary discovered by Professor Cowell
it appears that the four adhy4yas of this Upanishad
+ AMS. in the Notices of Sanskrit MSS., vol. ii, p. 133, ascribed to Abhinavanrfyanendra, called Atmashaskabhashyasika, begins like the gloss edited
by Dr. Roer, and ends like Sayana's commentary on the seventh adhydya, as
edited by Rajendralal Mitra. The same name is given in MS. Wilson 94,
Stimatkaivalyend rasarasvatip{igyapAdasishya- srimadabhinavanarfyanendrasarasvatt.
* A Mah4-kaushitaki-brahmana is quoted, but has not yet been met with.
INTRODUCTION. XCix
were followed by five other adhy4yas, answering, so far’ as
we can judge from a few extracts, to some of the adhyAyas
of the Aitareya-4razyaka, while an imperfect MS. of an
Aranyaka in the Royal Library at Berlin (Weber, Catalogue,
Pp. 20) begins, like the Aitareya-4razyaka, with a description of the Mahavrata, followed by discussions on the uktha
in the second adhydya; and then proceeds in the third
adhyaya to give the story of Xitra Gaagy4yani in the same
words as the Kaushitaki-upanishad in the first adhy4dya.
Other MSS. again adopt different divisions. In one MS.
of the commentary (MS. A), the four adhydyas of the
Upanishad are counted as sixth, seventh, eighth, and ninth
(ending with ity4razyake navamo ‘dhydya%); in another
(MS. P) the third and fourth adhydyas of the Upanishad
are quoted as the fifth and sixth of the Kaushitakydrazyaka,
possibly agreeing therefore, to a certain extent, with the
Berlin MS. In a MS. of the Sankhdayana Aranyaka in
the Royal Library at Berlin, there are 15 adhydyas, 1 and 2
corresponding to Ait. Ar. 1 and 5; 3-6 containing the Kaushitaki-upanishad ; 7 and 8 corresponding to Ait. Ar. 31.
Poley seems to have known a MS. in which the four
adhyd4yas of the Upanishad formed the first, seventh,
eighth, and ninth adhydyas of a Kaushitaki-brahmava.
As there were various recensions of the Kaushitaki-brahmaza (the Sankh4yana, Kauthuma, &c.), the Upanishad
also exists in at least two texts. The commentator, in
some of its MSS., refers to the various readings of the
Sakhas, explaining them, whenever there seems to be
occasion for it. I have generally followed the text which is
presupposed by Sankardnanda’s Dipik4, and contained in
MSS. F, G (Cowell, Preface, p. v), so far as regards the
third and fourth adhy4yas. According to Professor Cowell,
Vidydrazya in his Sarvopanishadarthanubhitiprakasa followed the text of the commentary, while Sankarazarya,
if we may trust to extracts in his commentary on the
Vedanta-sitras, followed the other text, contained in MS.
A (Cowell, Preface, p. v).
1 See Weber, History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 50.
g2
c UPANISHADS.
A (Cowell, Preface, p. v).
1 See Weber, History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 50.
g2
c UPANISHADS.
The style of the commentator differs in so marked a
manner from that of Sankardzarya, that even without the
fact that the author of the commentary on the Kaushitakiupanishad is called Sankarananda, it would have been
difficult to ascribe it, as has been done by some scholars,
to the famous Sankaré#arya. Sankarananda is called the
teacher of Madhava#arya (Hall, Index, p. 98), and the disciple of Anandatma Muni (Hall, Index, p. 116).
I have had the great advantage of being able to consult
for the Kaushitaki-upanishad, not only the text and commentary as edited by Professor Cowell, but also his excellent
translation. If I differ from him in some points, this is but
natural, considering the character of the text and the many
difficulties that have still to be solved, before we can hope
to arrive at a full understanding of these ancient philosophical treatises.
V.
THE VAGASANEYI-SAMHITA-UPANISHAD.
THE VA4gasaneyi-samhita-upanishad, commonly called ”
from its beginning, fs4 or fsAvAsya, forms the fortieth and
concluding chapter of the Samhita of the White Yagur-veda.
If the Samhités are presupposed by the Brahmamas, at
least in that form in which we possess them, then this
Upanishad, being the only one that forms part of a
Samhita, might claim a very early age. The SamhitA of
the White Yagur-veda, however, is acknowledged to be of
modern origin, as compared with the Samhita of the Black
Yagur-veda, and it would not be safe therefore to ascribe
to this Upanishad a much higher antiquity than to those
which have found a place in the older Brahmazas and
Aranyakas.
There are differences between the text, as contained in
the Yagur-veda-samhita, and the text of the Upanishad by
itself. Those which are of some interest have been mentioned in the notes.
In some notes appended to the translation of this
Upanishad I have called attention to what seems to me
INTRODUCTION. ci
its peculiar character, namely, the recognition of the
necessity of works as a preparation for the reception of
the highest knowledge. This agrees well with the position
occupied by this Upanishad at the end of the Samhita, in
which the sacrificial works and the hymns that are to
accompany them are contained. The doctrine that the
moment a man is enlightened, he becomes free, as taught
in other Upanishads, led to a rejection of all discipline
and a condemnatian of all sacrifices, which could hardly
have been tolerated in the last chapter of the Yagur-vedasamhitd, the liturgical Veda par excellence.
Other peculiarities of this Upanishad are the name fs,
lord, a far more personal name for the highest Being than
Brahman; the asurya (demoniacal) or asdrya (sunless)
worlds to which all go who have lost their self; MAtarisvan,
used in the sense of praza or spirit; asnd4viram, without
muscles, in the sense of incorporeal; and the distinction
between sambhiti and asambhiti in verses 12-14.
The editions of the text, commentaries, and glosses, and
the earlier translations may be seen in the works quoted
before, p. Ixxxiv. .
Digitized by Google
KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
FIRST PRAPA7HAKA.
First Kuawpal.
1. Let a man meditate on the syllable? Om,
called the udgttha; for the udgitha (a portion of the
Sama-veda) is sung, beginning with Om.
The full account, however, of Om is this:—
2. The essence® of all beings is the earth, the
essence of the earth is water, the essence of water
1 The XAAndogya-upanishad begins with recommending meditation on the syllable Om, a sacred syllable that had to be pronounced at the beginning of each Veda and of every recitation of
Vedic hymns. As connected with the Séma-veda, that syllable Om
is called udgitha. Its more usual name is prazava. The object
of the Upanishad is to explain the various meanings which the
syllable Om may assume in the mind of a devotee, some of them
being extremely artificial and senseless, till at last the highest
meaning of Om is reached, viz. Brahman, the intelligent cause of
the universe.
* Akshara means both syllable and the imperishable, i.e. Brahman.
5 Essence, rasa, is explained in different ways, as origin, support, end, cause, and effect. Rasa means originally the sap of
trees. That sap may be conceived either as the essence extracted
from the tree, or as what gives vigour and life to a tree. In the
former case it might be transferred to the conception of effect, in
the latter to that of cause. In our sentence it has sometimes the
one, sometimes the other meaning. Earth is the support of all
beings, water pervades the earth, plants arise from water, man lives
by plants, speech is the best part of man, the Rig-veda the best
part of speech, the Sima-veda the best extract from the Rz&,
udgitha, or the syllable Om, the crown of the Sama-veda.
[5] B
an
2 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
the plants, the essence of plants man, the essence
of man speech, the essence of speech the Rig-veda,
the essence of the Rig-veda the S4ma-veda?, the
essence of the Sdma-veda the udgitha (which is
Om).
3. That udgitha (Om) is the best of all essences,
the highest, deserving the highest place ?, the
eighth.
4. What then is the Az? What is the SAman?
What is the udgitha ? This is the question.
5. The z& indeed is speech, SAman is breath,
the udgitha is the syllable Om. Now speech and
breath, or Azé and SA4man, form one couple.
6. And that couple is joined together in the
syllable Om. When two people come together,
they fulfil each other’s desire.
7. Thus he who knowing this, meditates on the
syllable (Om), the udgitha, becomes indeed a fulfiller of desires.
8. That syllable is a syllable of permission, for
whenever we permit anything, we say Om, yes.
Now permission is gratification. He who knowing
this meditates on the syllable (Om), the udgitha,
becomes indeed a gratifier of desires.
8. That syllable is a syllable of permission, for
whenever we permit anything, we say Om, yes.
Now permission is gratification. He who knowing
this meditates on the syllable (Om), the udgitha,
becomes indeed a gratifier of desires.
9. By that syllable does the threefold knowledge (the sacrifice, more particularly the Somasacrifice, as founded on the three Vedas) proceed.
When the Adhvaryu priest gives an order, he
says Om. When the Hotvz priest recites, he says
Om. When the Udgatv? priest sings, he says Om,
1 Because most of the hymns of the SAma-veda are taken from
the Rig-veda.
* ParArdhya is here derived from para, highest, and ardha, place.
The eighth means the eighth or last in the series of essences.
I PRAPATHAKA, I KHANDA, IO. | 3
—all for the glory of that syllable. The threefold
knowledge (the sacrifice) proceeds by the greatness
of that syllable (the vital breaths), and by its essence
(the oblations) }.
10. Now therefore it would seem to follow, that
both he who knows this (the true meaning of the
syllable Om), and he who does not, perform the
same sacrifice?, But this is not so, for knowledge
and ignorance are different. The sacrifice which
a man performs with knowledge, faith, and the
Upanishad? is more powerful. This is the full
account of the syllable Om.
1 These are allusions to sacrificial technicalities, all intended to
show the importance of the syllable Om, partly as a mere word,
used at the sacrifices, partly as the mysterious name of the Highest
Self. As every priest at the Soma-sacrifices, in which three classes
of priests are always engaged, has to begin his part of the ceremonial with Om, therefore the whole sacrifice is said to be dependent on the syllable Om, and to be for the glory of that syllable,
as an emblem of the Highest Self, a knowledge of whom is the
indirect result of all sacrifices. The greatness of the syllable Om
is explained by the vital breaths of the priest, the sacrificer, and his
wife ; its essence by rice, corn, &c., which constitute the oblations.
Why breath and food are due to the syllable Om is explained by the
sacrifice, which is dependent on that syllable, ascending to the sun,
the sun sending rain, rain producing food, and food producing
breath and life.
% He who simply pronounces the syllable Om as part of his ©
recitation at a sacrifice, and he who knows the hidden meaning of
that syllable, both may perform the same sacrifice. But that performed by the latter is more powerful, because knowledge is better
than ignorance. This is, as usual, explained by some comparisons.
It is true that both he who knows the quality of the haritakf and he
who does not, are purged alike if they take it. But on the other hand,
if a jeweller and a mere clod sell a precious stone, the knowledge of
the former bears better fruit than the ignorance of the latter.
* Upanishad is here explained by yoga, and yoga by devat&divishayam updsanam, meditation directed to certain deities. More
B2
But on the other hand,
if a jeweller and a mere clod sell a precious stone, the knowledge of
the former bears better fruit than the ignorance of the latter.
* Upanishad is here explained by yoga, and yoga by devat&divishayam updsanam, meditation directed to certain deities. More
B2
4 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
SEconD Kuawpa},
1. Whent he Devas and Asuras? struggled together, both of the race of Pragdpati, the Devas took
the udgitha® (Om), thinking they would vanquish
the Asuras with it.
2. They meditated on the udgitha* (Om) as
the breath (scent) in the nose‘, but the Asuras
pierced it (the breath) with evil. Therefore we smell
by the breath in the nose both what is goodsmelling and what is bad-smelling. For the breath
was pierced by evil.
3. Then they meditated on the udgttha (Om) as
speech, but the Asuras pierced it with evil. Therefore we speak both truth and falsehood. For
speech is pierced by evil.
4. Then they meditated on the udgttha (Om) as
the eye, but the Asuras pierced it with evil. There-
likely, however, it refers to this very upanishad, i.e. to the udgfthavidya, the doctrine of the secret meaning of Om, as here explained.
1 A very similar story is told in the Brzhad-aranyaka I, 1, 3, 1
But though the coincidences between the two are considerable,
amounting sometimes to verbal identity, the purport of the two
seems to be different. See Vedanta-sftra III, 3, 6.
* Devas and Asuras, gods and demons, are here explained by
the commentator as the good and evil inclinations of man; Pra-
” g&pati as man in general.
* Udgitha stands, according to the commentator, for the sacri-
‘ficial act to be performed by the Udg4tr?, the Sama-veda priest,
with the udgitha hymns; and as these sacrificial acts always form
part of the Gyotishfoma &c., these great Soma-sacrifices are really
intended. In the second place, however, the commentator takes
udgftha in the sense of Udg4tr?, the performer of the udgitha,
which is or was by the Devas thought to be the breath in the
nose. I have preferred to take udgitha in the sense of Om, and
all that is implied by it.
* They asked that breath should recite the udgitha. Comm.
I PRAPATHAKA, 2 KHANDA, 9. 5
fore we see both what is sightly and unsightly. For
the eye is pierced by evil.
5. Then they meditated on the udgttha (Om) as
the ear, but the Asuras pierced it with evil. Therefore we hear both what should be heard and what
should not be heard. For the ear is pierced by
evil.
6. Then they meditated on the udgitha (Om) as
the mind, but the Asuras pierced it with evil.
Therefore we conceive both what should be conceived and what should not be conceived. For
the mind is pierced by evil.
7. Then comes this breath (of life) in the mouth’.
They meditated on the udgitha (Om) as that breath.
When the Asuras came to it, they were scattered,
as (a ball of earth) would be scattered when hitting
a solid stone.
For
the mind is pierced by evil.
7. Then comes this breath (of life) in the mouth’.
They meditated on the udgitha (Om) as that breath.
When the Asuras came to it, they were scattered,
as (a ball of earth) would be scattered when hitting
a solid stone.
8. Thus, as a ball of earth is scattered when hitting on a solid stone, will he be scattered who wishes
evil to one who knows this, or who persecutes him ;
for he is a solid stone.
9. By it (the breath in the mouth) he distinguishes
neither what is good nor what is bad-smelling, for
that breath is free from evil. What we eat and
drink with it supports the other vital breaths (i.e.
the senses, such as smell, &c.) When at the time
of death he? does not find that breath (in the
1 Mukhya pra#a is used in two senses, the principal or vital
breath, also called sresh/ha, and the breath in the mouth, also called
Asanya.
® According to the commentator, the assemblage of the other
vital breaths or senses is here meant. They depart when the
breath of the mouth, sometimes called sarvambhari, all-supporting,
does no longer, by eating and drinking, support them.
6 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
mouth, through which he eats and drinks and lives),
then he departs. He opens the mouth at the time
of death (as if wishing to eat).
10. Angiras? meditated on the udgitha (Om) as
that breath, and people hold it to be Angiras, i.e.
the essence of the members (angan4m rasaZ) ;
11. Therefore Brvzhaspati meditated on udgitha
(Om) as that breath, and people hold it to be Brzhaspati, for speech is byzhati, and he (that breath) is
the lord (pati) of speech ;
12. Therefore Ayasya meditated on the udgttha
(Om) as that breath, and people hold it to be
Aydsya, because it comes (ayati) from the mouth
(sya);
13. Therefore Vaka Dalbhya knew it. He was
the Udgatv7 (singer) of the Naimishtya-sacrificers,
and by singing he obtained for them their wishes.
14. He who knows this, and meditates on the
syllable Om (the imperishable udgitha) as the breath
of life in the mouth, he obtains all wishes by singing.
So much for the udgttha (Om) as meditated on with
reference to the body ?.
1 The paragraphs from ro to 14 are differently explained
by Indian commentators. By treating the nominatives angirds,
brzhaspatis, and ayasyas (here the printed text reads ay 4syam)
as accusatives, or by admitting the omission of an iti after them,
they connect paragraphs 9, 10, and rz with paragraph 12, and thus
gain the meaning that Vaka Dalbhya meditated on the breath in the
mouth as Angiras, Brihaspati, and Ay4dsya, instead of those saints
having themselves thus meditated; and that he, knowing the secret
names and qualities of the breath, obtained, when acting as Udg4tr?
priest, the wishes of those for whom he sacrificed. Tena is difficult to explain, unless we take it in the sense of tenAnusish/aZ,
taught by him.
® Adhyatma means with reference to the body, not with reference to the self or the soul. Having explained the symbolical
priest, the wishes of those for whom he sacrificed. Tena is difficult to explain, unless we take it in the sense of tenAnusish/aZ,
taught by him.
® Adhyatma means with reference to the body, not with reference to the self or the soul. Having explained the symbolical
I PRAPATHAKA, 3 KHANDA, 4. 7
Tuirp KuHanpa.
1. Now follows the meditation on the udgitha
with reference to the gods. Let a man meditate
on the udgitha (Om) as he who sends warmth (the
sun in the sky). When the sun rises it sings as
Udgatz for the sake of all creatures. When it rises
it destroys the fear of darkness. He who knows this,
is able to destroy the fear of darkness (ignorance).
2. This (the breath in the mouth) and that (the
sun) are the same. This is hot and that is hot.
This they call svara (sound), and that they call praty4svara! (reflected sound). Therefore let a man
meditate on the udgttha (Om) as this and that (as
breath and as sun).
3. Then let a man meditate on the udgitha
(Om) as vy4na indeed. If we breathe up, that is
praza, the up-breathing. If we breathe down, that
is apana, the down-breathing. The combination of
praaa and apana is vy4na, back-breathing or holding
in of the breath. This vy4na is speech. Therefore
when we utter speech, we neither breathe up nor
down.
4. Speech is Az, and therefore when a man utters
a Jzk verse he neither breathes up nor down.
meaning of Om as applied to the body and its organs of sense, he
now explains its symbolical meaning adhidaivatam, i.e. as applied
to divine beings.
1 As applied to breath, svara is explained by the commentator
in the sense of moving, going out; praty4svara, as applied to the
sun, is explained as returning every day. More likely, however,
svara as applied to breath means sound, Om itself being called
svara (Kh. Up. I, 4, 3), and prasvéra in the Rig-veda-pratisdkhya,
882. As applied to the sun, svara and pratyasvara were probably
taken in the sense of light and reflected light.
8 EKHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
Aik is Saman, and therefore when a man utters a
S4man verse he neither breathes up nor down.
S4man is udgitha, and therefore when a man
sings (the udgitha, Om) he neither breathes up
nor down.
5. And other works also which require strength,
such as the production of fire by rubbing, running
a race, stringing a strong bow, are performed without breathing up or down. Therefore let a man
meditate on the udgitha (Om) as vyAna.
6. Let a man meditate on the syllables of the
udgttha, i.e. of the word udgitha. Ut is breath
(praza), for by means of breath a man rises (uttish¢hati). Gi is speech, for speeches are called
girak, Tha is food, for by means of food all
subsists (sthita).
7. Ut is heaven, gt the sky, tha the earth. Ut
is the sun, gt the air, tha the fire. Ut is the
Sa4ma-veda, gi the Yagur-veda, tha the Rig-veda!.
Gi is speech, for speeches are called
girak, Tha is food, for by means of food all
subsists (sthita).
7. Ut is heaven, gt the sky, tha the earth. Ut
is the sun, gt the air, tha the fire. Ut is the
Sa4ma-veda, gi the Yagur-veda, tha the Rig-veda!.
1 The commentator supplies explanations to all these fanciful
etymologies. The heaven is ut, because it is high; the sky is gi,
because it gives out all the worlds (giram4t); earth is tha, because it
is the place (sthana) of living beings. The sun is ut, because it is
high. The wind is gt, because it gives out fire, &c. (giran4t); fire
is tha, because it is the place (sth4na) of the sacrifice. The S4maveda is ut, because it is praised as svarga; the Yagur-veda is
gi, because the gods take the oblation offered with a Yagus; the
Rig-veda is tha, because the Sama verses stand in it. All this is
very childish, and worse than childish, but it is interesting as
a phase of human folly which is not restricted to the Brahmans
of India. I take the following passage from an interesting article,
‘On the Ogam Beithluisnin and on Scythian Letters,’ by Dr. Charles
Graves, Bishop of Limerick. ‘An Irish antiquary,’ he says, ‘ writing
several hundred years ago, proposes to give an account of the
origin of ‘the names of the notes in the musical scale.
‘«Tt is asked here, according to Saint Augustine, What is chant- - -
ing, or why is it so called? Answer. From this word canialena;
«
I PRAPATHAKA, 3 KHANDA, 7. 9
Speech yields the milk, which is the milk of speech
itself!, to him who thus knowing meditates on those
and canéialena is the same thing as Jens cantus, i.e. a soft, sweet
chant to God, and to the Virgin Mary, and to all the Saints,
And the reason why the word puince (puncta) is so called is be
cause the points (or musical notes) ué, re, mi, fa, sol, /a, hurt the
devil and puncture him. And it is thus that these points are to be
understood: viz. When Moses the son of Amram with his people
in their Exodus was crossing the Red Sea, and Pharaoh and his
host were following him, this was the chant which Moses had to
protect him from Pharaoh and his host—these six points in praise
of the Lord :—
‘“The first point of these, ie. uf: and uf in the Greek is the
same as /rbera¢ in the Latin; and that is the same as saer in
the Gaelic; i.e. O God, said Moses, deliver us from the harm
of the devil.
‘“The second point of them, i.e. re: and re is the same as saer;
i.e. O God, deliver us from everything hurtful and malignant.
‘“The third point, i.e. mz’: and mz in the Greek is the same as
militum in the Latin; and that is the same as ridere (a knight) in
the Gaelic; i.e. O God, said Moses, deliver us from those knights
who are pursuing us.
‘““The fourth point, i.e. /a: and_/a in the Greek is the same as
Jamulus in the Latin; and that is the same as mug (slave) in the
Gaelic; i.e. O God, said Moses, deliver us from those slaves who
are pursuing us.
O God, said Moses, deliver us from those knights
who are pursuing us.
‘““The fourth point, i.e. /a: and_/a in the Greek is the same as
Jamulus in the Latin; and that is the same as mug (slave) in the
Gaelic; i.e. O God, said Moses, deliver us from those slaves who
are pursuing us.
‘«“The fifth point, i.e. sol: and sol is the same as grian (sun);
and that is the same as righteousness; because righteousness and
Christ are not different; i.e. O Christ, said Moses, deliver us.
‘“The sixth point, i.e. /a, is the same as /av; and that is the
same as indazl (wash); i.e. O God, said Moses, wash away our
sins from us.
‘“And on the singing of that laud Pharaoh and his host were
drowned.
“«“Understand, O man, that in whatever place this laud, i.e. this
chant, is sung, the devil is bound by it, and his power is extirpated
thence, and the power of God is called in.”
‘We have been taught that the names of the first six notes
1 The milk of speech consists in rewards to be obtained by the
Rig-veda, &c. Or we may translate, Speech yields its milk to him
who is able to milk speech.
Io KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
syllables of the name of udgitha, he becomes rich
in food and able to eat food.
8. Next follows the fulfilment of prayers. Let
a man thus meditate on the Upasaramas, i.e. the
pbjects which have to be approached by meditation :
Let him (the Udgat77) quickly reflect on the Saman
with which he is going to praise ;
9. Let him quickly reflect on the Azk in which
that SAman occurs; on the Azshi (poet) by whom
it was seen or composed; on the Devatd (object)
which he is going to praise;
10. On the metre in which he is going to praise; on
the tune with which he is going to sing for himself;
11. On the quarter of the world which he is going
to praise. Lastly, having approached himself (his
name, family, &c.) by meditation, let him sing the
hymn of praise, reflecting on his desire, and avoiding
all mistakes in pronunciation, &c. Quickly? will the
desire be then fulfilled to him, for the sake of which he
may have offered his hymn of praise, yea, for which
he may have offered his hymn of praise.
in the gamut were suggested by the initial syllables of the first
six hemistichs in one of the stanzas of a hymn to St. John:
Ut queant laxis
Resonare fibris
Mira gestorum
Famuli tuorum,
Solve polluti
Labii reatum,
Sancte Joannes,’
1 Abhy4so ha yat, lit. depend on it that it will be fulfilled, but
always explained by quickly. See A’. Up. II, 1, 4; III, 19, 4;
V,10, 7. Frequently, but wrongly, written with a dental s.
3 The repetition of the last sentence is always an indication
that a chapter is finished. This old division into chapters is of
great importance for a proper study of the Upanishads.
I PRAPATHAKA, 4 KHANDA, 5. II
FourtH Kuawpa.
1. Let a man meditate on the syllable Om, for
the udgitha is sung beginning with Om. And this
is the full account of the syllable Om :—
This old division into chapters is of
great importance for a proper study of the Upanishads.
I PRAPATHAKA, 4 KHANDA, 5. II
FourtH Kuawpa.
1. Let a man meditate on the syllable Om, for
the udgitha is sung beginning with Om. And this
is the full account of the syllable Om :—
2. The Devas, being afraid of death, entered
upon (the performance of the sacrifice prescribed
in) the threefold knowledge (the three Vedas). They
covered themselves with the metrical hymns. Because they covered (£/ad) themselves with the
hymns, therefore the hymns are called £/andas..
3. Then, asa fisherman might observe a fish in
the water, Death observed the Devas in the 2&4,
Yagus, and S4man-(sacrifices), And the Devas seeing
this, rose from the zé, Yagus, and S4man-sacrifices,
and entered the Svara’, i.e. the Om (they meditated
on the Om).
4. When a man has mastered the Rig-veda, he
says quite loud Om; the same, when he has mastered the Sdman and the Yagus. This Svara is the
imperishable (syllable), the immortal, free from fear.
Because the Devas entered it, therefore they became immortal, and free from fear.
5. He who knowing this loudly pronounces (pranauti)* that syllable, enters the same (imperishable) syllable, the Svara, the immortal, free from
fear, and hating entered it, becomes immortal, as
the Devas are immortal.
1 Cf. I, 3, 2.
3 Pranauti, he lauds, i.e. he meditates on. Comm,
12 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
FiurtH KHanpa.
1. The udgttha is the prazava}, the prazava is
the udgttha. And as the udgttha is the sun’, so is
the prazava, for he (the sun) goes sounding Om.
2. ‘Him I sang praises to, therefore art thou my
only one,’ thus said Kaushttaki to his son. ‘Do thou
revolve his rays, then thou wilt have many sons.’
So much in reference to the Devas.
3. Now with reference to the body. Let a man
meditate on the udgttha as the breath (in the mouth),
for he goes sounding Om’.
4. ‘Him I sang praises to, therefore art thou my
only son,’ thus said Kaushttaki to his son. ‘Do thou
therefore sing praises to the breath as manifold, if
thou wishest to have many sons.’
5. He who knows that the udgttha is the pramava, and the pramava the udgitha, rectifies from
the seat of the Hotz priest any mistake committed
by the Udgatz7 priest in performing the udgitha,
yea, in performing the udgttha.
SixtH KHANDA.
1. The Ak (veda) is this earth, the Saman (veda)
is fire. This Saman (fire) rests on that Azé (earth) *.
Therefore the Saman is sung as resting on the Reé.
1 Pranava is the name used chiefly by the followers of the Rigveda, udgitha the name used by the followers of the Sdéma-veda.
Both words are intended for the syllable Om.
* Cf. KA. Up. I, 3, 1.
’ The breath in the mouth, or the chief breath, says Om, i.e.
gives permission to the five senses to act, just as the sun, by
saying Om, gives permission to all living beings to move about.
* The Sama verses are mostly taken from the Rig-veda.
I PRAPATHAKA, 6 KHANDA, 8. 13
KA. Up. I, 3, 1.
’ The breath in the mouth, or the chief breath, says Om, i.e.
gives permission to the five senses to act, just as the sun, by
saying Om, gives permission to all living beings to move about.
* The Sama verses are mostly taken from the Rig-veda.
I PRAPATHAKA, 6 KHANDA, 8. 13
Sa is this earth, ama is fire, and that makes . t
Sama.
2. The &z& is the sky, the Saman air. This
Saman (air) rests on that Az&é (sky). Therefore the
Saman is sung as resting on the Az&. S4 is the sky,
ama the air, and that makes SAma.
3. Atk is heaven, SAman the sun. This SAman
(sun) rests on that Az&é (heaven). Therefore the
Saman is sung as resting on the Az&. Sa is heaven,
ama the sun, and that makes S4ma.
4. Rie is the stars, SAman the moon. This
SA4man (moon) rests on that Aé (stars). Therefore
the Saman is sung as resting on the Az. SA is the
stars, ama the moon, and that makes SA4ma.
5. Ak is the white light of the sun, Sdman the
blue exceeding darkness" (in the sun). This SAdman
(darkness) rests on that Az& (brightness). Therefore the Saman is sung as resting on the z£.
6. S4 is the white light of the sun, ama the blue
exceeding darkness, and that makes S4ma.
Now that golden? person, who is seen within the
sun, with golden beard and golden hair, golden
altogether to the very tips of his nails,
7. Whose eyes are like blue lotus’s*, his name is
ut, for he has risen (udita) above all evil. He also
who knows this, rises above all evil.
8. ARzk and SAman are his joints, and therefore
he is udgitha. And therefore he who praises him
1 The darkness which is seen by those who can concentrate
their sight on the sun.
2 Bright as gold.
5 The colour of the lotus is described by a comparison with the
Kapyd4sa, the seat of the monkey (kapiprish/AAnto yena upavisati).
It was probably a botanical name.
fue
Ae
14 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
(the ut) is called the Ud-gtv7! (the out-singer). He
(the golden person, called ut) is lord of the worlds
beyond that (sun), and of all the wishes of the Devas
(inhabiting those worlds). So much with reference
to the Devas.
SEVENTH KHAwDA.
1. Now with reference to the body. Azé is speech,
SAman breath *» This SAman (breath) rests on that
Rik (speech). Therefore the S&man is sung as
resting on the Az& SA is speech, ama is breath,
and that makes S4ma.
2. Rk is the eye, Saman the self’. This Saman
(shadow) rests on that Azé (eye). Therefore the
Saman is sung as resting on the Rz&, Sa is the
eye, ama the selfjand that makes S4m a.
3. AR7é is the ear, SAman the mind. This SAman
(mind) rests on that Azé (ear). Therefore the
Saman is sung as resting on the Azz, SA is the
ear,ama the mind, and that makes SAma.
4. Rik is the white light of the eye, SAman the
blue exceeding darkness. This SAman (darkness)
rests on the Azé (brightness). Therefore the Saman
is sung as resting on the Azé. SA is the white light
of the eye, ama the blue exceeding darkness, and
that makes S4ma.
4. Rik is the white light of the eye, SAman the
blue exceeding darkness. This SAman (darkness)
rests on the Azé (brightness). Therefore the Saman
is sung as resting on the Azé. SA is the white light
of the eye, ama the blue exceeding darkness, and
that makes S4ma.
5. Now the person who is seen in the eye, he is
Rik, he is Saman, Uktha‘, Yagus, Brahman. The
form of that person (in the eye) is the same® as the
} Name of the principal priest of the Sama-veda.
? Breath in the nose, sense of smelling. Comm.
® The shadow-self, the likeness or image thrown upon the eye;
see Kh. Up. VIII, 9, 1.
‘ A set of hymns to be recited, whereas the Saman is sung, and
the Yagus muttered.
° Cf. KA. Up. I, 6, 6.
I PRAPATHAKA, 8 KHANDA, 2. 15
form of the other person (in the sun), the joints of the
one (#tz& and Séman) are the joints of the other, the
name of the one (ut) is the name of the other.
6. He is lord of the worlds beneath that (the
self in the eye), and of all the wishes of men.
Therefore all who sing to the viva (lyre), sing him,
and from him also they obtain wealth.
7. He who knowing this sings a SAman, sings to
both (the adhidaivata and adhydtma self, the person
in the sun and the person in the eye, as one and
the same person). He obtains through the one,
yea, he obtains the worlds beyond that, and the
wishes of the Devas;
8. And he obtains through the other the worlds
beneath that, and the wishes of men.
Therefore an Udgatr? priest who knows this, may
say (to the sacrificer for whom he officiates) ;
g. ‘What wish shall I obtain for you by my
songs?’ For he who knowing this sings a Saman
is able to obtain wishes through his song, yea,
through his song.
Eicutu Kuawpa.
1. There were once three men, well-versed in
udgitha?, Silaka Salavatya, Kaikitayana Dalbhya,
and Pravahawa Gaivali. They said: ‘We are wellversed in udgttha. Let us have a discussion on
udgitha.’
2. They all agreed and sat down. Then Pravahaza Gaivali? said: ‘Sirs, do you both speak first,
' } Cognisant of the deeper meanings of udgitha, i.e. Om.
* He, though not being a Braéhmaza, turns out to be the only
one who knows the true meaning of udgitha, i.e. the Highest
Brahman.
16 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
for I wish to hear what two Brahmamzas! have to
say.’
3. Then Silaka Salavatya said to Kaikitdyana
Daélbhya: ‘Let me ask you.’
‘ Ask,’ he replied.
4. ‘What is the origin of the Saman?’ ‘ Tone
(svara),’ he replied.
‘What is the origin of tone?’ ‘Breath,’ he
replied.
‘What is the origin of breath?’ ‘Food,’ he
replied.
‘What is the origin of food?’ ‘Water,’ he
replied.
5. ‘What is the origin of water?’ ‘ That world
(heaven),’ he replied.
‘And what is the origin of that world ?’—
He replied: ‘Let no man carry the Saman
beyond the world of svarga (heaven). We place
(recognise) the Séman in the world of svarga, for
the S4man is extolled as svarga (heaven).’
5. ‘What is the origin of water?’ ‘ That world
(heaven),’ he replied.
‘And what is the origin of that world ?’—
He replied: ‘Let no man carry the Saman
beyond the world of svarga (heaven). We place
(recognise) the Séman in the world of svarga, for
the S4man is extolled as svarga (heaven).’
6. Then said Silaka Salavatya to Kaikitdyana
Dalbhya: ‘O Dalbhya, thy SA4man is not firmly
established. And if any one were to say, Your
head shall fall off (if you be wrong), surely your
head would now fall.’
7. ‘Well then, let me know this from you, Sir,’
said Dalbhya.
‘Know it,’ replied Silaka SalAvatya.
‘What is the origin of that world (heaven) ?’
‘This world,’ he replied.
‘And what is the origin of this world ?’—
He- replied: ‘Let no man carry the Sdman beyond this world as its rest. We place the SAman
1 In V, 3, 5, Pravahana Gaivali is distinctly called a raganyabandhu.
I PRAPATHAKA, 9 KHANDA, 4. 17
in this world as its rest, for the SAman is extolled
as rest.’
8. Then said Pravahaza Gaivali to Silaka Salavatya: ‘Your Saman (the earth), O Salavatya, has
an end. And if any one were to say, Your head
shall fall off (if you be wrong), surely your head
would now fall.’
‘Well then, let me know this from you, Sir,’ said
Salavatya.
‘ Know it,’ replied Gaivali.
Nintu Kuawpa.
1. ‘What is the origin of this world?’ ‘Ether?,’
he replied. For all these beings take their rise
from the ether, and return into the ether. Ether
is older than these, ether is their rest.
2. He is indeed the udgttha (Om= Brahman),
greater than great (parovartyas), he is without end.
He who knowing this meditates on the udgttha,
the greater than great, obtains what is greater than
great, he conquers the worlds which are greater
than great.
3. Atidhanvan Saunaka, having taught this udgttha to Udara-sdzdilya, said: ‘As long as they will
know in your family this udgttha, their life in this
world will be greater than great.
4. ‘And thus also will be their state in the other
world.” He who thus knows the udgttha, and
meditates on it thus, his life in this world will be
greater than great, and also his state in the other
world, yea, in the other world.
1 Ether, or we might translate it by space, both being intended,
however, as names or symbols of the Highest Brahman. See
Ved4nta-sfitra I, 1, 22.
[3] c
18 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
TrentH KHawpa.
1. When the Kurus had been destroyed by (hail)
stones', Ushasti Kakrayama lived as a beggar with
his virgin? wife at Ibhyagrama.
2. Seeing a chief eating beans, he begged of
him. The chief said: ‘I have no more, except
those which are put away for me here.’
3. Ushasti said: ‘Give me to eat of them.’ He
gave him the beans, and said: ‘There is something
to drink also’ Then said Ushasti: ‘If I drank of
it, I should have drunk what was left by another,
and is therefore unclean.’
4. The chief said: ‘Were not those beans also
left over and therefore unclean ?’
The chief said: ‘Were not those beans also
left over and therefore unclean ?’
‘No,’ he replied; ‘for I should not have lived,
if I had not eaten them, but the drinking of water
would be mere pleasure *.’
5. Having eaten himself, Ushasti gave the remaining beans to his wife. But she, having eaten
before, took them and put them away.
6. Rising the next morning, Ushasti said to
her: ‘Alas, if we could only get some food, we
might gain a little wealth. The king here is going
to offer a sacrifice, he should choose me for all the
priestly offices.’
1 When they had been killed either by stone weapons, or by a
shower of stones, which produced a famine in the land. Comm.
* A/ikt is not the name of the wife of Ushasti, nor does it mean
strong enough to travel. Sankara explains it as anupagdtapayodharAdistrivyaiigan4, and Anandagiri adds, Svairasaméire ‘pi na
vyabhikfrasanketi darsayitum Afkyeti viseshanam. She was so
young that she was allowed to run about freely, without exciting
any suspicion. Another commentator says, Gr#h4d bahirgantumarh4 anupagAtapayodhar4.
* Or, according to the commentator, ‘ water I can get whenever
I like.’
I PRAPATHAKA, 11 KHANDA, 2. 19
7. His wife said to him: ‘ Look, here are those
beans of yours.’ Having eaten them, he went to the sacrifice which was being performed.
8. He went and sat down on the orchestra near
the Udgatvzs, who were going to sing their hymns of
praise. And he said to the Prastotrz (the leader) :
9. ‘ Prastotv?, if you, without knowing! the deity
which belongs to the prastéva (the hymns &c. of
the Prastotr2), are going to sing it, your head will
-fall off.’
10. In the same manner he addressed the Udgat7z:
‘ Udgatrz, if you, without knowing the deity which
belongs to the udgitha (the hymns of the Udgatvz),
.are going to sing it, your head will fall off.’
11. In the same manner he addressed the Pratihartr2: ‘ Pratihartsz, if you, without knowing the
deity which belongs to the pratihdra (the hymns of
the Pratihart77), are going to sing it, your head will
fall off.’
They stopped, and sat down in silence.
ELEVENTH KHanpa,
1. Then the sacrificer said to him: ‘I should
like to know who you are, Sir.’ He replied: ‘I am
Ushasti Aakrayana.’
2. He said: ‘I looked for you, Sir, for all these
sacrificial offices, but not finding you’, 1 chose
others.’ ~
? The commentator is at great pains to show that a priest may
officiate without knowing the secret meanings here assigned to
certain parts of the sacrifice, and without running any risk of
punishment. Only, if another priest is present, who is initiated,
then the uninitiated, taking his place, is in danger of losing his
head.
® Should it be avittv4, as in I, 2, 9?
C2
20 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
3. ‘But now, Sir, take all the sacrificial offices.’
Ushasti said: ‘Very well; but let those, with my
permission, perform the hymns of praise. Only as
much wealth as you give to them, so much give
to me also.’
The sacrificer assented.
C2
20 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
3. ‘But now, Sir, take all the sacrificial offices.’
Ushasti said: ‘Very well; but let those, with my
permission, perform the hymns of praise. Only as
much wealth as you give to them, so much give
to me also.’
The sacrificer assented.
4. Then the Prastotvz approached him, saying:
‘Sir, you said to me, “ Prastotrz, if you, without
knowing the deity which belongs to the prastava,
are going to sing it, your head will fall off,’—which
then is that deity?’
5. He said: ‘Breath (praza). For all these beings
merge into breath alone, and from breath they arise.
This is the deity belonging to the prastava. If,
without knowing that deity, you had sung forth
your hymns, your head would have fallen off, after
you had been warned by me.’
6. Then the Udgatrz approached him, saying :
‘Sir, you said to me, “ Udgats7, if you, without
knowing the deity which belongs to the udgttha,
are going to sing it, your head will fall off,’—
which then is that deity ?’
7. He said: ‘The sun (Aditya). For all these
beings praise the sun when it stands on high. This
is the deity belonging to the udgttha. If, without
knowing that deity, you had sung out your hymns,
your head would have fallen off, after you had been
warned by me.’
8. Then the Pratihartyz approached him, saying :
‘Sir, you said to me, “ Pratihart7z, if you, without
knowing the deity belonging to the pratihdra, are
going to sing it, your head will fall off,’—which
then is that deity ?’
9. He said: ‘Food (anna). For all these beings
I PRAPATHAKA, 12 KHANDA, 5. 21
live when they partake of food. This is the deity
belonging to the pratihara. If, without knowing
that deity, you had sung your hymns, your head
would have fallen off, after you had been warned
by me.’
, TWELFTH Kuanpa.
1. Now follows the udgitha of the dogs. Vaka
Dalbhya, or, as he was also called, Glava Maitreya,
went out to repeat the Veda (in a quiet place).
2. A white (dog) appeared before him, and other
dogs gathering round him, said to him: ‘Sir, sing
and get us food, we are hungry.’
3. The white dog said to them: ‘Come to me
to-morrow morning.’ Vaka Dalbhya, or, as he was
also called, Glava Maitreya, watched.
4. The dogs came on, holding together, each dog
keeping the tail of the preceding dog in his mouth,
as the priests do when they are going to sing praises
with the Vahishpavamana hymn* After they had
settled down, they began to say Hin.
5. ‘Om, let us eat! Om, let us drink! Om, may
the divine Varuaa, PragApati, Savitrz? bring us food!
Lord of food, bring hither food, bring it, Om!’
1 There are certain etymological fancies for assigning each
deity to a certain portion of the Sama-veda ceremonial. Thus
praza is assigned to the prastava, because both words begin
with pra. Aditya is assigned to the udgitha, because the sun
is ut. Anna, food, is assigned to the pratihara, because food
is taken, pratihrzyate, &c.
Thus
praza is assigned to the prastava, because both words begin
with pra. Aditya is assigned to the udgitha, because the sun
is ut. Anna, food, is assigned to the pratihara, because food
is taken, pratihrzyate, &c.
2 This alludes to a ceremony where the priests have to walk
in procession, each priest holding the gown of the preceding
priest. .
* The commentator explains Varuza and Pragapati as epithets
of Savitri, or the sun, meaning rain-giver and man-protector.
22 EHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
THIRTEENTH KuHANDA 1
t. The syllable Hau? is this world (the earth),
the syllable H4i* the air, the syllable Atha the
moon, the syllable Iha the self, the syllable {¢ is
Agni, fire.
2. The syllable U is the sun, the syllable E is the
Nihava or invocation, the syllable Auhoi® is the
Visve Devas, the syllable Hin is Pragdpati, Svara ®
(tone) is breath (praza), the syllable YA is food, the
syllable Vag? is Virag.
3. The thirteenth stobha syllable, viz. the indistinct syllable Hun, is the Undefinable (the Highest
Brahman).
4. Speech yields the milk, which is the milk of
speech itself to him who knows this Upanishad
(secret doctrine) of the SAmans in this wise. He
becomes rich in food, and able to eat food *—yea,
able to eat food.
1 The syllables here mentioned are the so-called stobh4ksharas, sounds used in the musical recitation of the Séman hymns,
probably to fill out the intervals in the music for which there were
no words in the hymns, These syllables are marked in the MSS.
of the Sama-veda, but their exact character and purpose are not
quite clear.
* A stobha syllable used in the Rathantara SAman.
* Used in the VAmadevya Saman.
‘ The SAman addressed to Agni takes the syllable f as nidhana.
* The stobha syllables used in the SAéman addressed to the
Visve Devas.
* See Kh. Up. I, 4, 4.
* The commentator takes vig as a stobha, as a syllable
occurring in hymns addressed to VirAg, and as implying either
the deity Virag or food.
* Te. wealthy and healthy.
Il PRAPATHAKA, 2 KHANDA, 2. 23
SECOND PRAPA7#HAKA.
First KuHawpa.
1. Meditation on the whole! of the Sd4man is
good, and people, when anything is good, say it is
SAman ; when it is not good, it is not SAman.
2. Thus they also say, he approached him with
Saman, i.e. becomingly; and he approached him
without S4man, i. e. unbecomingly.
3. And they also say, truly this is Saman for us,
i.e. it is good for us, when it is good; and truly
that is not Saman for us, i.e. it is not good for
us, when it is not good.
4. If any one knowing this meditates on the
S4man as good, depend upon it all good qualities
will approach quickly, aye, they will become his
own *,
SECOND KHANDA.
1. Let a man meditate on the fivefold S&man °
as the five worlds. The hink4ra is the earth, the
prast4va the fire, the udgitha the sky, the pratihara
the sun, the nidhana heaven; so in an ascending
line.
2. In a descending line, the hinkara is heaven,
1. Let a man meditate on the fivefold S&man °
as the five worlds. The hink4ra is the earth, the
prast4va the fire, the udgitha the sky, the pratihara
the sun, the nidhana heaven; so in an ascending
line.
2. In a descending line, the hinkara is heaven,
1 Hitherto meditation on certain portions only of the Samaveda and the SAma-sacrifice had been enjoined, and their deeper
meaning explained. Now the same is done for the whole of the
S4man.
* Cf. Kh. Up. III, 19, 4.
* The five forms in which the Sdman is used for sacrificial
purposes. The S4man is always to be understood as the Good,
as Dharma, and as Brahman.
24 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
the prastava the sun, the udgitha the sky, the
pratihara the fire, the nidhana the earth.
3. The worlds in an ascending and in a descending line belong to him who knowing this meditates
on the fivefold SAman as the worlds ?.
Tuirp KHANDA.
1. Let a man meditate on the fivefold S&aman
as rain, The hinkdéra is wind (that brings the
rain); the prast4va is, ‘the cloud is come;’ the_
udgitha is, ‘it rains;’ the pratihdra, ‘it flashes, it
thunders ;’
2. The nidhana is, ‘it stops. There is rain for
him, and he brings rain for others who thus knowing
meditates on the fivefold SAman as rain.
FourtH Kuanopa.
1. Let a man meditate on the fivefold S&man
in all waters. When the clouds gather, that is the
hinkara; when it rains, that is the prastava; that
which flows in the east ?, that is the udgitha; that
which flows in the west’, that is the pratihara; the
sea is the nidhana.
2. He does not die in water‘, nay, he is rich in
1 The commentator supplies some fanciful reasons why each of
the five Sdmans is identified with certain objects. Earth is said to
be the hink4ra, because both always come first. Agni is prastava,
because sacrifices are praised in the fire (prastQyante). The sky is
udgitha, because it is also called gagana, and both words have the
letter g in common. The sun is pratihara, because everybody
wishes the sun to come towards him (prati). Heaven is nidhana,
because those who depart from here are placed there (nidhiyante), &c.
2 The Ganges, &c. Comm.
3 The Narmada, &c. Comm.
‘ The commentator adds, ‘unless he wishes to die in the
Ganges,’
II PRAPATHAKA, 7 KHANDA, 2. 25
water who knowing this meditates on the fivefold
Saman as all waters.
FirtH Kuawpa.
1. Let a man meditate on the fivefold SAaman as
the seasons. The hink4ra is spring, the prastéva —
summer (harvest of yava, &c.), the udgttha the
rainy season, the pratihara autumn, the nidhana
winter. ‘
2. The seasons belong to him, nay, he is always
in season (successful) who knowing this meditates
on the fivefold Saman as the seasons.
SrxtH Kuawpa.
1. Let a man meditate on the fivefold SAman in
animals. The hinkdra is goats, the prast4va sheep,
the udgttha cows, the pratihara horses, the nidhana
man.
2. Animals belong to him, nay, he is rich in
animals who knowing this meditates on the fivefold
SA4man as animals.
SEVENTH KHANDA.
1. Let a man meditate on the fivefold SAman in
animals. The hinkdra is goats, the prast4va sheep,
the udgttha cows, the pratihara horses, the nidhana
man.
2. Animals belong to him, nay, he is rich in
animals who knowing this meditates on the fivefold
SA4man as animals.
SEVENTH KHANDA.
1. Let a man meditate on the fivefold Sdman,
which is greater than great,'as the prdwas (senses).
The hinkdra is smell? (nose), the prastava speech
(tongue), the udgttha sight (eye), the pratihdra
hearing (ear), the nidhana mind. These are one
greater than the other.
2. What is greater than great belongs to him,
nay, he conquers the worlds which are greater than
1 Prana is explained by ghraza, smell; possibly ghréza may
have been the original reading. Anyhow, it cannot be the mukhya
praza here, because it is distinctly represented as the lowest sense.
26 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
great, who knowing this meditates on the fivefold
S4man, which is greater than great, as the pramas
(senses).
E1cHTH KHANDA.
1. Next for the sevenfold Sdman. Let a man
meditate on the sevenfold Saman in _ speech.
Whenever there is in speech the syllable hun},
that is hinkara, pra is the prast4va, 4 is the adi,
the first, i.e. Om,
2. Ud is the udgitha, pra the pratihara, upa the
upadrava, ni the nidhana.
3. Speech yields the milk, which is the milk of
speech itself, to him who knowing this meditates on
the sevenfold SAaman in speech. He becomes rich in
food, and able to eat food.
Nintu Kuawnpa.
1. Let a man meditate on the sevenfold Sdman
as the sun. The sun is Sdman, because he is
always the same (sama); he is SAman because he
is the same, everybody thinking he looks towards
me, he looks towards me ?.
2. Let him know that all beings are dependent
on him (the sun). What he is before his rising,
that is the hinkéra. On it animals are dependent.
Therefore animals say hin (before sunrise), for they
share the hinkara of that SAman (the sun).
3. What he is when first risen, that is the prastava. On it men are dependent. Therefore men
love praise (prastuti) and celebrity, for they share
the prastava of that Saman.
1 These are again the stobhAksharas, or musical syllables used
in the performance of the SAman hymns ; see p. 22.
* Cf. Kh. Up. Il, 2, 2. Comm.
Il PRAPATHAKA, 9 KHANDA, 8, 27
4. What he is at the time of the sangava’, that
is the Adi, the first, the Om. On it birds are dependent. Therefore birds fly about in the sky
without support, holding themselves, for they share
the Adi? (the Om) of that Saman.
5. What he is just at noon, that is the udgitha.
On it the Devas are dependent (because they are
brilliant). Therefore they are the best of all the
descendants of Pragdpati, for they share the udgttha of that Saman. ;
6. What he is after midday and before afternoon,
that is the pratihdra. On it all germs are dependent. Therefore these, having been conceived (pratihyzta), do not fall, for they share the pratihara of
that Saman.
;
6. What he is after midday and before afternoon,
that is the pratihdra. On it all germs are dependent. Therefore these, having been conceived (pratihyzta), do not fall, for they share the pratihara of
that Saman.
7. What he is after the afternoon and before
sunset, that is the upadrava. On it the animals
of the forest are dependent. Therefore, when they
see a man, they run (upadravanti) to the forest as
a safe hiding-place, for they share the upadrava of
that SAman.
8. What he is when he first sets, that is the
nidhana. On it the fathers are dependent. Therefore they put them* down (nidadhati), for they
share the nidhana of that S4man. Thus a man
meditates on the sevenfold Sdman as the sun.
* When the sun puts forth his rays, and when the cows are
together with their calves, i.e. as Rajendralal Mitra says, after
the cows have been milked and are allowed by the cowherds to
suckle their young.
3 The tertium comparationis is here the 4 of Adi and the
4 of Adaya, i.e. holding. The d might have been added.
’ The cakes for the ancestral spirits, or the spirits themselves.
28 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
TentTH Kuanopa.
1. Next let a man meditate on the sevenfold
Saman which is uniform in itself! and leads beyond
death. The word hink4ra has three syllables, the word
prast4va has three syllables: that is equal (sama).
2. The word 4di (first, Om) has two syllables,
the word pratihara has four syllables. Taking one
syllable from that over, that is equal (sama).
3. The word udgttha has three syllables, the
word upadrava has four syllables. With three and
three syllables it should be equal. One syllable being
left over, it becomes trisyllabic. Hence it is equal.
4. The word nidhana has three syllables, therefore it is equal. These make twenty-two syllables.
5. With twenty-one syllables a man reaches the
sun (and death), for the sun is the twenty-first? from
here; with the twenty-second he conquers what is
beyond the sun: that is blessedness, that is freedom
from grief.
6. He obtains here the victory over the sun
(death), and there is a higher victory than the
victory over the sun for him, who knowing this
meditates on the sevenfold SAman as uniform in
itself, which leads beyond death, yea, which leads
beyond death.
EveventH Kuawpa’.
1. The hink4ra is mind, the prastava speech, the
udgitha sight, the pratihara hearing, the nidhana
1 Atmasammita is explained by the commentator either as
having the same number of syllables in the names of the different
SAmans, or as equal to the Highest Self.
2? There are twelve months, five seasons, three worlds, then
follows the sun as the twenty-first. Comm. .
* After having explained the secret meaning of the whole Sdma-
Il PRAPATHAKA, 13 KHANDA, 2. 29
breath. That is the Gdyatra Sdman, as interwoven
in the (five) prazas'.
2? There are twelve months, five seasons, three worlds, then
follows the sun as the twenty-first. Comm. .
* After having explained the secret meaning of the whole Sdma-
Il PRAPATHAKA, 13 KHANDA, 2. 29
breath. That is the Gdyatra Sdman, as interwoven
in the (five) prazas'.
2. He who thus knows this GAyatra interwoven
in the prazas, keeps his senses, reaches the full life,
he lives long?, becomes great with children and
cattle, great by fame. The rule of him who thus
meditates on the G4yatra is, ‘Be not high-minded.’
TWELFTH KHaAwpaA.
1. The hinkdra is, he rubs (the fire-stick); the
prastava, smoke rises; the udgttha, it burns; the
pratih4ra, there are glowing coals; the nidhana, it
goes down; the nidhana, it is gone out. This is
the Rathantara Saman as interwoven in fire %.
2. He who thus knows this Rathantara interwoven in fire, becomes radiant‘ and strong. He
reaches the full life, he lives long, becomes great
with children and cattle, great by fame. The rule
is, ‘Do not rinse the mouth or spit before the fire.’
‘THIRTEENTH KHAWDA.
1, 2. Next follows the Vamadevya as interwoven
in generation °,
veda ceremonial, as it is to be understood by meditation only
(dhyana), he proceeds to explain the secret meaning of the same
ceremonial, giving to each its proper name in proper succession
(gayatra, rathantara, &c.), and showing the hidden purport of
those names.
1 Cf. Kh. Up. II, 7, 1, where préza is explained differently.
The GAyatri itself is sometimes called prana.
3 The commentator generally takes gyok in the sense of bright.
’ The Rathantara is used for the ceremony of producing fire.
“ Brahmavarsasa is the ‘glory of countenance’ produced by
higher knowledge, an inspired look. Annéada, lit. able to eat,
healthy, strong.
° Upamantrayate sa hink4ro, gfiapayate sa prastévas, striya saha
30 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
FourTEENTH KHAwDA.
1. Rising, the sun is the hink4ra, risen, he is the
prastava, at noon he is the udgttha, in the afternoon
he is the pratihara, setting, he is the nidhana. That
is the Byzhat SAman as interwoven in the sun}.
2. He who thus knows the Brzhat as interwoven
in the sun, becomes refulgent? and strong, he
reaches the full life, he lives long, becomes great
with children and cattle, great by fame. His rule
is, ‘ Never complain of the heat of the sun.’
FIFTEENTH KuHaAwpa.
1. The mists gather, that is the hinkara; the
cloud has risen, that is the prast4va; it rains, that
is the udgttha; it flashes and thunders, that is the
pratihara; it stops, that is the nidhana. That is
the Vairdpa Saman, as interwoven in Parganya, the
god of rain.
2. He who thus knows the Vairfipa as interwoven
in Parganya, obtains all kinds of cattle (virdpa), he
reaches the full life, he lives long, becomes great
with children and cattle, great by fame. His rule
is, ‘Never complain of the rain.’
SIXTEENTH KuHawpa,
1. The hink4ra is spring, the prastava summer,
the udgttha the rainy season, the pratihara autumn,
His rule
is, ‘Never complain of the rain.’
SIXTEENTH KuHawpa,
1. The hink4ra is spring, the prastava summer,
the udgttha the rainy season, the pratihara autumn,
sete sa udgithad, pratistri saha sete sa pratiharak, kalam gasshati
tan nidhanam, param gasshati tan nidhanam. Etad vamadevyam
mithune protam. 2. Sa ya evam etad vamadevyam mithune protam veda, mithuni bhavati, mithunan mithunt pragdyate, sarvam
yur eti, gycg givati, mah4n pragay& pasubhir bhavati, mah4n
kirttya. Na kaméana pariharet tad vratam.
* The sun is br#hat. The Brthat SAman is to be looked upon
as the sun, or the Brzhat has Aditya for its deity.
? The same as brahmavaréasin.
Il PRAPATHAKA, 18 KHANDA, 2. 3I
the nidhana winter. That is the Vairaga SAman,
as interwoven in the seasons.
2. He who thus knows the Vairaga, as interwoven
in the seasons, shines (virdgati) through children,
cattle, and glory of countenance. He reaches the
full life, he lives long, becomes great with children
and cattle, great by fame. His rule is, ‘ Never
complain of the seasons,’
SEVENTEENTH KHAWDA,
1. The hink4ra is the earth, the prast4va the sky,
the udgttha heaven, the pratihara the regions, the
nidhana the sea. These are the Sakvart Sdmans,
as interwoven in the worlds!.
2. He who thus knows the Sakvarts, as interwoven in the worlds, becomes possessed, of the
worlds, he reaches the full life, he lives long, .becomes great with children and cattle, great by fame.
His rule is, ‘ Never complain of the worlds.’
EIGHTEENTH KHANDA.
1. The hinkara is goats, the prastdva sheep,
the udgttha cows, the pratihara horses, the nidhana
man. These are the Revatt SAmans, as interwoven
in animals.
2. He who thus knows these Revatts, as interwoven in animals, becomes rich in animals’, he
reaches the full life, he lives long, becomes great
with children and cattle, great by fame. His rule
is, ‘Never complain of animals.’
1 The Sakvaris are sung with the Mah&namnts. These are said
to be water, and the worlds are said to rest on water.
® Revat means rich.
32 EKHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
NINETEENTH KHaAwDA.
1. The hinkara is hair, the prast4va skin, the
udgitha flesh, the pratihdra bone, the nidhana
marrow. That is the Yagfidyagitya Sd4man, as
interwoven in the members of the body.
2. He who thus knows the Yagfidyagiitya, as
interwoven in the members of the body, becomes
possessed of strong limbs, he is not crippled in any
limb, he reaches the full life, he lives long, becomes
great with children and cattle, great by fame. His
rule is, ‘Do not eat marrow for a year,’ or ‘Do
not eat marrow at all.’
TWENTIETH KHANDA.
1. The hinkdra is fire, the prast4va air, the udgitha the sun, the pratihdra the stars, the nidhana
the moon. That is the Ragana SAman, as interwoven in the deities.
His
rule is, ‘Do not eat marrow for a year,’ or ‘Do
not eat marrow at all.’
TWENTIETH KHANDA.
1. The hinkdra is fire, the prast4va air, the udgitha the sun, the pratihdra the stars, the nidhana
the moon. That is the Ragana SAman, as interwoven in the deities.
2. He who thus knows the RaAgana, as interwoven in the deities, obtains the same world, the
same happiness, the same company as the gods, he
reaches the full life, he lives long, becomes great
with children and cattle, great by fame. His rule
is, ‘Do not speak evil of the Brahmamas.’
TWENTy-FIRST Kuawnpa.
1. The hink4ra is the threefold knowledge, the
prastava these three worlds, the udgitha Agni (fire),
Vayu (air), and Aditya (sun), the pratihara the stars,
the birds, and the rays, the nidhana the serpents,
Gandharvas, and fathers. That is the S4man, as
interwoven in everything.
2. Hewho thus knows this SAman, as interwoven
in everything, he becomes everything.
II PRAPATHAKA, 22 KHANDA, 2. 33
3. And thus it is said in the following verse:
‘There are the. fivefold three (the three kinds of
sacrificial knowledge, the three worlds &c. in their
fivefold form, i.e. as identified with the hink4ra, the
prast4va, &c.), and the other forms of the Saman.
Greater than these there is nothing else besides.’
4. He who knows this, knows everything. All
regions offer him gifts. His rule is, ‘Let him
meditate (on the Saman), knowing that he is
everything, yea, that he is everything?’
TTWENTY-SECOND KHAwpDA 2,
1. The udgitha, of which a poet said, I choose
the deep sounding note of the SAman as good for
cattle, belongs to Agni; the indefinite note belongs
to Pragdpati, the definite note to Soma, the soft and
smooth note to Vayu, the smooth and strong note to
Indra, the heron-like note to Brzhaspati, the dull
note to Varuza. Let a man cultivate all of these,
avoiding, however, that of Varuza.
2. Let a man sing’, wishing to obtain by his
song immortality for the Devas. ‘May I obtain by
my song oblations (svadha) for the fathers, hope
for men, fodder and water for animals, heaven for
the sacrificer, food for myself, thus reflecting on
these in his mind, let a man (Udgatvz priest) sing
praises, without making mistakes in pronunciation, &c.
! Here ends the Samopdsana.
* These are lucubrations on the different tones employed in
singing the Saman hymns, and their names, such as vinardi, anirukta, nirukta, mridu slakshza, slakshva balavad, kraufiéa, apadhvanta.
* It would be better if the first ity 4gdyet could be left out.
The commentator ignores these words.
[3] D
’
34 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
3. All vowels (svara) belong to Indra, all sibilants
(Ashman) to Prag&pati, all consonants (sparsa) to
Mrztyu (death). If somebody should reprove him
for his vowels, let him say, ‘I went to Indra as
my refuge (when pronouncing my vowels): he will
answer thee.’
[3] D
’
34 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
3. All vowels (svara) belong to Indra, all sibilants
(Ashman) to Prag&pati, all consonants (sparsa) to
Mrztyu (death). If somebody should reprove him
for his vowels, let him say, ‘I went to Indra as
my refuge (when pronouncing my vowels): he will
answer thee.’
4. And if somebody should reprove him for his
sibilants, let him say, ‘I went to Pragdpati as my
refuge: he will smash thee. And if somebody
should reprove him for his consonants, let him say,
‘I went to Mvztyu as my refuge: he will reduce
thee to ashes.’
5. All vowels are to be pronounced with voice
(ghosha) and strength (bala), so that the Udgatrz
may give strength to Indra. All sibilants are to be
pronounced, neither as if swallowed (agrasta)?, nor
as if thrown out (nirasta)?, but well opened? (vivz‘ta),
so that the Udgdtvz may give himself to Pragapati. All consonants are to be pronounced slowly,
and without crowding them together‘, so that the
Udgatrz may withdraw himself from Mvztyu.
1 Grasa, according to the Rig-veda-pratisakhya 766, is the
stiffening of the root of the tongue in pronunciation.
* Nirdsa, according to the Rig-veda-pratisikhya 760, is the withdrawing of the active from the passive organ in pronunciation.
* The opening, vivrita, may mean two things, either the opening
of the vocal chords (kha), which imparts to the fishmans their
surd character (Rig. Prat. 709), or the opening of the organs
of pronunciation (karaza), which for the fshmans is asprish/am
Ce (Rig. Prat. 719), or vivrita (Ath. Prat. I, 31; Taitt. Prat.
Il, 5).
“ Anabhinihita, for thus the commentaries give the reading, is
_ explained by anabhinikshipta. On the real abbinidh4na, see Rig.
Prat. 393. The translation does not follow the commentary. The
genitive pragdpateA is governed by paridadani.
II PRAPATHAKA, 24 KHANDA, I. 35
TWENTY-THIRD KHANDA.
1. There are three branches of the law. Sacrifice,
study, and charity are the first’,
2. Austerity the second, and to dwell as a Brahmaférin in the house of a tutor, always mortifying
the body in the house of a tutor, is the third. All
these obtain the worlds of the blessed; but the
Brahmasamstha alone (he who is firmly grounded
in Brahman) obtains immortality.
3. PragApati brooded on the worlds. From them,
thus brooded on, the threefold knowledge (sacrifice)
issued forth. He brooded on it, and from it, thus
brooded on, issued the three syllables, BhiZ, BhuvaZ,
Sva.
4. He brooded on them, and from them, thus
brooded on, issued the Om. As all leaves are
attached to a stalk, so is all speech (all words)
attached to the Om (Brahman). Om is all this,
yea, Om is all this.
‘TWENTY-FOURTH KuHAnpa.
1. The teachers of Brahman (Veda) declare, as
the Prdta#-savana (morning-oblation) belongs to the
Vasus, the Madhyandina-savana (noon-libation) to
Om is all this,
yea, Om is all this.
‘TWENTY-FOURTH KuHAnpa.
1. The teachers of Brahman (Veda) declare, as
the Prdta#-savana (morning-oblation) belongs to the
Vasus, the Madhyandina-savana (noon-libation) to
1 Not the first in rank or succession, but only in enumerating
the three branches of the law. This first branch corresponds to the
second stage, the 4srama of the householder. Austerity is meant
for the Vanaprastha, the third 4srama, while the third is intended
for the BrahmaA4rin, the student, only that the naish/Aika or perpetual Brahmaf4rin here takes the place of the ordinary student.
The Brahmasamstha would represent the fourth 4srama, that of
the Sanny4sin or parivrag, who has ceased to perform any works,
even the tapas or austerities of the V4naprastha.
D2
36 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
the Rudras, the third Savana (evening-libation) to
the Adityas and the Visve Devas,
2. Where then is the world of the sacrificer? He
who does not know this, how can he perform the sacrifice ? He only who knows, should perform it?.
3. Before the beginning of the Prataranuvaka
(matin-chant), the sacrificer, sitting down behind the
household altar (garhapatya), and looking towards
the north, sings the Sdaman, addressed to the
Vasus : .
4. ‘Open the door of the world (the earth), let
us see thee, that we may rule (on earth).’
5. Then he sacrifices, saying: ‘Adoration to
Agni, who dwells on the earth, who dwells in the
world! Obtain that world for me, the sacrificer!
That is the world for the sacrificer!’
6. ‘I (the sacrificer) shall go thither, when this life
is over. Take this! (he says, in offering the libation.) Cast back the bolt!’ Having said this,
he rises. For him the Vasus fulfil the morningoblation.
7. Before the beginning of the MA&dhyandinasavana, the noon-oblation, the sacrificer, sitting down
behind the Agnidhrtya altar, and looking towards
the north, sings the Saman, addressed to the
Rudras :
8. ‘Open the door of the world (the sky), let us
see thee, that we may rule wide (in the sky).’
9. Then he sacrifices, saying: ‘Adoration to
1 The commentator is always very anxious to explain that
though it is better that a priest should know the hidden meaning
of the sacrificial acts which he has to perform, yet there is nothing
to prevent a priest, who has not yet arrived at this stage of knowledge, from performing his duties.
II PRAPATHAKA, 24 KHANDA, 16. 37
Vayu (air), who dwells in the sky, who dwells in
the world. Obtain that world for me, the sacrificer! That is the world ‘for the sacrificer !’
10. ‘I (the sacrificer) shall go thither, when this
life is over. Take this! Cast back the bolt!’
Having said this, he rises. For him the Rudras
fulfil the noon-oblation. ,
“11. Before the beginning of the third oblation,
the sacrificer, sitting down behind the Ahavantya
altar, and looking towards the north, sings the.
S4man, addressed to the Adityas and Visve
Devas:
Cast back the bolt!’
Having said this, he rises. For him the Rudras
fulfil the noon-oblation. ,
“11. Before the beginning of the third oblation,
the sacrificer, sitting down behind the Ahavantya
altar, and looking towards the north, sings the.
S4man, addressed to the Adityas and Visve
Devas:
12. ‘Open the door of the world (the heaven),
let us see thee, that we may rule supreme (in
heaven).’ This is addressed to the Adityas.
13. Next the SAaman addressed to the Visve
Devas: ‘Open the door of the world (heaven),
let us see thee, that we may rule supreme (in
heaven).
14. Then he sacrifices, saying: ‘Adoration to
the Adityas and to the Visve Devas, who dwell in
heaven, who dwell in the world. Obtain that world
for me, the sacrificer !’
15. ‘That is the world for the sacrificer! I
(the sacrificer) shall go thither, when this life. is
over. Take this! Cast back the bolt!’ Having
said this, he rises.
16. For him the Adityas and the Visve Devas
fulfil the third oblation. He who knows this,
knows the full measure of the sacrifice, yea, he
knows it.
38 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
THIRD PRAPAZHAKA.
First Kuanpa},
1. “The sun is indeed the honey? of the Devas.
The heaven is the cross-beam (from which) the sky
(hangs as) a hive, and the bright vapours are the
eggs of the bees *.
2. The eastern rays of the sun are the honey-
-cells in front. The Az&é verses are the bees, the
Rig-veda (sacrifice) is the flower, the water (of the
sacrificial libations) is the nectar (of the flower).
3. Those very Az& verses then (as bees) brooded
over the Rig-veda sacrifice (the flower); and from it,
thus brooded on, sprang as its (nectar) essence, fame,
glory of countenance, vigour, strength, and health‘.
4. That (essence) flowed forth and went towards
the sun®, And that forms what we call the red
(rohita) light of the rising sun.
1 After the various meditations on the S&ma-veda sacrifice, the
sun is next to be meditated on, as essential t othe performance of
all sacrifices.
* Everybody delights in the sun, as the highest reward of all
sacrifices.
5 I am not certain whether this passage is rightly translated.
Rajendralal Mitra speaks of an arched bamboo, whence the atmosphere hangs pendant like a hive, in which the vapours are the
eggs. Apfipa means a cake, and may mean a hive. In order to
understand the simile, we ought to have a clearer idea of the construction of the ancient bee-hive.
* Annddya, explained as food, but more likely meaning power
to eat, appetite, health. See III, 13, 1.
® The commentator explains: The Rr verses, on becoming
part of the ceremonial, perform the sacrifice. The sacrifice (the
flower), when surrounded by the R7& verses (bees), yields its essence,
the nectar. That essence consists in all the rewards to be obtained
through sacrifice, and as these rewards are to be enjoyed in the
III PRAPATHAKA, 4 KHANDA, I. 39
SEcoND Kuawpa.
The sacrifice (the
flower), when surrounded by the R7& verses (bees), yields its essence,
the nectar. That essence consists in all the rewards to be obtained
through sacrifice, and as these rewards are to be enjoyed in the
III PRAPATHAKA, 4 KHANDA, I. 39
SEcoND Kuawpa.
1. The southern rays of the sun are the honeycells on the right. The Yagus verses are the bees,
the Yagur-veda sacrifice is the flower, the water (of
the sacrificial libations) is the nectar (of the flower).
2. Those very Yagus verses (as bees) brooded
over the Yagur-veda sacrifice (the flower) ; and from it,
thus brooded on, sprang as its (nectar) essence, fame,
glory of countenance, vigour, strength, and health.
3. That flowed forth and went towards the sun.
And that forms what we call the white (sukla) light
of the sun.
Tuirp Kuanpa.
1. The western rays of the sun are the honeycells behind. The Sdman verses are the bees, the
SAma-veda sacrifice is the flower, the water is the
nectar.
2. Those very Saman verses (as bees) brooded
over the SA4ma-veda sacrifice; and from it, thus
brooded on, sprang as its (nectar) essence, fame,
glory of countenance, vigour, strength, and health.
3. That flowed forth and went towards the sun.
And that forms what we call the dark (kvzshza)
light of the sun.
FourtH Kuawpa.
1. The northern rays of the sun are the honeycells on the left. The (hymns of the) Atharvangiras
are the bees, the Itih4sa-pur4va ! (the reading of the
old stories) is the flower, the water is the nectar.
next world and in the sun, therefore that essence or nectar is said
to ascend to the sun.
1 As there is no Atharva-veda sacrifice, properly so called, we
have corresponding to the Atharva-veda hymns the so-called fifth
40 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
2. Those very hymns of the Atharvangiras (as
bees) brooded over the Itih4sa-puraza ; and from it,
thus brooded on, sprang as its (nectar) essence, fame,
glory of countenance, vigour, strength, and health.
3. That flowed forth, and went towards the sun.
And that forms what we call the extreme dark
(parak kvishvam) light of the sun.
FirtH Kuawnpa.
1. The upward rays of the sun are the honeycells above. The secret doctrines are the bees,
Brahman (the Om) is the flower, the water is the
nectar. *
2. Those secret doctrines (as bees) brooded over
Brahman (the Om); and from it, thus brooded on,
sprang as its (nectar) essence, fame, glory of countenance, brightness, vigour, strength, and health.
3. That flowed forth, and went towards the sun.
And that forms what seems to stir in the centre of
* the sun.
4. These (the different colours in the sun) are
the essences of the essences. For the Vedas are
essences (the best things in the world); and of them
(after they have assumed the form of sacrifice)
these (the colours rising to the sun) are again the
essences. They are the nectar of the nectar. For
the Vedas are nectar (immortal), and of them these
are the nectar.
For the Vedas are
essences (the best things in the world); and of them
(after they have assumed the form of sacrifice)
these (the colours rising to the sun) are again the
essences. They are the nectar of the nectar. For
the Vedas are nectar (immortal), and of them these
are the nectar.
Veda, the Itihasa-puraza. This may mean the collection of legends
and traditions, or the old book of traditions. At all events it is
taken as one Purfza, not as many. These ancient stories were
repeated at the Asvamedha sacrifice during the so-called Pariplava
nights. Many of them have been preserved in the Braéhmazas ;
others, in a more modern form, in the Mah4bharata. See Weber,
Indische Studien, I, p. 258, note.
III PRAPATHAKA, 7 KHANDA, 3. 41
Sixty Kuawpa,
1. On the first of these nectars (the red light,
which represents fame, glory of countenance, vigour,
strength, health) the Vasus live, with Agni at their
head. True, the Devas do not eat or drink, but
they enjoy by seeing the nectar.
2. They enter into that (red) colour, and they
rise from that colour},
3. He who thus knows this nectar, becomes one
of the Vasus, with Agni at their head, he sees the
nectar and rejoices. And he, too, having entered
that colour, rises again from that colour.
4. So long as the sun rises in the east and sets
in the west*, so long does he follow the sovereign
supremacy of the Vasus.
SEvENTH Kuanpa.
1. On the second of these nectars the Rudras live,
with Indra at their head. True, the Devas do not
eat or drink, but they enjoy by seeing the nectar.
2. They enter into that white colour, and they rise
from that colour.
3. He who thus knows this nectar, becomes one
of the Rudras, with Indra at their head, he sees the
1 This is differently explained by the commentator. He takes
it to mean that, when the Vasus have gone to the sun, and see
that there is no opportunity for enjoying that colour, they rest;
but when they see that there is an opportunity for enjoying it,
they exert themselves for it. I think the colour is here taken
for the colour of. the morning, which the Vasus enter, and from
which they go forth again.
* x, East: Vasus: red: Agni. 2. South: Rudras: white:
Indra. 3. West: Aditya: dark: Varuna. 4. North: Marut: very
dark: Soma. 5. Upward: Sadhya: centre: Brahman,
42 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
nectar and rejoices. And he, having entered that
colour, rises again from that colour.
4. So long as the sun rises in the east and sets
in the west, twice as long does it rise in the south
and set in the north; and so long does he follow
the sovereign supremacy of the Rudras.
EicgutuH Kuawpa.
1. On the third of these nectars the Adityas
live, with Varuza at their head. True, the Devas
do not eat or drink, but they enjoy by seeing the
nectar.
2. They enter into that (dark) colour, and they
rise from that colour.
EicgutuH Kuawpa.
1. On the third of these nectars the Adityas
live, with Varuza at their head. True, the Devas
do not eat or drink, but they enjoy by seeing the
nectar.
2. They enter into that (dark) colour, and they
rise from that colour.
3. He who thus knows this nectar, becomes one
of the Adityas, with Varuza at their head, he sees
the nectar and rejoices. And he, having entered
that colour, rises again from that colour.
4. So long as the sun rises in the south and sets
in the north, twice as long does it rise in the west
and set in the east; and so long does he follow the
sovereign supremacy of the Adityas.
Ninty Kuawopa.
1. On the fourth of these nectars the Maruts live,
with Soma at their head. True, the Devas do not
eat or drink, but they enjoy by seeing the nectar.
2. They enter in that (very dark) colour, and they
rise from that colour.
3. He who thus knows this nectar, becomes one
of the Maruts, with Soma at their head, he sees the
nectar and rejoices. And he, having entered that
colour, rises again from that colour.
4. So long as the sun rises in the west and sets
II] PRAPATHAKA, 10 KHANDA, 4. 43
in the east, twice as long does it rise in the north
and set in the south; and so long does he follow the
sovereign supremacy of the Maruts.
Trento Kuawpa.
1. On the fifth of these nectars the SAdhyas live,
with Brahman at their head. True, the Devas do
not eat or drink, but they enjoy by seeing the
nectar.
2. They enter into that colour, and they rise from
that colour.
3. He who thus knows this nectar, becomes one
of the Sadhyas, with Brahman at their head; he sees
the nectar and rejoices. And he, having entered
that colour, rises again from that colour.
4. So long as the sun rises in the north and sets
in the south, twice as long does it rise above, and
set below; and so long does he follow the sovereign
power of the Sadhyas’.
1 The meaning of the five Khazdas from 6 to 1o is clear, in so
far as they are intended to show that he who knows or meditates
on the sacrifices as described before, enjoys his reward in different
worlds with the Vasus, Rudras, &c. for certain periods of time, till at’
last he reaches the true Brahman. Of these periods each succeeding one is supposed to be double the length of the preceding one.
This is expressed by imagining a migration of the sun from east
to south, west, north, and zenith. Each change of the sun marks
a new world, and the duration of each successive world is computed as double the duration of the preceding world. Similar ideas
have been more fully developed in the Purasas, and the commentator is at great pains to remove apparent contradictions between
the Paurazik and Vaidik accounts, following, as Anandag#anagiri
remarks, the Dravidasarya (p. 173, 1. 13).
44 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
ELeventTH KHAanpaA.
1. When from thence he has risen upwards, he
neither rises nor sets. He is alone, standing in the
centre. And on this there is this verse:
173, 1. 13).
44 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
ELeventTH KHAanpaA.
1. When from thence he has risen upwards, he
neither rises nor sets. He is alone, standing in the
centre. And on this there is this verse:
2. ‘Yonder he neither rises nor sets at any time.
If this is not true, ye gods, may I lose Brahman.’
3. And indeed to him who thus knows this Brahma-upanishad (the secret doctrine of the Veda) the
sun does not rise and does not set. For him there
is day, once and for all?.
4. This doctrine (beginning with III, 1, 1) Brahman (m. Hirazyagarbha) told to Pragdpati (Virag),
Pragdpati to Manu, Manu to his offspring (Ikshvaku, &c.) And the father told that (doctrine of)
Brahman (n.) to Uddalaka Aruzi.
5. A father may therefore tell that doctrine of
Brahman to his eldest son *, or to a worthy pupil.
But no one should tell it to anybody else, even if
he gave him the whole sea-girt earth, full of treasure,
for this doctrine is worth more than that, yea,
it is worth more.
TWELFTH KHANDA.
1. The GAyatrt® (verse) is everything whatsoever
here exists. GAyatrt indeed is speech, for speech
1 Cf. XA. Up. VIII, 4, 2.
* This was the old, not the present custom, says Anandagiri.
Not the father, but an 444rya, has now to teach his pupils.
5 The GAyatrt is one of the sacred metres, and is here to be
meditated on as Brahman. It is used in the sense of verse, and
as the name of a famous hymn. The GAyatrf is often praised as
the most powerful metre, and whatever can be obtained by means
of the recitation of Gayatri verses is described as the achievement
of the Gayatri. The etymology of gayatrf from gai and tr4 is, of
course, fanciful.
III PRAPATHAKA, I2 KHANDA, 6. 45
sings forth (gaya-ti) and protects (traya-te) everything that here exists.
2. That GAyatrt is also the earth, for everything
that here exists rests on the earth, and does not go
beyond.
3. That earth again is the body in man, for in
it the vital airs (prazas', which are everything)
rest, and do not go beyond.
4. That body again in man is the heart within
man, for in it the prazas (which are everything)
rest, and do not go beyond.
5. That GAyatri has four feet* and is sixfold %
And this is also declared by a Az& verse (Rig-veda
X, 90, 3) :— .
6. ‘Such is the greatness of it (of Brahman,
under the disguise of Gayatri‘); greater than it is
the Person® (purusha). His feet are all things.
The immortal with three feet is in heaven (i.e. in
himself),’
1 The prazas may be meant for the five senses, as explained in
Kh. 1, 2, 1; Il, 7, 1; or for the five breathings, as explained immediately afterwards in III, 13, 1. The commentator sees in
them everything that here exists (KA. Up. III, 15, 4), and thus
establishes the likeness between the body and the Gé4yatrf. As
GAyatri is the earth, and the earth the body, and the body the
heart, GAyatrt is in the end to be considered as the heart.
The commentator sees in
them everything that here exists (KA. Up. III, 15, 4), and thus
establishes the likeness between the body and the Gé4yatrf. As
GAyatri is the earth, and the earth the body, and the body the
heart, GAyatrt is in the end to be considered as the heart.
* The four feet are explained as the four quarters of the GAyatrt
metre, of six syllables each. The GAyatri really consists of three
feet of eight syllables each.
* The Gayatrf has been identified with all beings, with speech,
earth, body, heart, and the vital airs, and is therefore called sixfold.
This, at least, is the way in which the commentator accounts for
the epithet ‘ sixfold.’
‘ Of Brahman modified as G4yatrf, having four feet, and being
sixfold.
5 The real Brahman, unmodified by form and name.
46 EHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
7. The Brahman which has been thus described
(as immortal with three feet in heaven, and as Gayatri) is the same as the ether which is around us ;
8. And the ether which is around us, is the same
as the ether which is within us. And the ether
which is within us,
g. That is the ether within the heart. That ether
in the heart (as Brahman) is omnipresent and unchanging. He who knows this obtains omnipresent
and unchangeable happiness.
THIRTEENTH KHaANDA},
1. For that heart there are five gates belonging
to the Devas (the senses). The eastern gate is the
Praza (up-breathing), that is the eye, that is Aditya
(the sun). Let a man meditate on that as brightness
(glory of countenance) and health. He who knows
this, becomes bright and healthy.
2. The southern gate is the Vy4na (backbreathing), that is the ear, that is the moon. Let
a man meditate on that as happiness and fame.
He who knows this, becomes happy and famous.
3. The western gate is the Ap&na (downbreathing), that is speech, that is Agni (fire). Let
a man meditate on that as glory of countenance
and health. He who knows this, becomes glorious
and healthy.
4. The northern gate is the Sam4na (onbreathing), that is mind, that is Parganya (rain).
Let-a man meditate on that as celebrity and beauty.
* The meditation on the five gates and the five gate-keepers
of the heart is meant to be subservient to the meditation on
Brahman, as the ether in the heart, which, as it is said at the end,
is actually seen and heard by the senses as being within the heart.
III PRAPATHAKA, 13 KHANDA, 8. 47
He who knows this, becomes celebrated and beautiful.
5. The upper gate is the Udana (out-breathing),
that is air, that is ether. Let a man meditate on
that as strength and greatness. He who knows
this, becomes strong and great.
6. These are the five men of Brahman, the doorkeepers of the Svarga (heaven) world. He who
knows these five men of Brahman, the door-keepers
of the Svarga world, in his family a strong son is
born. He who thus knows these five men of
Brahman, as the door-keepers of the Svarga world,
enters himself the Svarga world.
He who
knows these five men of Brahman, the door-keepers
of the Svarga world, in his family a strong son is
born. He who thus knows these five men of
Brahman, as the door-keepers of the Svarga world,
enters himself the Svarga world.
7. Now that light which shines above this
heaven, higher than all, higher than everything,
in the highest world, beyond which there are no
other worlds, that is the same light which is
within man. And of this we have this visible
proof:
8. Namely, when we thus perceive by touch the
warmth here in the body*. And of it we have this
audible proof: Namely, when we thus, after stopping
our ears, listen to what is like the rolling of a carriage, or the bellowing of an ox, or the sound of a
burning fire ® (within the ears). Let a man meditate
on this as the (Brahman) which is seen and heard.
1 The presence of Brahman in the heart of man is not to rest
on the testimony of revelation only, but is here to be established
by the evidence of the senses. Childish as the argument may
seem to us, it shows at all events how intently the old Brahmans
thought on the problem of the evidence of the invisible.
* That warmth must come from something, just as smoke comes
from fire, and this something is supposed to be Brahman in
the heart.
® Cf. Ait. Ar, III, 2, 4, 11-13.
cers foul
48 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD,.
He who knows this, becomes conspicuous and celebrated, yea, he becomes celebrated.
FourTEENTH Kuawpa.
1. All this is Brahman (n.) Let a man meditate on that (visible world) as beginning, ending,
and breathing! in it (the Brahman).
Now man is a creature of will. According to
what his will is in this world, so will he be when he
has departed this life. Let him therefore have this
will and belief:
2. The intelligent, whose body is spirit, whose
form is light, whose thoughts are true, whose nature
is like ether (omnipresent and invisible), from whom
all works, all desires, all sweet odours and tastes
proceed; he who embraces all this, who never
speaks, and is never surprised,
3. He is my self within the heart, smaller than a
corn of rice, smaller than a corn of barley, smaller
than a mustard seed, smaller than a canary seed or the
kernel of a canary seed. He also.is my self within the
heart, greater than the earth, greater than the sky,
greater than heaven, greater than all these worlds.
4. He from whom all works, all desires, all sweet
odours and tastes proceed, who embraces all this,
who never speaks and who is never surprised, he,
my self within the heart, is that Brahman (n.) When
I shall have departed from hence, I shall obtain him
(that Self). He who has this faith? has no doubt ;
thus said Sandilya*, yea, thus he said.
1 Galan is explained by ga, born, la, absorbed, and an, breathing.
It is an artificial term, but fully recognised by the Vedanta school,
and always explained in this manner.
2 Or he who has faith and no doubt, will obtain this.
has no doubt ;
thus said Sandilya*, yea, thus he said.
1 Galan is explained by ga, born, la, absorbed, and an, breathing.
It is an artificial term, but fully recognised by the Vedanta school,
and always explained in this manner.
2 Or he who has faith and no doubt, will obtain this.
* This chapter is frequently quoted as the Sandilya-vidya,
Vedéntas4ra, init; Vedanta-sfitra III, 3, 31.
III PRAPATHAKA, 15 KHANDA, 5. 49
FIFTEENTH KHaAwpA},
1. The chest which has the sky for its circumference and the earth for its bottom, does not
decay, for the quarters are its sides, and heaven
its lid above. That chest is a treasury, and all
-things are within it.
2. Its eastern quarter is called Guhd, its southern
SahamAn4, its western Ragii, its northern Subhita?.
The child of those quarters is Vayu, the air, and
he who knows that the air is indeed the child of
the quarters, never weeps for his sons. ‘I know the
wind to be the child of the quarters, may I never
weep for my sons,’
3. ‘I turn to the imperishable chest with such
and such and such’, ‘I turn to the Pr&dwa (life)
with such and such and such.’ ‘I turn to Bhas
with such and such and such.’ ‘I turn to Bhuvak
with such and such and such.’ ‘I turn to Svak
with such and such and such.’
4. ‘When I said, I turn to Prawa, then Praza
means all whatever exists here—to that I turn.’
5. ‘When I said, I turn to Bhd’, what I said
is, I turn to the earth, the sky, and heaven.’
1 The object of this section, the Kosavigiiana, is to show how
the promise made in III, 13, 6, ‘that a strong son should be born
in a man’s family,’ is to be fulfilled.
* These names are explained by the commentator as follows:
* Because people offer libations (guhvati), turning to the east, therefore
it is called GuhQ. Because evil doers suffer (sahante) in the town
of Yama, which is in the south, therefore it is called Saham4n4.
The western quarter is called R4gii, either because it is sacred
to king Varuaa (ragan), or on account of the red colour (r4ga)
of the twilight. The north is called Subhfita, because wealthy
beings (bhfitimat), like Kuvera &c., reside there.
® Here the names of the sons are to be pronounced,
(3) E
50 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
6. ‘When I said, I turn to Bhuvad, what I said
is, I turn to Agni (fire), Vayu (air), Aditya (sun),’
7. ‘When I said, I turn to Sva%, what I said is,
I turn to the Aig-veda, Yagur-veda, and SAma-veda.
That is what I said, yea, that is what I said.’
SIXTEENTH Kuawpa },
1. Man is sacrifice. His (first) twenty-four years
are the morning-libation. The GAyatrt has twentyfour syllables, the morning-libation is offered with
Gayatrt hymns. The Vasus are connected with
that part of the sacrifice. The Pramas (the five
senses) are the Vasus, for they make all this to
abide (vdsayanti).
His (first) twenty-four years
are the morning-libation. The GAyatrt has twentyfour syllables, the morning-libation is offered with
Gayatrt hymns. The Vasus are connected with
that part of the sacrifice. The Pramas (the five
senses) are the Vasus, for they make all this to
abide (vdsayanti).
2. If anything ails him in that (early) age, let him
say: ‘Ye Pramas, ye Vasus, extend this my morninglibation unto the midday-libation, that I, the sacrificer,
may not perish in the midst of the Prazas or Vasus.’
Thus he recovers from his illness, and becomes whole.
3. The next forty-four years are the middaylibation. The Trish¢ubh has forty-four syllables,
the midday-libation is offered with Trish¢ubh hymns.
The Rudras are connected with that part of it.
The Prazas are the Rudras, for they make all
this to cry (rodayanti).
4. If anything ails him in that (second) age, let
him say: ‘Ye Prdzas, ye Rudras, extend this my
midday-libation unto the third libation, that I, the
sacrificer, may not perish in the midst of the
Prazas or Rudras.’ Thus he recovers from his illness, and becomes whole.
5. The next forty-eight years are the third
1 The object of this Khanda is to show how to obtain long
life, as promised before.
III PRAPATHAKA, 17 KHANDA, 5. 51
libation. The Gagatt has forty-eight syllables, the
third libation is offered with Gagatt hymns. The
Adityas are connected with that part of it. The
Prazas are the Adityas, for they take up all this
(adadate).
6. If anything ails him in that (third) age, let him
say: ‘Ye Pramas, ye Adityas, extend this my third
libation unto the full age, that I, the sacrificer, may
not perish in the midst of the Prazas or Adityas.’
Thus he recovers from his illness, and becomes whole.
7. Mahidd4sa Aitareya (the son of Itara), who
knew this, said (addressing a disease): ‘ Why dost
thou afflict me, as I shall not die by it?’ He lived
a hundred and sixteen years (i.e. 24+44+48). He,
too, who knows this lives on to a hundred and sixteen years,
SEVENTEENTH KHANDA}
1. When a man (who is the sacrificer) hungers,
thirsts, and abstains from pleasures, that is the
Dtksha (initiatory rite).
2. When a man eats, drinks, and enjoys pleasures,
he does it with the Upasadas (the sacrificial days on
which the sacrificer is allowed to partake of food).
3. When a man laughs, eats, and delights himself, he does it with the Stuta-sastras (hymns sung
and recited at the sacrifices).
4. Penance, liberality, righteousness, kindness,
truthfulness, these form his Dakshisds (gifts bestowed on priests, &c.)
5. Therefore when they say, ‘There will be a
1 Here we have a representation of the sacrifice as performed
without any ceremonial, and as it is often represented when
performed in thought only by a man living in the forest.
E 2
52 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
Therefore when they say, ‘There will be a
1 Here we have a representation of the sacrifice as performed
without any ceremonial, and as it is often represented when
performed in thought only by a man living in the forest.
E 2
52 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
birth,’ and ‘there has been a birth’ (words used at
the Soma-sacrifice, and really meaning, ‘He will
pour out the Soma-juice, and ‘he has poured out
the Soma-juice’), that is his new birth. His death
is the Avabhvztha ceremony (when the sacrificial
vessels are carried away to be cleansed).
6. Ghora Angirasa, after having communicated
this (view of the sacrifice) to Kyzshaa, the son of
Devakt '—and he never thirsted again (after other
knowledge)—said: ‘Let a man, when his end ap-
1 The curious coincidence between Krishna Devaktputra, here
mentioned as a pupil of Ghora Angirasa, and the famous Krishaa,
the son of Devakt, was first pointed out by Colebrooke, Miscell.
Essays, II, 177. Whether it is more than a coincidence, is difficult
to say. Certainly we can build no other conclusions on it than
those indicated by Colebrooke, that new fables may have been
constructed elevating this personage to the rank of a god. We
know absolutely nothing of the old Krishna Devakfputra except
his having been a pupil of Ghora Angirasa, nor does there seem
to have been any attempt made by later Brahmans to connect
their divine Krishna, the son of Vasudeva, with the Krishna
Devakfputra of our Upanishad. This is all the more remarkable
because the author of the Sandilya-sfitras, for instance, who is
very anxious to find a srauta authority for the worship of Krishza
Vasudeva as the supreme deity, had to be satisfied with quoting
such modern compilations as the Narayamopanishad, Atharvasiras,
VI, 9, brahmazyo devakiputro brahmanyo madhusfidanak (see
SAndilya-sQtras, ed. Ballantyne, p. 36, translated by Cowell, p. 51),
without venturing to refer to the Krishna Devaktputra of the
Khandogya-upanishad. The occurrence of such names as Krishna,
VAsudeva, Madhusfidana stamps Upanishads, like the Atmabodhaupanishad, as modern (Colebrooke, Essays, I, ror), and the same
remark applies, as Weber has shown, to the Gop4lat4pant-upanishad (Bibliotheca Indica, No. 183), where we actually find such
names as Srikrishna Govinda, Gopfganavallabha, Devaky&m gatahk
(p- 38), &c. Professor Weber has treated these questions very
fully, but it is not quite clear to me whether he wishes to go
beyond Colebrooke and to admit more than a similarity of name
between the pupil of Ghora Angirasa and the friend of the Gopts,
III PRAPATHAKA, 18 KHANDA, 2. 53
proaches, take refuge with this Triad!: “Thou art
the imperishable,” “Thou art the unchangeable,”
“Thou art the edge of Praza.”’ On this subject
there are two Azé verses (Rig-veda VIII, 6, 30) :—
7. ‘Then they see (within themselves) the everpresent light of the old seed (of the world, the Sat),
the highest, which is lighted in the brilliant (Brahman). Rig-veda I, 50, 10 :—
‘Then they see (within themselves) the everpresent light of the old seed (of the world, the Sat),
the highest, which is lighted in the brilliant (Brahman). Rig-veda I, 50, 10 :—
‘Perceiving above the darkness (of ignorance)
the higher light (in the sun), as the higher light
within the heart, the bright source (of light and
life) among the gods, we have reached the highest
light, yea, the highest light *’
EIGHTEENTH KuHAwpaA 3,
1. Let a man meditate on mind as Brahman (n.),
this is said with reference to the body. Let a
man meditate on the ether as Brahman (n.), this is
said with reference to the Devas. Thus both the
meditation which has reference to the body, and the
meditation which has reference to the Devas, has
been taught.
2. That Brahman (mind) has four feet (quarters).
1 Let him recite these three verses.
* Both these verses had to be translated here according to their
scholastic interpretation, but they had originally a totally different
meaning. Even the text was altered, diva being changed to divi,
svak to sve. The first is taken from a hymn addressed to Indra,
who after conquering the dark clouds brings back the light of
the sun. When he does that, then the people see again, as
the poet says, the daily light of the old seed (from which the sun
rises) which is lighted in heaven. The other verse belongs to
a hymn addressed to the sun. Its simple meaning is: ‘Seeing
above the darkness (of the night) the rising light, the Sun, bright
among the bright, we came towards the highest light.’
8 This is a further elucidation of AA. Up. III, 14, 2.
54 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
Speech is one foot, breath is one foot, the eye is one
foot, the ear is one foot—so much with reference to
the body. Then with reference to the gods, Agni
(fire) is one foot, Vayu (air) is one foot, Aditya (sun)
is one foot, the quarters are one foot. Thus both
the worship which has reference to the body, and
the worship which has reference to the Devas, has
been taught.
3. Speech is indeed the fourth foot of Brahman.
That foot shines with Agni (fire) as its light, and
warms. He who knows this, shines and warms through
his celebrity, fame, and glory of countenance.
4. Breath is indeed the fourth foot of Brahman.
That foot shines with V4yu (air) as its light, and
warms. He who knows this, shines and warms through
his celebrity, fame, and glory of countenance.
5. The eye is indeed the fourth foot of Brahman.
That foot shines with Aditya (sun) as its light, and
warms. He who knows this, shines and warms through
his celebrity, fame, and glory of countenance.
6. The ear is indeed the fourth foot of Brahman.
That foot shines with the quarters as its light, and
warms. He who knows this, shines and warms through
his celebrity, fame, and glory of countenance.
NINETEENTH KHAWDA.
1, Aditya (the sun?) is Brahman, this is the doctrine, and this is the fuller account of it :—
In the beginning this was non-existent*, It be-
He who knows this, shines and warms through
his celebrity, fame, and glory of countenance.
NINETEENTH KHAWDA.
1, Aditya (the sun?) is Brahman, this is the doctrine, and this is the fuller account of it :—
In the beginning this was non-existent*, It be-
1 Aditya, or the sun, had before been represented as one of
the four feet of Brahman. He is now represented as Brahman,
or as to be meditated on as such.
* Not yet existing, not yet developed in form and name, and
therefore as if not existing.
IV PRAPATHAKA, I KHANDA, I. 55
came existent, it grew. It turned into an egg}.
The egg lay for the time of a year. The egg
broke open. The two halves were one of silver,
the other of gold.
2. The silver one became this earth, the golden
one the sky, the thick membrane (of the white) the
mountains, the thin membrane (of the yoke) the
mist with the clouds, the small veins the rivers, the
fluid the sea.
3. And what was born from it that was Aditya,
the sun. When he was born shouts of hurrah arose,
and all beings arose, and all things which they desired. Therefore whenever the sun rises and sets,
shouts of hurrah arise, and all beings arise, and all
things which they desire.
4. If any one knowing this meditates on the sun
as Brahman, pleasant shouts will approach him and
will continue, yea, they will continue.
FOURTH PRAPAZTAAKA.
First KuHanpa 2,
1, There lived once upon a time GAnasruti Pautrdyaza (the great-grandson of Ganasruta), who was
a pious giver, bestowing much wealth upon the
1 Anda instead of anda is explained as a Vedic irregularity.
A similar cosmogony is given in Manu’s Law Book, I, 12 seq.
See Kellgren, Mythus de ovo mundano, Helsingfors, 1849.
3 Vayu (air) and Praza (breath) had before been represented
as feet of Brahman, as the second pair. Now they are represented as Brahman, and as to be meditated on as such. This
is the teaching of Raikva. The language of this chapter is very
obscure, and I am not satisfied with the translation.
56 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
people, and always keeping open house. He built
places of refuge everywhere, wishing that people
should everywhere eat of his food.
2. Once in the night some Hamsas (flamingoes)
flew over his house, and one flamingo said to another: ‘Hey, Bhallaksha, Bhallaksha (short-sighted
friend). The light (glory) of GAnasruti Pautrayaza
has spread like the sky. Do not go near, that it
may not burn thee.’
3. The other answered him: ‘How can you speak
of him, being what he is (a raganya, noble), as if he
were like Raikva with the car? ?’
4. The first replied: ‘ How is it with this Raikva
with the car of whom thou speakest ?’ °
The other answered: ‘As (in a game of dice) all
the lower casts? belong to him who has conquered
with the Kvzta cast, so whatever good deeds other
people perform, belong to that Raikva. He who
knows what he knows, he is thus spoken of by me.’
belong to him who has conquered
with the Kvzta cast, so whatever good deeds other
people perform, belong to that Raikva. He who
knows what he knows, he is thus spoken of by me.’
5. G&nasruti Pautrayaza overheard this conversation, and as soon as he had risen in the morning, he
said to his door- keeper (kshattvz): ‘Friend, dost thou
speak of (me, as if I were) Raikva with the car?’
He replied : ‘ How is it with this Raikva with the
car?’
6. The king said: ‘As (in a game of dice), all the
lower casts belong to him who has conquered with
the Kvzta cast, so whatever good deeds other people
perform, belong to that Raikva. He who knows
what he knows, he is thus spoken of by me.’
1 Sayugvan is explained as possessed of a car with yoked
horses or oxen. Could it have meant originally, ‘ yoke-fellow,
equal,’ as in Rig-veda X, 130, 4? Andquetil renders it by ‘semper
cum se ipso camelum solutum habens.’
® Instea1 of adharey44, we must read adhare ‘yas.
IV PRAPATHAKA, 2 KHANDA, 5. 57
7. The door-keeper went to look for Raikva, but
returned saying, ‘I found him not.’ Then the king
said: ‘Alas! where a Brahmama should be searched
for (in the solitude of the forest), there go for him.’
8. The door-keeper came to a man who was
lying beneath a car and scratching his sores. He
addressed him, and said: ‘ Sir, are you Raikva with
the car ?’
He answered: ‘ Here I am.’
Then the door-keeper returned, and said: ‘I have
found him.’
SECOND KHAWDA.
1. Then GAnasruti Pautrayaza took six hundred
cows, a necklace, and a carriage with mules, went
to Raikva and said :
2. ‘Raikva, here are six hundred cows, a necklace, and a carriage with mules; teach me the deity
which you worship.’
3. The other replied: ‘Fie, necklace and carriage
be thine, O S(dra, together with the cows.’
Then GAnasruti Pautrdyaza took again a thousand cows, a necklace, a carriage with mules, and his
own daughter, and went to him.
4. He said to him: ‘ Raikva, there are a thousand cows, a necklace, a carriage with mules, this
wife, and this village in which thou dwellest. Sir,
teach me!’
5. He, opening her mouth*, said: ‘You have
’ It is curious that in a hymn of the Atharva-veda (V, 22, 5, 8)
takman, apparently a disease of the skin, is relegated to the Mahavrishas, where Raikva dwelt. Roth, Zur Literatur des Veda, p. 36.
2 To find out her age. The commentator translates, ‘ Raikva,
knowing her mouth to be the door of knowledge, i.e. knowing
that for her he might impart his knowledge to Ganasruti, and that
58 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
brought these (cows and other presents), O Sddra,
but only by that mouth did you make me speak.’
These are the Raikva-parza villages in the country
of the Mahdvvishas (mahapusyas) where Raikva
dwelt under him?. And he said to him:
Turrp KHanpa.
1. ‘Air (vayu) is indeed the end of all*, For
when fire goes out, it goes into air. When the sun
goes down, it goes into air. When the moon goes
down, it goes into air.
And he said to him:
Turrp KHanpa.
1. ‘Air (vayu) is indeed the end of all*, For
when fire goes out, it goes into air. When the sun
goes down, it goes into air. When the moon goes
down, it goes into air.
2. ‘When water dries up, it goes into air. Air
indeed consumes them all. So much with reference
to the Devas.
3. ‘Now with reference to the body. Breath
(praza) is indeed the end of all. When a man sleeps,
speech goes into breath, so do sight, hearing, and
mind. Breath indeed consumes them all.
4. ‘These are the two ends, air among the Devas,
breath among the senses (pra74Z).’
5. Once while Saunaka K4peya and Abhipratérin Kakshaseni were being waited on at their
meal, a religious student begged of them. They
gave him nothing.
6. He said; ‘One god—who is he ?—swallowed
the four great ones’, he, the guardian of the world.
GAnasruti by bringing such rich gifts had become a proper receiver
of knowledge, consented to do what he had before refused.’
1 The commentator supplies ad&t, the king gave the villages
to him,
* Samvarga, absorption, whence samvargavidy, not samsarga.
It is explained by samvargana, samgrahama, and samgrasana, in
the text itself by adana, eating.
* This must refer to Vayu and Praéza swallowing the four, as
explained in IV, 3, 2, and IV, 3, 3. The commentator explains
IV PRAPATHAKA, 3 KHANDA, 8. 59
O K4peya, mortals see him not, O Abhipratarin,
though he dwells in many places. He to whom this
food belongs, to him it has not been given".
7. Saunaka K4peya, pondering on that speech,
went to the student and said: ‘ He is the self of the
Devas, the creator of all beings, with golden tusks,
the eater, not without intelligence. His greatness
is said to be great indeed, because, without being
eaten, he eats even what is not food?. Thus do we,
O Brahmaéarin, meditate on that Being.’ Then he
said: ‘Give him food.’
8. They gave him food. Now these five (the
eater Vayu (air), and his food, Agni (fire), Aditya
(sun), Kandramas (moon), Ap (water)) and the
other five (the eater Prawa (breath), and his food,
speech, sight, hearing, mind) make ten, and that
is the Krvzta (the highest *) cast (representing the
ten, the eaters and the. food). Therefore in all
quarters those ten are food (and) Kvzta (the highest
cast), These are again the Virdg‘ (of ten syllables)
it by Pragapati, who is sometimes called Ka. In one sense
it would be Brahman, as represented by Vayu and Prana.
1 The food which you have refused to me, you have really
refused to Brahman.
? Saunaka wishes the student to understand that though ‘ mortals
see him not,’ he sees and knows him, viz. the god who, as
Vayu, swallows all the gods, but produces them again, and who,
as priza, swallows during sleep all senses, but produces them
again at the time of waking.
? Saunaka wishes the student to understand that though ‘ mortals
see him not,’ he sees and knows him, viz. the god who, as
Vayu, swallows all the gods, but produces them again, and who,
as priza, swallows during sleep all senses, but produces them
again at the time of waking.
5 The words are obscure, and the commentator does not throw
much light on them. He explains, however, the four casts of
the dice, the Krita= 4, the Tretd=3, the Dvapara=2, the Kali=1,
making together 10, the Krita cast absorbing the other casts,
and thus counting ten.
* Virag, name of a metre of ten syllables, and also a name
of food. One expects, ‘which is the food and eats the food.’
60 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD,
which eats the food. Through this all this becomes
seen. He whoknows this sees all this and becomes an
eater of food, yea, he becomes an eater of food.
FourtH Kuawpa’,
1, Satyak4ma, the son of Gab&la, addressed his
mother and said: ‘I wish to become a Brahmaérin
(religious student), mother. Of what family am‘I?’
2. She said to him: ‘I do not know, my child,
of what family thou art. In my youth when I had
to move about much as a servant (waiting on the
guests in my father’s house), I conceived thee. I do
not know of what family thou art. I am Gabala by
name, thou art Satyakama (Philalethes). Say that
thou art Satyakama G4bala.’
3. He going to Gautama Haridrumata said to
him, ‘I wish to become a Brahmaf4rin with you,
Sir. May I come to you, Sir ?’
4. He said to him: ‘Of what family are you, my
friend?’ He replied: ‘1 do not know, Sir, of what
family I am. I asked my mother, and she answered:
“In my youth when I had to move about much as
a servant, I conceived thee. I do not know of what
family thou art. I am Gabalé by name, thou art
Satyak4ma,” I am therefore Satyakama GaAbala, Sir.’
5. He said to him: ‘No one but a true Brdhmaza would thus speak out. Go and fetch fuel,
friend, I shall initiate you. You have not swerved
from the truth.’
Having initiated him, he chose four hundred
lean and weak cows, and said: ‘ Tend these, friend.’
1 This carries on the explanation of the four feet of Brahman,
as first mentioned in III, 18, 1. Each foot or quarter of Brahman
is represented as fourfold, and the knowledge of these sixteen parts
is called the ShodasakalAvidy4.
IV PRAPATHAKA, 6 KHANDA, I. 61
He drove them out and said to himself, ‘I shall not
return unless I bring back a thousand.’ He dwelt a
number of years (in the forest), and when the cows
had become a thousand, e
FirtH KHawpa.
1. The bull of the herd (meant for Vayu) said to
him: ‘Satyakama!’ He replied: ‘Sir!’ The bull
said: ‘We have become a thousand, lead us to the
house of the teacher ;
2. ‘And I will declare to you one foot of Brahman.’
‘ Declare it, Sir,’ he replied.
1. The bull of the herd (meant for Vayu) said to
him: ‘Satyakama!’ He replied: ‘Sir!’ The bull
said: ‘We have become a thousand, lead us to the
house of the teacher ;
2. ‘And I will declare to you one foot of Brahman.’
‘ Declare it, Sir,’ he replied.
He said to him; ‘ The eastern region is one quarter, the western region is one quarter, the southern
region is one quarter, the northern region is one
quarter. This is a foot of Brahman, consisting of
the four quarters, and called Prakasavat (endowed
with splendour).
3. ‘He who knows this and meditates on the foot
of Brahman, consisting of four quarters, by the name
of Prakd4savat, becomes endowed with splendour in
this world. He conquers the resplendent worlds,
whoever knows this and meditates on the foot of
Brahman, consisting of the four quarters, by the.
name of PrakAsavat.
S1xtH Kuawopa.
1. ‘Agni will declare to you another foot of
Brahman.’
(After these words of the bull), Satyakama, on
the morrow, drove the cows (toward the house of
the teacher). And when they came towards the
evening, he lighted a fire, penned the cows, laid
wood on the fire, and sat down behind the fire,
looking to the east.
62 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
2. Then Agni (the fire) said to him: ‘Satyakama!’
He replied: ‘Sir.’
3. Agni said: ‘Friend, I will declare unto you
oge foot of Brahman.’
‘Declare it, Sir,’ he replied.
He said to him: ‘The earth is one quarter, the
sky is one quarter, the heaven is one quarter, the
ocean is one quarter. This is a foot of Brahman,
consisting of four quarters, and called Anantavat
(endless).
4. ‘He who knows this and meditates on the foot
of Brahman, consisting of four quarters, by the name
of Anantavat, becomes endless in this world. He
conquers the endless worlds, whoever knows this
and meditates on the foot of Brahman, consisting of
four quarters, by the name of Anantavat.
SEVENTH KHAWDA.
1. ‘A Hamsa (flamingo, meant for the sun) will
declare to you another foot of Brahman.’
(After these words of Agni), Satyakama, on the
morrow, drove the cows onward. And when they
came towards the evening, he lighted a fire, penned
the cows, laid wood on the fire, and sat down behind
the fire, looking toward the east.
2. Then a Hamsa flew near and said to him:
‘Satyakama.’ He replied: ‘Sir.’
3. The Hamsa said: ‘ Friend, I will declare unto
you one foot of Brahman.’
‘Declare it, Sir,’ he replied.
He said to him: ‘Fire is one quarter, the sun
is one quarter, the moon is one quarter, lightning is
one quarter. This is a foot of Brahman, consisting
of four quarters, and called Gyotishmat (full of light).
IV PRAPATHAKA, 8 KHANDA, 3. 63
4. ‘He who knows this and meditates on the
foot of Brahman, consisting of four quarters, by the
name of Gyotishmat, becomes full of light in this
world. He conquers the worlds which are full of
light, whoever knows this and meditates on the
foot of Brahman, consisting of four quarters, by the
name of Gyotishmat.
_Eicuta Kuawpa.
He conquers the worlds which are full of
light, whoever knows this and meditates on the
foot of Brahman, consisting of four quarters, by the
name of Gyotishmat.
_Eicuta Kuawpa.
1. ‘A diver-bird (Madgu, meant for Prdza) will
declare to you another foot of Brahman.’
‘(After these words of the Hamsa), SatyakAma, on
the morrow, drove the cows onward. And when they
came towards the evening, he lighted a fire, penned
the cows, laid wood on the fire, and sat down behind the fire, looking toward the east.
2. Then a diver flew near and said to him:
‘Satyakama.’ He replied: ‘Sir.’
3. The diver said: ‘ Friend, I will declare unto
you one foot of Brahman.’
‘ Declare it, Sir,’ he replied.
He said to him: ‘ Breath is one quarter, the eye
is one quarter, the ear is one quarter, the mind is
one quarter. This is a foot of Brahman, consisting
of four quarters, and called Ayatanavat (having a
home).
‘He who knows this and meditates on the foot
of Brahman, consisting of four quarters, by the
name of Ayatanavat, becomes possessed of a home
in this world. He conquers the worlds which offer
a home, whoever knows this and meditates on the
foot of Brahman, consisting of four quarters, by the
name of Ayatanavat.’
64 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
Nintuy Kuyawpa.
1. Thus he reached the house of his teacher.
The teacher said to him: ‘Satyakama.’ He replied: ‘Sir.’
2. The teacher said: ‘Friend, you shine like
one who knows Brahman. Who then has taught
you!?’ He replied: ‘Not men. But you only,
Sir, I wish, should teach me?;
3. ‘For I have heard from men like you, Sir,
that only knowledge which is learnt from a teacher
(Afarya), leads to real good.’ Then he taught him
the same knowledge. Nothing was left out, yea,
nothing was left out.
TentH Kuawpa®,
1. Upakosala K4malayana dwelt as a Brahma-
4rin (religious student) in the house of Satyakama
Gabala. He tended his fires for twelve years. But
the teacher, though he allowed other pupils (after
they had learnt the sacred books) to depart to their
own homes, did not allow Upakosala to depart.
2. Then his wife said to him: ‘ This student, who
is quite exhausted (with austerities), has carefully
tended your fires. Let not the fires themselves blame
you, but teach him.’ The teacher, however, went
away on a journey without having taught him.
3. The student from sorrow was not able to eat.
1 It would have been a great offence if Satyakéama had accepted
instruction from any man, except his recognised teacher.
* The text should be, bhagavams tv eva me k&me brfyat (me
k4me= mamekkhay&m).
* The Upakosala-vidy4 teaches first Brahman as the cause, and
then in its various forms, and is therefore called Atmavidy4 and
agnividy4.
IV PRAPATHAKA, II KHANDA, I. 65
Then the wife of the teacher said to him: ‘Student,
eat! Why do you not eat?’ He said: ‘There are
many desires in this man here, which lose themselves
in different directions. I am full of sorrows, and
shall take no food.’
IV PRAPATHAKA, II KHANDA, I. 65
Then the wife of the teacher said to him: ‘Student,
eat! Why do you not eat?’ He said: ‘There are
many desires in this man here, which lose themselves
in different directions. I am full of sorrows, and
shall take no food.’
4. Thereupon the fires said among themselves :
‘This student, who is quite exhausted, has carefully’
tended us. Well, let us teach him.’ They said to
him:
5. ‘ Breath is Brahman, Ka (pleasure) is Brahman,
Kha (ether) is Brahman.’
He said: ‘I understand that breath is Brahman,
but I do not understand Ka or Kha?’
They said: ‘What is Ka is Kha, what is Kha is
Ka*’ They therefore taught him Brahman as
breath, and as the ether (in the heart)*.
ELEVENTH KuHaAnpaA.
1. After that the Garhapatya fire‘ taught him:
‘ Earth, fire, food, and the sun (these are my forms, or
1T do not understand, he means, how Ka, which means pleasure,
and is non-eternal, and how Kha, which means ether, and is not
intelligent, can be Brahman.
* The commentator explains as follows :—Ka is pleasure, and
Kha is ether, but these two words are to determine each other
mutually, and thus to form one idea. Ka therefore does not
mean ordinary pleasures, but pleasures such as belong to Kha,
the ether. And Kha does not signify the ordinary outward ether,
but the ether in the heart, which alone is capable of pleasure.
What is meant by Ka and Kha is therefore the sentient ether
in the heart, and that is Brahman, while Prava, breath, is Brahman,
in so far as it is united with the ether in the heart.
* And as its ether, i.e. as the ether in the heart, the Brahman,
with which préza is connected. Comm.
* The household altar.
[3] F
66 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
forms of Brahman). The person that is seen in
the sun, I am he, I am he indeed ?.
2. ‘He who knowing this meditates on him,
destroys sin, obtains the world (of Agni Garhapatya), reaches his full age, and lives long; his
descendants do not perish. We guard him in this
“world and in the other, whosoever knowing this
meditates on him.’
Twe_FrtH Kuawpa.
1. Then the Anv4harya fire? taught him:
‘Water, the quarters, the stars, the moon (these
are my forms). The person that is seen in the
moon, I am he, I am he indeed.
2. ‘He who knowing this meditates on him,
destroys sin, obtains the world (of Agni Anvaharya), reaches his full age, and lives long; his
descendants do not perish. We guard him in this
world and in the other, whosoever knowing this
meditates on him.’
THIRTEENTH KuawpaA.
1. Then the Ahavantya® fire taught him: ‘ Breath,
ether, heaven, and lightning (these are my forms).
The person that is seen in the lightning, I am he,
I am he indeed.
We guard him in this
world and in the other, whosoever knowing this
meditates on him.’
THIRTEENTH KuawpaA.
1. Then the Ahavantya® fire taught him: ‘ Breath,
ether, heaven, and lightning (these are my forms).
The person that is seen in the lightning, I am he,
I am he indeed.
1 Fanciful similarities and relations between the fires of the three
altars and their various forms and manifestations are pointed out
by the commentator. Thus earth and food are. represented as
warmed and boiled by the fire. The sun is said to give warmth
and light like the fire of the altar. The chief point, however, is
that in all of them Brahman is manifested.
* The altar on the right. Anvaharya is a sacrificial oblation,
chiefly one intended for the manes.
* The Ahavantya altar is the altar on the eastern side of the
sacrificial ground.
IV PRAPATHAKA, 15 KHANDA, I. 67
2. ‘He who knowing this meditates on him,
destroys sin, obtains the world (of Agni Ahavantya), reaches his full age, and lives long; his
descendants do not perish. We guard him in this
world and in the other, whosoever knowing this
meditates on him.’
FourTEENTH KHANDA.
1. Then they all said: ‘ Upakosala, this is our
knowledge, our friend, and the knowledge of the
Self, but the teacher will tell you the way (to
. another life)’
2. In time his teacher came back, and said to
him: ‘Upakosala’ He answered: ‘Sir. The
teacher said: ‘ Friend, your face shines like that of
one who knows Brahman. Who has taught you ?’
‘Who should teach me, Sir ?’ he said. He denies,
as it were. And he said (pointing) to the fires:
‘Are these fires other than fires ?’
The teacher said: ‘What, my friend, have these
fires told you ?’
3. He answered: ‘ This’ (repeating some of what
they had told him).
The teacher said: ‘My friend, they have taught
you about the worlds, but I shall tell you this; and
as water does not cling to a lotus leaf, so no evil
deed clings to one who knows it.’ He said: ‘Sir,
tell it me.’
FirTEENTH KHawpa.
1. He said: ‘The person that is seen in the eye,
that is the Self. This is the immortal, the fearless,
this is Brahman’. Even though they drop melted
1 This is also the teaching of PragApati in VIII, 7, 4.
F 2
68 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
butter or water on him, it runs away on both
sides }.
2. ‘They call him Samyadvama, for all blessings
(vama) go towards him (samyanti). All blessings
go towards him who knows this.
3. ‘He is also Vamant, for he leads (nayati) all
blessings (v4ma). He leads all blessings who
knows this.
4. ‘He is also BhAmant, for he shines (bhati)
in all worlds. He who knows this, shines in all
worlds.
All blessings
go towards him who knows this.
3. ‘He is also Vamant, for he leads (nayati) all
blessings (v4ma). He leads all blessings who
knows this.
4. ‘He is also BhAmant, for he shines (bhati)
in all worlds. He who knows this, shines in all
worlds.
5. ‘Now (if one who knows this, dies), whether
people perform obsequies for him or no, he goes
to light (aréis)*, from light to day, from day to
the light half of the moon, from the light half of
the moon to the six months during which the sun
goes to the north, from the months to the year,
from the year to the sun, from the sun to the moon,
from the moon to the lightning. There is a person
not human,
6. ‘He leads them to Brahman. This is the path
of the Devas, the path that leads to Brahman.
Those who proceed on that path, do not return
to the life of man, yea, they do not return.
SIXTEENTH KHAWDA 3.
1. Verily, he who purifies (V4yu) is the sacrifice,
for he (the air) moving along, purifies everything.
' It does so in the eye, and likewise with the person in the eye,
who is not affected by anything. Cf. KA. Up. IV, 14, 3.
* The commentator takes light, day, &c. as persons, or devatas.
Cf. KA. Up. V, ro, 1.
* If any mistakes happen during the performance of a sacrifice, as described before, they are remedied by certain interjectiona|
IV PRAPATHAKA, 16 KHANDA, 5. 69
Because moving along he purifies everything, therefore he is the sacrifice. Of that sacrifice there are
two ways, by mind and by speech.
2. The Brahman priest performs one of them
in his mind}, the Hots, Adhvaryu, and Udgats?
priests perform the other by words. When the
Brahman priest, after the Prataranuvaka ceremony
has begun, but before the recitation of the Paridhantya hymn, has (to break his silence and) to speak,
3. He performs perfectly the one way only (that
by words), but the other is injured. As a man
walking on one foot, or a carriage going on one
wheel, is injured, his sacrifice is injured, and with
the injured sacrifice the sacrificer is injured; yes,
having sacrificed, he becomes worse.
4. But when after the Prataranuvaka ceremony
has begun; and before the recitation of the Paridhaniy4 hymn, the Brahman priest has not (to break
his silence and) to speak, they perform both ways
perfectly, and neither of them is injured.
5. Asa man walking on two legs and a carriage
going on two wheels gets on, so his sacrifice gets on,
and with the successful sacrifice the sacrificer gets
on; yes, having sacrificed, he becomes better.
syllables (vy4hrrti), the nature of which is next described. All this
is supposed to take place in the forest.
syllables (vy4hrrti), the nature of which is next described. All this
is supposed to take place in the forest.
1 While the other priests perform the sacrifice, the Brahman
priest has to remain silent, following the whole sacrifice in his
mind, and watching.that no mistake be committed. If a mistake
is committed, he has to correct it, and for that purpose certain
corrective penances (prayasfitta) are enjoined. The performance
of the Brahman priest resembles the meditations of the sages in
the forest, and therefore this chapter is here inserted.
70 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
SEVENTEENTH KHAwWDA.
1. PragApati brooded over the worlds, and from
them thus brooded on he squeezed out the essences,
Agni (fire) from the earth, Vayu (air) from the sky,
Aditya (the sun) from heaven.
2. He brooded over these three deities, and
from them thus brooded on he squeezed out the
essences, the A7é verses from Agni, the Yagus
verses from Vayu, the Saman verses from Aditya.
3. He brooded over the threefold knowledge
(the three Vedas), and from it thus brooded on he
squeezed out the essences, the sacred interjection
Bhis from the Azé verses, the sacred interjection
Bhuvas from the Yagus verses, the sacred interjection Svar from the Saman verses.
4. If the sacrifice is injured from the Azg-veda
side, let him offer a libation in the Garhapatya fire,
saying, BhiZ, Svaha! Thus does he bind together
and heal, by means of the essence and the power
of the Azé verses themselves, whatever break the
Rk sacrifice may have suffered.
5. If the sacrifice is injured from the Yagur-veda
side, let him offer a libation in the Dakshiza fire,
saying, Bhuva, Svaha! Thus does he bind together
and heal, by means of the essence and the power
of the Yagus verses themselves, whatever break the
Yagus sacrifice may have suffered.
6. If the sacrifice is injured by the Sdma-veda
side, let him offer a libation in the Ahavantya fire,
saying, Svah, Svaha! Thus does he bind together
and heal, by means of the essence and the power
of the SAman verses themselves, whatever break the
Saman sacrifice may have suffered.
IV PRAPATHAKA, 17 KHANDA, 9. 71
7. As one binds (softens) gold by means of
lavaza’ (borax), and silver by means of gold, and
tin by means of silver, and lead by means of tin,
and iron (loha) by means of lead, and wood by
means of iron, or also by means of leather,
8. Thus does one bind together and heal any
break in the sacrifice by means of (the Vydhrztis or
sacrificial interjections which are) the essence and
strength of the three worlds, of the deities, and of
the threefold knowledge. That sacrifice is healed?
in which there is a Brahman priest who knows this.
That sacrifice is healed?
in which there is a Brahman priest who knows this.
g. That sacrifice is inclined towards the north
(in the right way) in which there is a Brahman priest
who knows this. And with regard to such a Brahman priest there is the following Gath4*: ‘ Whereever it falls back, thither the man‘ goes,’—viz. the
Brahman only, as one of the Aztvig priests. ‘He saves
the Kurus as a mare’ (viz. a Brahman priest who
1 Lavaza, a kind of salt, explained by ksh4ra and /anhka or
fankana. It is evidently borax, which is still imported from the
East Indies under the name of tincal, and used as a flux in chemical processes.
* Bheshagakrita, explained by bheshagena ’iva kritah samskritah,
and also by 4ikitsakena susikshitena ‘esha yagfio bhavati,’ which
looks as if the commentator had taken it as a genitive of
bheshagakrit.
’ This Gatha (or, according to Sankara, Anugtha) is probably
a Gfyatrt, though Anandagiri says that it is not in the GAyatrt
or any other definite metre. It may have been originally ‘yato
yata Avartate, tattad gaééhati manavak, kurfin asvabhirakshati.’
This might be taken from an old epic ballad, ‘Wherever the army
fell back, thither the man went; the mare (mares being preferred
to stallions in war) saves the Kurus.’ That verse was applied to the
Brahman priest succouring the sacrifice, whenever it seemed to waver,
and protecting the Kurus, i. e. the performers of the sacrifice.
* MAnava, explained from mauna, or manana, but possibly originally, a descendant of Manu.
72 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
knows this, saves the sacrifice, the sacrificer, and all
the other priests). Therefore let a man make him
who knows this his Brahman priest, not one who
does not know it, who does not know it.
FIFTH PRAPA7HAKA}
First Kuawpa.
1. He who knows the oldest and the best becomes himself the oldest and the best. Breath
indeed is the oldest and the best.
2. He who knows the richest, becomes himself
the richest. Speech indeed is the richest.
3. He who knows the firm rest, becomes himself
firm in this world and in the next. The eye indeed
is the firm rest.
4. He who knows success, his wishes succeed,
both his divine and human wishes. The ear indeed
is success.
5. He who knows the home, becomes a home
of his people. The mind indeed is the home.
6. The five senses quarrelled together *, who was
the best, saying, I am better, I am better.
1 The chief object is to show the different ways on which people
proceed after death. One of these ways, the Devapatha that leads
to Brahman and from which there is no return, has been described,
IV, 15. The other ways for those who on earth know the
conditioned Brahman only, have to be discussed now.
One of these ways, the Devapatha that leads
to Brahman and from which there is no return, has been described,
IV, 15. The other ways for those who on earth know the
conditioned Brahman only, have to be discussed now.
* The same fable, the prazasamv4da or prazavidy4, is told in
the Brrhadaranyaka VI, 1, 1-14, the Aitareya Ar. II, 4, the Kaush.
Up. III, 3, and the Prasna Up. II, 3. The last is the simplest
version of all, but it does not follow therefore that it is the oldest.
It would be difficult to find two fables apparently more alike, yet
in reality differing from each other more characteristically than this
fable and the fable told to the plebeians by Menenius Agrippa.
_._—
V PRAPATHAKA, I KHANDA, II. 73
a.
7. They went to their father Pragdpati and said:
‘Sir, who is the best of us?’ He replied: ‘He by
whose departure the body seems worse than worst,
he is the best of you.’
8. The tongue (speech) departed, and having
been absent for a year, it came round and said:
‘How have you been able to live without me ?’
They replied: ‘Like mute people, not speaking, but
breathing with the breath, seeing’ with the eye,
hearing with the ear, thinking with the mind. Thus
we lived.’ Then speech went back.
9. The eye (sight) departed, and having been
absent for a year, it came round and said: ‘ How
have you been able to live without me?’ They
replied : ‘ Like blind people, not seeing, but breathing with the breath, speaking with the tongue,
hearing with the ear, thinking with the mind. Thus
we lived.’ Then the eye went back.
10. The ear (hearing) departed, and having been
absent for a year, it came round and said: ‘ How
have you been able to live without me?’ They
replied: ‘ Like deaf people, not hearing, but breathing with the breath, speaking with the tongue,
thinking with the mind. Thus we lived.’ Then
the ear went back.
11. The mind departed, and having been absent
for a year, it came round and said: ‘How have
you been able to live.without me?’ They replied:
‘Like children whose mind is not yet formed, but
breathing with the breath, speaking with the tongue,
seeing with the eye, hearing with the ear. Thus we
- lived.’ Then the mind went back.
12. The breath, when on the point of departing,
tore up the other senses, as a horse, going to start,
74 EHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
might tear up the pegs to which he is tethered’.
They came to him and said: ‘Sir, be thou (our lord);
thou art the best among us. Do not depart from us!’
13. Then the tongue said to him: ‘If I am the
richest, thou art the richest.’ The eye said to him:
‘If I am the firm rest, thou art the firm rest ®.’
14. The ear said to him: ‘If I am success, thou
art success.’ The mind said to him: ‘If I am the
home, thou art the home.’
15. And people do not call them, the tongues,
the eyes, the ears, the minds, but the breaths
(praza, the senses). For breath are all these.
SECOND KHANDA.
The ear said to him: ‘If I am success, thou
art success.’ The mind said to him: ‘If I am the
home, thou art the home.’
15. And people do not call them, the tongues,
the eyes, the ears, the minds, but the breaths
(praza, the senses). For breath are all these.
SECOND KHANDA.
1. Breath said: ‘What shall be my food?’
They answered: ‘Whatever there is, even unto
dogs and birds.’ Therefore this is food for Ana
(the breather). His name is clearly Ana*. To
him who knows this there is nothing that is not
(proper) food.
2. He said: ‘What shall be my dress?’ They
answered : ‘Water.’ Therefore wise people, when
they are going to eat food, surround their food before and after with water ‘,’ He (praza) thus gains
a dress, and is no longer naked °.
1 Padvisa, fetter, médn, pedica, a word now well known, but
which Burnouf (Commentaire sur le Yagna, Notes, CLXXIV)
tried in vain to decipher.
* Burnouf rightly preferred pratish/A4si to pratish/4o’si, though
the commentary on the corresponding passage of the Brthadéranyaka seems to favour tatpratish/ho ’si.
5 Ana, breather, more general than pra-ana=prdsa, forthbreather, and the other more specified names of breath.
* They rinse the mouth before and after every meal.
* We expect, ‘He who knows this’ instead of praza, but as
V PRAPATHAKA, 2 KHANWDA, 8. 75
3. Satyakéma G4b4la, after he had communicated this to Gosruti Vaiy4ghrapadya, said to him:
‘If you were to tell this to a dry stick, branches
would grow, and leaves spring from it.’
4. If! a man wishes to reach greatness, let him
perform the Diksha? (preparatory rite) on the day of
the new moon, and then, on the night of the full
moon, let him stir a mash of all kinds of herbs
with curds and honey, and let him pour ghee on the
fire (Avasathya laukika), saying, ‘Svah4 to the oldest
and the best.’ After that let him throw all that
remains (of the ghee)® into the mash.
5. In the same manner let him pour ghee on
the fire, saying, ‘Svaha to the richest.’ After that
let him throw all that remains together into the
mash.
In the same manner let him pour ghee on the fire,
saying, ‘Sv4ha to the firm rest.’ After that let him
throw all that remains together into the mash.
In the same manner let him pour ghee on the
fire, saying, ‘Sva4hA to success.’ After that let him
throw all that remains together into the mash.
6. Then going forward and placing the mash
prana may apply to every individual praza, the usual finishing
sentence was possibly dropt on purpose.
1 The oblation here described is called mantha, a mortar, or
what is pounded in a mortar, i.e. barley stirred in some kind of
gravy. See Gaim. N. M.V. p. 406.
2 Not the real diksha, which is a preparatory rite for great
sacrifices, but penance, truthfulness, abstinence, which take the
place of diksha with those who live in the forest and devote
themselves to updsana, meditative worship.
barley stirred in some kind of
gravy. See Gaim. N. M.V. p. 406.
2 Not the real diksha, which is a preparatory rite for great
sacrifices, but penance, truthfulness, abstinence, which take the
place of diksha with those who live in the forest and devote
themselves to updsana, meditative worship.
5 What is here called samp&tam avanayati is the same as
samsravam avanayati in the Brth. Ar. VI, 3, 2. The commentator
says: Sruvavalepanam 4gyam mantham samsrvayati,
76 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
in his hands, he recites: ‘Thou (Praza) art Ama’?
by name, for all this together exists in thee. He
is the oldest and best, the king, the sovereign.
May he make me the oldest, the best, the king,
the sovereign. May I be all this.’
7. Then he eats with the following 7zé verse at
every foot : ‘We choose’ that food’—here he swallows—‘ Of the divine Savitz (priza)’—here he
swallows—‘ The best and all-supporting food ’—here
he swallows— We meditate on the speed of Bhaga
(Savitz, praza)’—here he drinks all.
8. Having cleansed the vessel, whether it be a
kamsa or a kamasa, he sits down behind the fire on
a skin or on the bare ground, without speaking or
making any other effort. If in his dream he sees a
woman, let him know this to be a sign that his
sacrifice has succeeded.
9. On this there is a Sloka: ‘If during sacrifices which are to fulfil certain wishes he sees in
his dreams a woman, let him know success from
this vision in a dream, yea, from this vision in
a dream.’
Tuirp KuHanpa 2,
1. Svetaketu Aruzeya went to an assembly ® of
the Pafiéalas. Pravdhamza Gaivali* said to him:
‘Boy, has your father instructed you?’ ‘ Yes, Sir,’
he replied.
2. ‘Do you know to what place men go from
here ?’ ‘No, Sir,’ he replied.
1 Cf. Brsh. Ar. I, 1, 3, 22.
* This story is more fully told in the Brihadarazyaka VI, 2,
Satapatha-brahmana XIV, 8, 16.
* Samiti, or parishad, as in the Brth. Ar.
* He is the same Kshatriya sage who appeared in I, 8, 1, silencing
the Brahmans,
V PRAPATHAKA, 3 KHANDA, 6. 77
‘Do you know how they return again?’ ‘No
Sir, he replied.
‘Do you know where the path of Devas and the
path of the fathers diverge?’ ‘No, Sir,’ he replied.
3. ‘Do you know why that world! never becomes
full?’ ‘No, Sir,’ he replied.
‘Do you know why in the fifth libation water is
called Man??’ ‘No, Sir,’ he replied.
4. ‘Then why did you say (you had been) instructed ? How could anybody who did not know
these things say that he had been instructed ?’
Then the boy went back sorrowful to the place of his
father, and said: ‘Though you had not instructed
me, Sir, you said you had instructed me.
5. ‘That fellow of a Raganya asked me five
questions, and I could not answer one of them.’
The father said: ‘As you have told me these
questions of his, I do not know any one of them °.
If I knew these questions, how should I not have
told you‘ ?’
5. ‘That fellow of a Raganya asked me five
questions, and I could not answer one of them.’
The father said: ‘As you have told me these
questions of his, I do not know any one of them °.
If I knew these questions, how should I not have
told you‘ ?’
6. Then Gautama went to the king’s place, and
when he had come to him, the king offered him
proper respect. In the morning the king went out
on his way to the assembly®. The king said to him:
1 That of the fathers. Comm.
* Or, according to others, why the water has a human voice’;
purushavaéak in Brth. Ar. XIV, 9, 3.
7 I doubt whether the elliptical construction of these sentences
is properly filled out by the commentator. In the Brihadaranyaka
the construction is much easier. ‘You know me well enough to
know that whatever I know, I told you.’
* I read avedishyam, though both the text and commentary
give avadishyam. Still viditavdn asmi points to an _ original
avedishyam, and a parallel passage, VI, 1, 7, confirms this
emendation.
* Cf. Kh. Up. V, 11, 5.
78 EHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
‘Sir, Gautama, ask a boon of such things as men
possess. He replied: ‘Such things as men possess
may remain with you. Tell me the speech which
you addressed to the boy.’
7. The king was perplexed, and commanded
him, saying: ‘Stay with me some time.’ Then he
said: ‘As (to what) you have said to me, Gautama,
this knowledge did not go to any Brahmaza before
you, and therefore this teaching belonged in all
the worlds to the Kshatra class alone. Then he
began :
FourtH Kuawpa}.
1. ‘The altar (on which the sacrifice is supposed
to be offered) is that world (heaven), O Gautama ;
its fuel is the sun itself, the smoke his rays, the
light the day, the coals the moon, the sparks the
Stars,
2. ‘On that altar the Devas (or pr4mas, represented by Agni, &c.) offer the sraddh4 libation
(consisting of water). From that oblation rises
Soma, the king? (the moon).
Firth Kuanpa.
1. ‘The altar is Parganya (the god of rain), O
Gautama; its fuel is the air itself, the smoke
the cloud, the light the lightning, the coals the
thunderbolt, the sparks the thunderings °*.
1 He answers the last question, why water in the fifth libation
is called Man, first.
2 The sacrificers themselves rise through their oblations to
heaven, and attain as their reward a Soma-like nature.
§ HrAduni, generally explained by hail, but here by stanayitnusabd4A, rumblings.
V PRAPATHAKA, 9 KHANDA, 2. 79
2. ‘On that altar the Devas offer Soma, the king
(the moon). From that oblation rises rain.
SrxtH Kuawpa.
1. ‘The altar is the earth, O Gautama; its fuel
is the year itself, the smoke the ether, the light
the night, the coals the quarters, the sparks the
intermediate quarters.
2. ‘On that altar the Devas (prdvas) offer rain.
From that oblation rises food (corn, &c.)
SEVENTH KuawpA.
1. ‘The altar is man, O Gautama; its fuel
speech itself, the smoke the breath, the light the
tongue, the coals the eye, the sparks the ear.
2. ‘On that altar the Devas (prdvas) offer rain.
From that oblation rises food (corn, &c.)
SEVENTH KuawpA.
1. ‘The altar is man, O Gautama; its fuel
speech itself, the smoke the breath, the light the
tongue, the coals the eye, the sparks the ear.
2. ‘On that altar the Devas (prazas) offer food.
From that oblation rises seed.
EicHtH KHAawpa.
1. ‘The altar is woman, O Gautama’.
2. ‘On that altar the Devas (pramas) offer seed.
From that oblation rises the germ.
Ninto Kuawpa.
1. ‘For this reason is water in the fifth oblation
called Man. This germ, covered in the womb, having
dwelt there ten months, or more or less, is born.
2. ‘When born, he lives whatever the length of
his life may be. When he has departed, his friends
carry him, as appointed, to the fire (of the funeral
pile) from whence he came, from whence he sprang.
1 The water, which had assumed the nature of Soma, now
becomes rain.
® Tasy4 upastha eva samid, yad upamantrayate sa dhimo,
yonir arfir, yad anta karoti te ’ng4r4 abhinand4 vishphuling44.
80 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
TentH KuHawnpa.
1. ‘Those who know this! (even though they
still be gv¢zhasthas, householders) and those who in
the forest follow faith and austerities (the vanaprasthas, and of the parivragakas those who do not
yet know the Highest Brahman) go ? to light (aris),
from light to day, from day to the light half of the
moon, from the light half of the moon to the six
months when the sun goes to the north, from the
six months when the sun goes to the north to the
year, from the year to the sun, from the sun to the
moon, from the moon to the lightning. There is
a person not human %,—
2. ‘He leads them to Brahman (the conditioned
Brahman). This is the path of the Devas.
3. ‘ But they who living in a village practise (a life
of) sacrifices, works of public utility, and alms, they
go to the smoke, from smoke to night, from night
to the dark half of the moon, from the dark half of
the moon to the six months when the sun goes to
the south. But they do not reach the year.
4. ‘From the months they go to the world of the
fathers, from the world of the fathers to the ether,
from the ether to the moon. That is Soma, the
king. Here they are loved (eaten) by the Devas,
yes, the Devas love (eat) them *.
1 The doctrine of the five fires, and our being born in them,
i.e. in heaven, rain, earth, man, and woman.
2 Cf. Kh. Up. IV, 15, 5.
* Instead of m4nava, human, or am&nava, not human, the Brth.
Ar. reads m4nasa, mental, or created by manas, mind.
* This passage has been translated, ‘ They are the food of the
gods. The gods do eat it.’ And this is indeed the literal meaning
of the words. But bhag (to enjoy) and bhaksh (to eat) are often
V PRAPATHAKA, IO KHANDA, 6. 81
5. ‘Having dwelt there, till their (good) works
are consumed, they return again that way as they
came}, to the ether, from the ether to the air. Then
the sacrificer, having become air, becomes smoke,
having become smoke, he becomes mist,
81
5. ‘Having dwelt there, till their (good) works
are consumed, they return again that way as they
came}, to the ether, from the ether to the air. Then
the sacrificer, having become air, becomes smoke,
having become smoke, he becomes mist,
6. ‘Having become mist, he becomes a cloud,
having become a cloud, he rains down. Then he
is born as rice and corn, herbs and trees, sesamum
and beans. From thence the escape is beset with
most difficulties. For whoever the persons may be
that eat the food, and beget offspring, he henceforth becomes like unto them.
used by theosophical writers in India, in the more general sense of
cherishing or loving, and anna in the sense of an object of desire,
love, and protection. The commentators, however, as the use of
bhaksh in this sense is exceptional, or as it has no support in
the use of the ancients, warn us here against a possible misunderstanding. If those, they say, who have performed sacrifices
enter at last into the essence of Soma, the moon, and are eaten by
the Devas, by Indra, &c., what is the use of their good works?
No, they reply, they are not really eaten. Food (anna) means
only what is helpful and delightful; it is not meant that they
are eaten by morsels, but that they form the delight of the Devas.
Thus we hear it said that men, women, and cattle are food for
kings. And if it is said that women are loved by men, they are, in
being loved, themselves loving. Thus these men also, being loved
by the Devas, are happy and rejoice with the Devas. Their body,
in order to be able to rejoice in the,moon, becomes of a watery
substance, as it was said before, that the water, called the Sraddh&
libation, when offered in heaven, as in the fire of the altar, becomes
Soma, the king (KA. Up. V, 4, 1). That water becomes, after
various changes, the body of those who have performed good
works, and when a man is dead and his body burnt (£2. Up. V,
9, 2), the water rises from the body upwards with the smoke, and
carries him to the moon, where, in that body, he enjoys the fruits
of his good works, as long as they last. When they are consumed,
like the oil in a lamp, he has to return to a new round of
existences.
1 But only to a certain point.
[3] G
82 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
7. ‘Those whose conduct has been good, will
quickly attain some good birth, the birth of a Brahmama, or a Kshatriya, or a Vaisya. But those whose
conduct has been evil, will quickly attain an evil
birth, the birth of a dog, or a hog, or a Kandala.
8. ‘On neither of these two ways those small creatures (flies, worms, &c.) are continually returning of
whom it may be said, Live and die. Theirs is a
third place.
‘Therefore that world never becomes full’ (cf.
V, 3, 2).
8. ‘On neither of these two ways those small creatures (flies, worms, &c.) are continually returning of
whom it may be said, Live and die. Theirs is a
third place.
‘Therefore that world never becomes full’ (cf.
V, 3, 2).
1 In this manner all the five questions have been answered.
First, why in the fifth oblation water is called man; secondly, to
what place men go after death, some by the path of the Devas,
others by the path of the fathers, others again by neither of these
paths ; thirdly, how they return, some returning to Brahman, others
returning to the earth; fourthly, where the paths of the Devas and
the fathers diverge, viz. when from the half-year the path of the
Devas goes on to the year, while that of the fathers branches off
to the world of the fathers; fifthly, why that world, the other
world, does never become full, viz. because men either go on to
Brahman or return again to this world.
Many questions are raised among Indian philosophers on the
exact meaning of certain passages occurring in the preceding paragraphs. First, as to who is admitted to the path of the Devas?
Householders, who know the secret doctrine of the five fires
or the five libations of the Agnihotra, as described above, while
other householders, who only perform the ordinary sacrifices, without a knowledge of their secret meaning, go by the path of the
fathers. Secondly, those who have retired to the forest, and whose
worship there consists in faith and austerities, i.e. Vanaprasthas
and Parivragakas, before they arrive at a knowledge of the true
Brahman. The question then arises, whether religious students
also enter the path of the Devas? This is affirmed, because
Purfzas and Smrttis assert it, or because our text, if properly
understood, does not exclude it. Those, on the contrary, who
know not only a conditioned, but the highest unconditioned Brahman, do not proceed on the path of the Devas, but obtain Brahman
immediately.
Again, there is much difference of opinion whether, after a man
V PRAPATHAKA, IO KHANDA, 9. 83
‘Hence let a man take care to himself!!_ And thus
it is said in the following Sloka ? :—
g. ‘A man who steals gold, who drinks spirits,
has been in the moon, consuming his works, he can be born again.
Birth is the result of former works, and if former works are altogether consumed, there can be no new birth. This, however, is
shown to be an erroneous view, because, besides the good sacrificial
works, the fruits of which are consumed in the moon, there are
other works which have to be enjoyed or expiated, as the case
may be, in a new existence.
This, however, is
shown to be an erroneous view, because, besides the good sacrificial
works, the fruits of which are consumed in the moon, there are
other works which have to be enjoyed or expiated, as the case
may be, in a new existence.
The great difficulty or danger in the round of transmigration
arises when the rain has fructified the earth, and passes into herbs
and trees, rice, corn, and beans. For, first of all, some of the rain
does not fructify at once, but falls into rivers andinto the sea, to be .
swallowed up by fishes and sea monsters, Then, only after these
have been dissolved in the sea, and after the sea water has been
attracted by the clouds, the rain falls down again, it may be on
desert or stony land. Here it may be swallowed by snakes or
deer, and these may be swallowed by other animals, so that the
round of existence seems endless. Nor is this all. Some rain
may dry up, or be absorbed by bodies that cannot be eaten.
Then, if the rain is absorbed by rice, corn, &c., and this be
eaten, it may be eaten by children or by men who have renounced
marriage, and thus again lose the chance of a new birth. Lastly,
there is the danger arising from the nature of the being in whom
the food, such as rice and corn, becomes a new seed, and likewise
from the nature of the mother. All these chances have to be met
before a new birth as a Brahmaza, Kshatriya, or Vaisya can be
secured. ;
Another curious distinction is here made by Sankara in his
commentary, There are some, he says, who assume the form of
rice, corn, &c., not in their descent from a higher world, as described
in the Upanishad, but as a definite punishment for certain evil
deeds they have committed. These remain in that state till the
results of their evil deeds are over, and assume then a new body,
according to their work, like caterpillars. With them there is also
a consciousness of these states, and the acts which caused them to
? Let him despise it. Comm.
* Evidently an old Trishfubh verse, but irregular in the third
line. See Manu XI, 54.
G 2
84 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
who dishonours his Guru’s bed, who kills a Brahman; these four fall, and as a fifth he who associates
with them.
10. ‘But he who thus knows the five fires is not
defiled by sin even though he associates with them.
He who knows this, is pure, clean, and obtains the
world of the blessed, yea, he obtains the world
of the blessed.’
ELEVENTH Kuawopal!.
1. Praétnasila Aupamanyava, Satyayagfia Paulushi, Indradyumna Bhallaveya, Gana Sarkarakshya,
and Budila Asvatarasvi, these five great householders and great theologians came once together
and held a discussion as to What is our Self, and
what is Brahman *%
2. They reflected and said: ‘Sirs, there is that
Uddalaka Aruzi, who knows at present that Self,
They reflected and said: ‘Sirs, there is that
Uddalaka Aruzi, who knows at present that Self,
assume this or that body, leave impressions behind, like dreams.
This is not the case with those who in their descent from the
moon, pass, as we saw, through an existence as rice, corn, &c.
They have no consciousness of such existences, at least not in their
descent. In their ascent to the moon, they have consciousness, as
a man who climbs up a tree knows what he is about. But in their
descent, that consciousness is gone, as it is when a man falls down
from a tree. Otherwise a man, who by his good works had deserved rewards in the moon, would, while corn is being ground, suffer
tortures, as if he were in hell, and the very object of good works,
as taught by the Veda, would be defeated. As we see that a man
struck by a hammer can be carried away unconscious, so it is in
the descent of souls, till they are born again as men, and gain
a new start for the attainment of the Highest Brahman.
1 The same story is found in the Satapatha-brahmama X, 6, 1, 1.
* Atman and Brahman are to be taken as predicate and subject.
V PRAPATHAKA, II KHANDA, 7. 85
called Vaisvanara. Well, let us go to him.’ They
went to him.
3. But he reflected: ‘Those great householders
and great theologians will examine me, and I shall
not be able to tell them all; therefore I shall
recommend another teacher to them,’
4. He said to them: ‘Sirs, Asvapati Kaikeya
knows at present that Self, called Vaisvanara. Well,
let us go to him.’ They went to him.
5. When they arrived (the king) ordered proper
presents to be made separately to each of them.
And rising the next morning? he said: ‘In my
kingdom there is no thief, no miser, no drunkard,
no man without an altar in his house, no ignorant
person, no adulterer, much less an adulteress. I ?
am going to perform a sacrifice, Sirs, and as much
wealth as I give to each Aitvig priest, I shall give
to you, Sirs. Please to stay here.’
6. They replied: ‘Every man ought to say for
what purpose he comes. You know at present that
Vaisvanara Self, tell us that.’
7. He said: ‘To-morrow I shall give you an
answer. Therefore on the next morning they approached him, carrying fuel in their hands (like
students), and he, without first demanding any preparatory rites *, said to them:
1 The commentator explains that the king, seeing that they would
not accept his presents, and thinking that they did not consider him
worthy of bestowing presents on them, made these remarks.
2 When they still refused his presents, he thought the presents
he had offered were too small, and therefore invited them to a
sacrifice.
* He was satisfied with the humility of the Brahmans, who, being
Brahmans, came to him, who was not a Brahman, as pupils. Gene-
86 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
TweELFtH KHANDA.
* He was satisfied with the humility of the Brahmans, who, being
Brahmans, came to him, who was not a Brahman, as pupils. Gene-
86 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
TweELFtH KHANDA.
r. ‘Aupamanyava, whom do you meditate on as
the Self?’ He replied: ‘Heaven only, venerable
king.’ He said: ‘The Self which you meditate on
is the Vaisvanara Self, called Sutegas (having good
light). Therefore every kind of Soma libation is
seen in your house!
2. ‘You eat food, and see your desire (a son, &c.),
and whoever thus meditates on that Vaisvanara Self,
eats food, sees his desire, and has Vedic glory (arising
from study and sacrifice) in his house. That, however, is but the head of the Self, and thus your
head would have fallen (in a discussion), if you had
not come to me.’
THIRTEENTH KHANDA.
1, Then he said to Satyayagiia Paulushi : ‘O Pra-
Atnayogya, whom do you meditate on as the Self?’
He replied: ‘The sun only, venerable king.’ He
said: ‘The Self which you meditate on is the Vaisvanara Self, called Visvaripa (multiform). Therefore
much and manifold wealth is seen in your house.
2. ‘There is a car with mules, full of slaves and
jewels. You eat food and see your desire, and whoever thus meditates on that Vaisvanara Self, eats
food and sees his desire, and has Vedic glory in
his house.
‘That, however, is but the eye of the Self, and
you would have become blind, if you had not come
to me.’
rally a pupil has first to pass through several initiatory rites before
he is admitted to the benefit of his master’s teaching.
* Soma is said to be suta in the Ek4ha, prasuta in the Ahina,
4suta in the Sattra-sacrifices.
V PRAPATHAKA, 16 KHANDA, I. 87
FourTEENTH KuHanpa.
1. Then he said to Indradyumna Bhallaveya : ‘O
Vaiy4ghrapadya, whom do you meditate on as the
Self?’ He replied: ‘Air only, venerable king.’ He
said: ‘The Self which you meditate on is the Vaisvanara Self, called Prcthagvartman (having various
courses). Therefore offerings come to you in various
ways, and rows of cars follow you in various ways.
2. ‘You eat food and see your desire, and whoever thus meditates on that Vaisvanara Self, eats
food and sees his desire, and has Vedic glory in
his house.
‘That, however, is but the breath of the Self, and
your breath would have left you, if you had not
come to me.’
FirTEENTH KHANDA.
1. Then he said to Gana Sarkaraékshya: ‘Whom
do you meditate on as the Self?’ He replied: ‘Ether
only, venerable king.’ He said: ‘The Self which
you meditate on is the Vaisvanara Self, called Bahula
(full). Therefore you are full of offspring and wealth.
2. ‘You eat food and see your desire, and whoever thus meditates on that Vaisvanara Self, eats
food and sees his desire, and has Vedic glory in
his house.
‘That, however, is but the trunk of the Self, and
your trunk would have perished, if you had not
come to me.’
SIXTEENTH KHANDA.
2. ‘You eat food and see your desire, and whoever thus meditates on that Vaisvanara Self, eats
food and sees his desire, and has Vedic glory in
his house.
‘That, however, is but the trunk of the Self, and
your trunk would have perished, if you had not
come to me.’
SIXTEENTH KHANDA.
1. Then he said to Budila AsvatarAsvi, ‘O Vaiy4ghrapadya, whom do you meditate on as the Self?’
He replied : ‘ Water only, venerable king.’ He said:
88 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
‘ The Self which you meditate on is the Vaisvanara
Self, called Rayi (wealth). Therefore are you
wealthy and flourishing.
2. ‘You eat food and see your desire, and whoever thus meditates on that Vaisvanara Self, eats
food and sees his desire, and has Vedic glory in
his house.
‘ That, however, is but the bladder of the Self, and
your bladder would have burst, if you had not come
to me.’
SEVENTEENTH KHANDA.
‘1, Then he said to Auddalaka Aruni: ‘O Gautama, whom do you meditate on as the Self?’ He
replied: ‘The earth only, venerable king.’ He said:
‘The Self which you meditate on is the Vaisvanara
Self, called Pratish/#4 (firm rest). Therefore you
stand firm with offspring and cattle.
2. ‘You eat food and see your desire, and whoever thus meditates on that Vaisvanara Self, eats
food and sees his desire, and has Vedic glory in his
house.
‘ That, however, are but the feet of the Self, and
your feet would have given way, if you had not
come to me.’
EIGHTEENTH KuHaypa.
1. Then he said to them all: ‘You eat your
food, knowing that Vaisvanara Self as if it were
many. But he who worships the Vaisvanara Self
as a span long, and as? identical with himself, he eats
food in all worlds, in all beings, in all Selfs.
1 The two words pradesamatra and abhivim4na are doubtful.
The commentator explains the first in different ways, which are all
more or less fanciful. He is measured or known (mitra) as Self,
V PRAPATHAKA, 19 KHANDA, 2. 89
2. ‘Of that Vaisvanara Self the head is Sutegas
(having good light), the eye Visvaripa (multiform),
the breath Pyzthagvartman (having various courses),
the trunk Bahula (full), the bladder Rayi (wealth),
the feet the earth, the chest the altar, the hairs the
grass on the altar, the heart the G4rhapatya fire,
the mind the Anv4harya fire, the mouth the Ahavantya fire.
NINETEENTH KHANDA.
1. ‘ Therefore! the first food which a man may
take, is in the place of Homa. And he who offers
that first oblation, should offer it to Prasa (upbreathing), saying Sv4hé. Then Praza (up-breathing) is satisfied,
2. ‘If Prasa is satisfied, the eye is satisfied, if the
eye is satisfied, the sun is satisfied, if the sun is
satisfied, heaven is satisfied, if heaven is satisfied,
whatever is under heaven and under the sun is satisfied. And through their satisfaction he (the sacrificer or eater) himself is satisfied with offspring,
cattle, health, brightness, and Vedic splendour.
And through their satisfaction he (the sacrificer or eater) himself is satisfied with offspring,
cattle, health, brightness, and Vedic splendour.
by means of heaven as his head and the earth as his feet, these being
the pradesas ; or, in the mouth and the rest, which are instruments,
he is known as without action himself; or, he has the length from
heaven to earth, heaven and earth being called pradesa, because
they are taught. The interpretation, supported by the G&b4lasruti, that pradesa is the measure from the forehead to the chin,
he rejects. Abhivim4na is taken in the same meaning as abhim4na
in the Vedanta, seeing everything in oneself. Vaisvnara is taken
as the real Self of all beings, and, in the end, of all Selfs, and as
thus to be known and worshipped.
1 The object now is to show that to him who knows the Vaisvanara Self, the act of feeding himself is like feeding Vaisvanara, and
that feeding Vaisvanara is the true Agnihotra.
90 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
TWENTIETH KHANDA.
1. ‘And he who offers the second oblation, should
offer it to Vy4na (back-breathing), saying Svaha.
Then Vy4na is satisfied,
2. ‘If Vy4na is satisfied, the ear is satisfied, if the
ear is satisfied, the moon is satisfied, if the moon is
satisfied, the quarters are satisfied, if the quarters
are satisfied, whatever is under the quarters and
under the moon is satisfied. And through their
satisfaction he (the sacrificer or eater) himself is
satisfied with offspring, cattle, health, brightness,
and Vedic splendour.
Twenty-First KHAnpDA.
1. ‘And he who offers the third oblation, should
offer it to Apéna (down-breathing), saying Svaha.
Then Apana is satisfied. If Ap4na is satisfied, the
tongue is satisfied, if the tongue is satisfied, Agni
(fire) is satisfied, if Agni is satisfied, the earth is
satisfied, if the earth is satisfied, whatever is under
the earth and under fire is satisfied.
2. ‘And through their satisfaction he (the sacrificer or eater) himself is satisfied with offspring,
cattle, health, brightness, and Vedic splendour.
TWENTY-SECOND KHANpA.
1. ‘And he who offers the fourth oblation, should
offer it to Samana (on-breathing), saying Svaha.
Then Samana is satisfied,
2. ‘If SamA4na is satisfied, the mind is satisfied,
if the mind is satisfied, Parganya (god of rain) is
satisfied, if Parganya is satisfied, lightning is satisfied,
if lightning is satisfied, whatever is under Parganya
and under lightning is satisfied. And through their
V PRAPATHAKA, 24 KHANDA, 4. gI
satisfaction he (the sacrificer or eater) himself is
satisfied with offspring, cattle, health, brightness,
and Vedic splendour.
TWENTY-THIRD Kuanpa.
1. ‘And he who offers the fifth oblation, should
offer it to Ud4na (out-breathing), saying Svaha.
Then Udana is satisfied,
gI
satisfaction he (the sacrificer or eater) himself is
satisfied with offspring, cattle, health, brightness,
and Vedic splendour.
TWENTY-THIRD Kuanpa.
1. ‘And he who offers the fifth oblation, should
offer it to Ud4na (out-breathing), saying Svaha.
Then Udana is satisfied,
2. ‘If Udana is satisfied, Vayu (air) is satisfied, if
Vayu is satisfied, ether is satisfied, if ether is satisfied, whatever is under VAyu and under the ether
is satisfied. And through their satisfaction he (the
sacrificer or eater) himself is satisfied with offspring,
cattle, health, brightness, and Vedic splendour.
TWENTY-FOURTH KHAWDA.
1. ‘If, without knowing this, one offers an Agnihotra, it would be as if a man were to remove the
live coals and pour his libation on dead ashes.
2. ‘But he who offers this Agnihotra with a full
knowledge of its true purport, he offers it (i.e. he
eats food)? in all worlds, in all beings, in all Selfs.
3. ‘As the soft fibres of the IshtkA reed, when
thrown into the fire, are burnt, thus all his sins
are burnt whoever offers this Agnihotra with a full
knowledge of its true purport.
4. ‘Even if he gives what is left of his food toa
Kandala, it would be offered in his (the Kand4la’s)
Vaisvanara Self. And so it is said in this Sloka :—
‘As hungry children here on earth sit (expectantly) round their mother, so do all beings sit round
the Agnihotra, yea, round the Agnihotra.’
1 Cf. V, 18, 1.
g2 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
SIXTH PRAPA7HAKA.
First Kuanza.
1. HariZ, Om. There lived once Svetaketu
Aruneya (the grandson of Arum). To him his
father (Uddalaka, the son of Arum) said: ‘ Svetaketu, go to school; for there is none belonging to
our race, darling, who, not having studied (the
Veda), is, as it were, a Brahmaza by birth only.’
‘2. Having begun his apprenticeship (with a
teacher) when he was twelve years of age', Svetaketu returned to his father, when he was twentyfour, having then studied all the Vedas,—conceited,
considering himself well-read, and stern.
3. His father said to him: ‘ Svetaketu, as you
are so conceited, considering yourself so well-read,
and so stern, my dear, have you ever asked for
that instruction by which we hear what cannot be
heard, by which we perceive what cannot be perceived, by which we know what cannot be known ?’
4. ‘What is that instruction, Sir?’ he asked.
The father replied: ‘My dear, as by one clod of
clay all that is made of clay is known, the differencé? being only a name, arising from speech,
but the truth being that all is clay;
5. ‘And as, my dear, by one nugget of gold
1 This was rather late, for the son of a Brahman might have
begun his studies when he was seven years old. Apastamba-s(ttras
I, 1,18. Twelve years was considered the right time for mastering
one of the Vedas.
2 Vik4ra, difference, variety, change, by form and name, development, cf. VI, 3, 3.
° The commentator takes lohamani here as suvarsapinda.
VI PRAPATHAKA, 2 KHANDA, 3. 93
Apastamba-s(ttras
I, 1,18. Twelve years was considered the right time for mastering
one of the Vedas.
2 Vik4ra, difference, variety, change, by form and name, development, cf. VI, 3, 3.
° The commentator takes lohamani here as suvarsapinda.
VI PRAPATHAKA, 2 KHANDA, 3. 93
all that is made of gold is known, the difference
‘being only a name, arising from speech, but the
truth being that all is gold?
6. ‘And as, my dear, by one pair of nail-scissors
all that is made of iron (kaérshv4yasam) is known,
the difference being only a name, arising from
speech, but the truth being that all is iron,—thus,
my dear, is that instruction.’
7. The son said: ‘Surely those venerable men
(my teachers) did not know that. For if they had
known it, why should they not have told it me?
Do you, Sir, therefore tell me that.’ ‘Be it so,’
said the father.
SEconpD KHawnpa },
1. ‘In the beginning,’ my dear, ‘there was that
only which is (76 6v), one only, without a second.
Others say, in the beginning there was that only
which is not (ro “} dv), one only, without a second;
and from that which is not, that which is was
born.
a. ‘But how could it be thus, my dear?’ the
father continued. ‘How could that which is, be
born of that which is not? No, my dear, only that
which is, was in the beginning, one only, without a
second.
3. ‘It though 2) may I be many, may I grow
forth. It sent forth fire *
1 Cf. Taitt. Up. II, 6.”
(Literally, it saw. This verb is explained as showing that the
Sat is conscious, not unconscious (bewusst, nicht unbewusst).
* In other Upanishads the Sat produces first 4k4sa, ether, then
v4yu, air, and then only tegas, fire. Fire is a better rendering
for tegas than light or heat. See Jacobi, Zeitschrift der Deutschen
Morgenl. Gesellschaft, XXIX, p. 242. The difficulties, however, of
94 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
‘ That fire’ thought, may I be many, may I grow
forth. It sent forth water *.
‘And therefore whenever anybody anywhere is
hot and perspires, water is produced on him from
fire alone.
4. ‘Water thought, may I be many, may I grow
forth. It sent forth earth * (food).
‘Therefore whenever it rains anywhere, most
food is then produced. From water alone is eatable
food produced.
Tuirp KHanpa.
1. ‘Of all living things there are indeed three
origins only‘, that which springs from an egg
(oviparous), that which springs from a living being
(viviparous), and that which springs from a germ.
2. ‘That Being® (i.e. that which had produced
fire, water, and earth) thought, let me now enter those
three beings ® (fire, water, earth) with this living
accurately translating tegas are not removed by rendering it by
fire, as may be seen immediately afterward in VI, 4, 1, where
tegas is said to supply the red colour of agni, the burning fire,
not the god of fire. See also VI, 8,6. In later philosophical
treatises the meaning of tegas is more carefully determined than
in the Upanishads.
See also VI, 8,6. In later philosophical
treatises the meaning of tegas is more carefully determined than
in the Upanishads.
1 Really the Sat, in the form of fire. Fire is whatever burns,
cooks, shines, and is red.
* By water is meant all that is fluid, and bright in colour.
* By anna, food, is here meant the earth, and all that is heavy,
firm, dark in colour.
‘ Inthe Ait. Up. four are mentioned, andaga, here andaga, giruga
(i.e. garfyuga), here givaga, svedaga, and udbhigga, svedaga, born
from heat, being additional. Cf. Atharva-veda I, 12, 1.
5 The text has devat4, deity; here used in a very general sense.
The Sat, though it has produced fire, water, and earth, has not yet
obtained its wish of becoming many.
VI PRAPATHAKA, 4 KHANDA, 4. 95
Self (giva 4tm4)!, and let me then reveal (develop)
names and forms.
3. ‘Then that Being having said, Let me make
each of these three tripartite (so that fire, water,
and earth should each have itself for its principal
ingredient, besides an admixture of the other two)
entered into those three beings (devata) with this
living self only, and revealed names and forms.
4. ‘He made each of these tripartite; and how
these three beings become each of them tripartite,
that learn from me now, my friend!
Fourta Kuawpa. -
1. ‘The red colour of burning fire (agni) is the
colour of fire, the white colour of fire is the colour
of water, the black colour of fire the colour of earth.
Thus vanishes what we call fire, as a mere variety,
being a name, arising from speech. What is true
(satya) are the three colours (or forms).
2. ‘The red colour of the sun (Aditya) is the
colour of fire, the white of water, the black of earth.
Thus vanishes what we call the sun, as a mere
variety, being a name, arising from speech. What
is true are the three colours.
3. ‘The red colour of the moon is the colour
of fire, the white of water, the black of earth. Thus
vanishes what we call the moon, as a mere variety,
being a name, arising from speech. What is true
are the three colours.
4. ‘The red colour of the lightning is the colour
of fire, the white of water, the black of earth. Thus
' This living self is only a shadow, as it were, of the Highest Self;
and as the sun, reflected in the water, does not suffer from the
movement of the water, the real Self does not suffer pleasure or
pain on earth, but the living self only.
96 ' KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
vanishes what we call the lightning, as a mere variety,
being a name, arising from speech. What is true
are the three colours.
5. ‘Great householders and great theologians of
olden times who knew this, have declared the same,
saying, “ No one can henceforth mention to us anything which we have not heard, perceived, or known}.”
Out of these (three colours or forms) they knew all.
What is true
are the three colours.
5. ‘Great householders and great theologians of
olden times who knew this, have declared the same,
saying, “ No one can henceforth mention to us anything which we have not heard, perceived, or known}.”
Out of these (three colours or forms) they knew all.
6. ‘Whatever they thought looked red, they knew
was the colour of fire. Whatever they thought
looked white, they knew was the colour of water.
Whatever they thought looked black, they knew
was the colour of earth.
7. ‘Whatever they thought was altogether unknown, they knew was some combination of those
three beings (devatd).
‘Now learn from me, my friend, how those three
beings, when they reach man, become each of them
tripartite.
FirtH Kuawpa.
1. ‘The earth (food) when eaten becomes threefold; its grossest portion becomes feces, its middle
portion flesh, its subtilest portion mind.
2. ‘Water when drunk becomes threefold; its
grossest portion becomes water, its middle portion
blood, its subtilest portion breath.
3. ‘Fire (i.e. in oil, butter, &c.) when eaten becomes threefold; its grossest portion becomes bone,
its middle portion marrow, its subtilest portion
speech *.
1 This reminds one of the Aristotelian &4 yap ratra xal éx rovroy
rddXa yrwpi{eras, GAN od Taira bid ray broKerpérov.
* Food, water, and fire are each to be taken as tripartite; hence
animals which live on one of the three elements only, still share in
some measure the qualities of the other elements also.
VI PRAPATHAKA, 7 KHANDA, 3. 97
4. ‘For truly, my child, mind comes of earth,
breath of water, speech of fire.’
‘Please, Sir, inform me still more,’ said the son.
‘Be it so, my child,’ the father replied.
SixtH Kuanpa.
1. ‘ That which is the subtile portion of curds,
when churned, rises upwards, and becomes butter.
2. ‘In the same manner, my child, the subtile
portion of earth (food), when eaten, rises upwards,
and becomes mind,
3. ‘That which is the subtile portion of water,
when drunk, rises upwards, and becomes breath.
4. ‘That which is the subtile portion of fire, when
consumed, rises upwards, and becomes speech.
5. ‘For mind, my child, comes of earth, breath
of water, speech of fire.’
‘ Please, Sir, inform me still more,’ said the son.
‘Be it so, my child,’ the father replied.
SEVENTH KuHawpa.
1. ‘Man (purusha), my son, consists of sixteen
parts. Abstain from food for fifteen days, but
drink as much water as you like, for breath comes
from water, and will not be cut off, if you drink
water.’
2. Svetaketu abstained from food for fifteen days.
Then he came to his father and said: ‘ What shall I
say?’ The father said: ‘Repeat the Azé, Yagus,
and Sd4man verses.’ He replied: ‘ They do not occur
to me, Sir.’
3. The father said to him: ‘As of a great lighted
fire one coal only of the size of a firefly may be left,
which would not burn much more than this (i.e. very
[3] H
98 KHANDOGYA-UPANISH AD.
The father said to him: ‘As of a great lighted
fire one coal only of the size of a firefly may be left,
which would not burn much more than this (i.e. very
[3] H
98 KHANDOGYA-UPANISH AD.
little), thus, my dear son, one part only of the sixteen
parts (of you) is left, and therefore with that one part
me do not remember the Vedas. Go and eat!
‘Then wilt thou understand me.’ Then Sve-
-taketu ate, and afterwards approached his father.
“2 And whatever his father asked him, he knew it all
evby heart. Then his father said to him:
. 5. ‘As of a great lighted fire one-coal of the
size of a firefly, if left, may be made to blaze up
again by putting grass upon it, and will thus burn
more than this,
6. ‘Thus, my dear son, there was one part of the
sixteen parts left to you, and that, lighted up with
food, burnt up, and by it you remember now
the Vedas.’ After that, he understood what his
father meant when he said: ‘ Mind, my son, comes
from food, breath from water, speech from fire. He
understood what he said, yea, he understood it.
Eicutu Kuaypa.
1. Uddalaka Aruni said to his son Svetaketu:
‘Learn from me the true nature of sleep (svapna).
When a man sleeps here, then, my dear son, he
becomes united with the True?, he is gone to his
1 The repetition shows that the teaching of the Trivr:tkarana,
the tripartite nature of things, is ended.
® The deep sushupta sleep is meant, in which personal consciousness is lost, and the self for a time absorbed in the Highest
Self. Sleep is produced by fatigue. Speech, mind, and the senses
rest, breath only remains awake, and the giva, the living soul, in
order to recover from his fatigue, returns for a while to his true
Self (Atma). The Sat must be taken as a substance, nay, as the
highest substance or subject, the Brahman. The whole purpose
of the Upanishad is obscured if we translate sat or satyam by truth,
instead of the True, the true one, rd dvras dv.
VI PRAPATHAKA, 8 KHANDA, 4. 99
own (Self). Therefore they say, svapiti, he sleeps,
because he is gone (apita) to his own (sva)}.
2. ‘As a bird when tied by a string flies first
in every direction, and finding no rest anywhere,
settles down at last on the very place where it is
fastened, exactly in the same manner, my son, that
mind (the giva, or living Self in the mind, see VI,
3, 2), after flying in every direction, and finding no
rest anywhere, settles down on breath?; for indeed,
my son, mind is fastened to breath.
3. ‘Learn from me, my son, what are hunger
and thirst. When a man is thus said to be
hungry, water is carrying away (digests) what has
been eaten by him. Therefore as they speak of
a cow-leader (go-naya), a horse-leader (asva-naya), a
man-leader (purusha-ndya), so they call water (which
digests food and causes hunger) food-leader (asanaya). Thus (by food digested &c.), my son, know
this offshoot (the body) to be brought forth, for
this (body) could not be without a root (cause),
Thus (by food digested &c.), my son, know
this offshoot (the body) to be brought forth, for
this (body) could not be without a root (cause),
4. ‘And where could its root be except in food
(earth)?? And in the same manner, my son, as
1 This is one of the many recognised plays on words in the
Upanishads and the Vedanta philosophy. Svapiti, he sleeps, stands
for sva (his own), i.e. the self, and apita, gone to.
3 The commentator takes pr4za here in the sense of Sat, which
it often has elsewhere. If so, this illustration would have the same
object as the preceding one. If we took prava in the sense of
breath, breath being the result of water, this paragraph might be
taken to explain the resignation of the living Self to its bondage to
breath, while on earth.
% That food is the root of the body is shown by the commentator in the following way: Food when softened by water and
digested becomes a fluid, blood (sonita). From it comes flesh,
from flesh fat, from fat bones, from bones marrow, from marrow
seed. Food eaten by a woman becomes equally blood (lohita),
H 2
100 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
food (earth) too is an offshoot, seek after its root,
viz. water. And as water too is an offshoot, seek
after its root, viz. fire. And as fire too is an offshoot, seek after its root, viz. the True. Yes, all
these creatures, my son, have their root in the True,
they dwell in the True, they rest in the True.
5. ‘When a man is thus said to be thirsty, fire
carries away what has been drunk by him. Therefore as they speak of a cow-leader (go-naya), of a
horse-leader (asva-ndya), of a man-leader (purushanaya), so they call fire udany4, thirst, i.e. waterleader. Thus (by water digested &c.), my son,
know this offshoot (the body) to be brought forth :
this (body) could not be without a root (cause).
6. ‘And where could its root be except in
water? As water is an offshoot, seek after its
root, viz. fire. As fire is an offshoot, seek after its
root, viz. the True. Yes, all these creatures, O son,
have their root in the True, they dwell in the True,
they rest in the True.
‘And how these three beings (devata4), fire, water,
earth, O son, when they reach man, become each of
them tripartite, has been said before (VI, 4, 7). When
a man departs from hence, his speech! is merged
and from seed and blood combined the new body is produced.
We must always have before us the genealogical table :—
Sat, rd dy,
|
Tegas (fire)= Vas (speech).
Ap (water)=Praza (breath).
Anna (earth) = Manas (mind).
1 If a man dies, the first thing which his friends say is, He
speaks no more. Then, he understands no more. Then, he
moves no more. Then, he is cold.
VI PRAPATHAKA, 9 KHANDA, 4. 101
in his mind, his mind in his breath, his breath in
heat (fire), heat in the Highest Being.
7. ‘Now that which is that subtile essence (the
root of all), in it all that exists has its self. It is the
True. It is the Self, and thou, O Svetaketu, art it.’
‘Please, Sir, inform me still more,’ said the son.
7. ‘Now that which is that subtile essence (the
root of all), in it all that exists has its self. It is the
True. It is the Self, and thou, O Svetaketu, art it.’
‘Please, Sir, inform me still more,’ said the son.
‘ Be it so, my child,’ the father replied.
Ninto Kuawopa.
1. ‘As the bees!, my son, make honey by collecting the juices of distant trees, and reduce the
juice into one form,
2. ‘And as these juices have no discrimination,
so that they might say, I am the juice of this tree.
or that, in the same manner, my son, all these creatures, when they have become merged in the True
(either in deep sleep or in death), know not that
they are merged in the True.
3. ‘Whatever these creatures are here, whether
a lion, or a wolf, or a boar, or a worm, or a midge,
or a gnat, or a musquito, that they become again
and again.
4. ‘Now that which is that subtile essence, in it
all that exists has its self. It is the True. It is
the Self, and thou, O Svetaketu, art it.’
‘Please, Sir, inform me still more,’ said the son.
‘Be it so, my child,’ the father replied.
1 At the beginning of each chapter the commentator supplies
the question which the son is supposed to have asked his father.
The first is: All creatures falling every day into deep sleep (sushupti) obtain thereby the Sat, the true being. How is it then
that they do not know that they obtain the Sat every day?
102 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
Trento Kuyawnpal,
1. ‘These rivers, my son, run, the eastern (like the
Ganga) toward the east, the western (like the Sindhu)
toward the west. They go from sea to sea (i.e. the
clouds lift up the water from the sea to the sky, and
send it back as rain to the sea). They become indeed
sea. And as those rivers, when they are in the sea,
do not know, I am this or that river,
2. ‘In the same manner, my son, all these creatures, when they have come back from the True,
know not that they have come back from the True.
Whatever these creatures are here, whether a lion,
or a wolf, or a boar, or a worm, or a midge, or a
gnat, or_a musquito, that they become again and
again.
3. ‘That which is that subtile essence, in it all
that exists has its self. It is the True. It is the
Self, and thou, O Svetaketu, art it.’
‘Please, Sir, inform me still more,’ said the son.
‘ Be it so, my child,’ the father replied.
ELEVENTH KHawpa 2,
1. ‘If some one were to strike at the root of this
large tree here, it would bleed, but live. If he were
to strike at its stem, it would bleed, but live. If he
were to strike at its top, it would bleed, but live.
1 The next question which the son is supposed to have asked is:
If a man who has slept in his own house, rises and goes to another
village, he knows that he has come from his own house. Why
then do people not know that they have come from the Sat?
1 The next question which the son is supposed to have asked is:
If a man who has slept in his own house, rises and goes to another
village, he knows that he has come from his own house. Why
then do people not know that they have come from the Sat?
* The next question is: Waves, foam, and bubbles arise from the
water, and when they merge again in the water, they are gone.
How is it that living beings, when in sleep or death they are
merged again in the Sat, are not destroyed?
VI PRAPATHAKA, II KHANDA, 3. 103
Pervaded by the living Self that tree stands firm,
drinking in its nourishment and rejoicing ;
2. ‘ But if the life (the living Self) leaves one of
its branches, that branch withers; if it leaves a
second, that branch withers; if it leaves a third, that
branch withers. If it leaves the whole tree, the
whole tree withers’. In exactly the same manner,
my son, know this.’ Thus he spoke:
3. ‘ This (body) indeed withers and dies when the
living Self has left it; the living Self dies not.
‘That which is that subtile essence, in it all that
exists has its self. It is the True. It is the Self,
and thou, Svetaketu, art it.’
‘Please, Sir, inform me still more,’ said the son,
‘ Be it so, my child,’ the father replied.
1 The commentator remarks that according to the Veda, trees
are conscious, while Buddhists and followers of Kanada hold them
to be unconscious. They live, because one sees how their sap
runs and how it dries up, just as one sees the sap in a living body,
which, as we saw, was produced by food and water. Therefore
the simile holds good. The life, or, more correctly, the liver, the
living Self, pervades the tree, as it pervades man, when it has
entered the organism which produces breath, mind, and speech.
If any accident happens to a branch, the living Self draws himself
away from that branch, and then the branch withers. The sap
which caused the living Self to remain, goes, and the living Self goes
away with it. The same applies to the whole tree. The tree dies
when the living Self leaves it, but the living Self does not die ; it
only leaves an abode which it had before occupied. Some other
illustrations, to show that the living Self remains, are added by the
commentator: First, with regard to the living Self being the same
when it awakes from deep sleep (sushupti), he remarks that we
remember quite well that we have left something unfinished before
we fell asleep. And then with regard to the living Self being the
same when it awakes from death to a new life, he shows that creatures, as soon as they are born take: the breast, and exhibit terror,
which can only be explained, as he supposes, by their possessing a
recollection of a former state of existence.
104 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
TweLFTH Kuawpal,
1. ‘Fetch me from thence a fruit of the Nyagrodha
tree.’
‘Here is one, Sir,’
‘ Break it.’
‘It is broken, Sir.’
‘What do you see there ?’
‘These seeds, almost infinitesimal.’
‘Break one of them,’
‘It is broken, Sir.
104 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
TweLFTH Kuawpal,
1. ‘Fetch me from thence a fruit of the Nyagrodha
tree.’
‘Here is one, Sir,’
‘ Break it.’
‘It is broken, Sir.’
‘What do you see there ?’
‘These seeds, almost infinitesimal.’
‘Break one of them,’
‘It is broken, Sir.
‘What do you see there?’
‘Not anything, Sir.’
2. The father said: ‘ My son, that subtile essence
which you do not perceive there, of that very
essence this great Nyagrodha tree exists.
3. ‘ Believe it, my son. That which is the subtile
essence, in it all that exists has its self. It is the
True. It is the Self, and thou, O Svetaketu, art it.’
‘Please, Sir, inform me still more,’ said the son.
‘Be it so, my child,’ the father replied.
THIRTEENTH KuHanpAa?.
1. ‘Place this salt in water, and then wait on
me in the morning.’
The son did as he was commanded.
The father said to him: ‘Bring me the salt, which
you placed in the water last night.’
1 The question which the son is supposed to have asked is:
How can this universe which has the form and name of earth &c.
be produced from the Sat which is subtile, and has neither form
nor name?
* The question here is supposed to have been: If the Sat is the
root of all that exists, why is it not perceived?
VI PRAPATHAKA, 14 KHANDA, I. 105
The son having looked for it, found it not, for,
of course, it was melted. ‘
2. The father said: ‘Taste it from the surface
of the water. How is it?’
The son replied: ‘It is salt.’
‘Taste it from the middle. How is it ?’
The son replied: ‘It is salt.’
‘Taste it from the bottom. How is it?’
The son replied: ‘It is salt.’
The father said: ‘ Throw it away! and then wait
on me.’
He did so; but salt exists for ever.
Then the father said: ‘ Here also, in this body,
forsooth, you do not perceive the True (Sat), my
son; but there indeed it is.
3. ‘That which is the subtile essence, in it all that
exists has its self. It is the True. It is the Self,
and thou, O Svetaketu, art it.’
‘Please, Sir, inform me still more,’ said the son.
‘ Be it so, my child,’ the father replied.
FouRTEENTH KHawpa 2,
1. ‘As one might lead a person with his eyes
covered away from the Gandharas’, and leave him
1 Read abhiprasya, which is evidently intended by the commentary: abhiprayasya parityagya. See B. R. Sanskrit Dictionary, s. v.
2 The question here asked is: The salt, though no longer perceptible by means of sight or touch, could be discovered by taste.
Then how can the Sat be discovered, although it is imperceptible
by all the senses?
5 The Gandharas, but rarely mentioned in the Rig-veda and
the Ait. Braéhmaaa, have left their name in Kdv8apo: and Candahar.
The fact of their name being evidently quite familiar to the author
of the Upanishad might be used to prove either its antiquity or its
Northern origin.
a”
'
“1
n
en
106 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
Braéhmaaa, have left their name in Kdv8apo: and Candahar.
The fact of their name being evidently quite familiar to the author
of the Upanishad might be used to prove either its antiquity or its
Northern origin.
a”
'
“1
n
en
106 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
then in a place where there are no human beings ;
and as that person would turn towards the east, or
the north, or the west, and shout, “I have been
brought here with my eyes covered, I have been
left here with my eyes covered,”
2. ‘And as thereupon some one might loose his
bandage and say to him, “Go in that direction, it
is Gandhara, go in that direction;” and as thereupon, having been informed and being able to judge
for himself, he would by asking his way from village
to village arrive at last at Gandhara,—in exactly the
same manner does a man, who meets with a teacher
to inform him, obtain the true knowledge'. For him
* Tedious as the commentator is in general, he is sometimes almost
eloquent in bringing out all that is implied or supposed to be implied
in the sacred text. He explains the last simile as follows: A man
was carried away by robbers from his own country. After his eyes
had been covered, he was taken to a forest full of terrors and dangers
arising from tigers, robbers, &c. Not knowing where he was, and
suffering from hunger and thirst, he began to cry, wishing to be delivered from his bonds. Then a man took pity on him and removed
his bonds, and when he had returned to his home, he was happy.
Next follows the application. Our real home is the True (Sat), the
Self of the world. The forest into which we are driven is the
body, made of the three elements, fire, water, earth, consisting of
blood, flesh, bones, &c., and liable to cold, heat, and many other
evils. The bands with which our eyes are covered are our desires
for many things, real or unreal, such as wife, children, cattle, &c.,
while the robbers by whom we are driven into the forest are our
good and evil deeds. Then we cry and say: ‘I am the son of so
and so, these are my relatives, I am happy, I am miserable, I am
foolish, I am wise, I am just, I am born, I am dead, I am old,
I am wretched, my son is dead, my fortune is gone, J am undone,
how shall I live, where shall I go, who will save me?’ These and
hundreds and thousands of other evils are the bands which blind
us. Then, owing to some supererogatory good works we may
have done, we suddenly meet a man who knows the Self of
Brahman, whose own bonds have been broken, who takes pity
on us and shows us the way to see the evil which attaches to all
VI PRAPATHAKA, I5 KHANDA, I. 107
there is only delay so long as he is not delivered
(from the body); then he will be perfect !.
3. ‘That which is the subtile essence, in it all
that exists has its self. It is the True. It is the
Self, and thou, O Svetaketu, art it.
‘Please, Sir, inform me still more,’ said the son.
‘Be it so, my child,’ the father replied.
3. ‘That which is the subtile essence, in it all
that exists has its self. It is the True. It is the
Self, and thou, O Svetaketu, art it.
‘Please, Sir, inform me still more,’ said the son.
‘Be it so, my child,’ the father replied.
FIFTEENTH KHAwpA 3,
1. ‘If a man is ill, his relatives assemble round
him and ask: “Dost thou know me? Dost thou
know me?” Now as long as his speech is not
that we love in this world. We then withdraw ourselves from all
worldly pleasures. We learn that we are not mere creatures of
the world, the son of so and so, &c., but that we are that which is
the True (Sat). The bands of our ignorance and blindness are
removed, and, like the man of Gandhfra, we arrive at our own
home, the Self, or the True. Then we are happy and blessed.
1 The last words are really—‘ for him there is only delay so long
as I shall not be delivered ; then I shall be perfect.’ This requires
some explanation. First of all, the change from the third to the
first person, is best explained by assuming that at the point where
all individuality vanishes, the father, as teacher, identifies himself
with the person of whom he is speaking.
The delay (the Aira or kshepa) of which he speaks is the time
which passes between the attainment of true knowledge and death,
or freedom from the effects of actions performed before the attainment of knowledge. The actions which led to our present
embodiment must be altogether consumed, before the body can
perish, and then only are we free. As to any actions performed
after the attainment of knowledge, they do not count; otherwise
there would be a new embodiment, and the attainment of even true
knowledge would never lead to final deliverance.
3 The question supposed to be asked is: By what degrees a man,
who has been properly instructed in the knowledge of Brahman,
obtains the Sat, or returns to the True. To judge from the text
both he who knows the True and he who does not, reach, when they
die, the Sat, passing from speech to mind and breath and heat (fire).
But whereas he who knows, remains in the Sat, they who do not
108 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
merged in his mind, his mind in breath, breath in
heat (fire), heat in the Highest Being (devata), he
knows them.
2. ‘But when his speech is merged in his mind,
his mind in breath, breath in heat (fire), heat in the
Highest Being, then he knows them not.
‘That which is the subtile essence, in it all that
exists has its self. It is the True. It is the Self,
and thou, O Svetaketu, art it.’
‘Please, Sir, inform me still more,’ said the son.
‘ Be it so, my child,’ the father replied.
SIXTEENTH KHANDA}.
1. ‘My child, they bring a man hither whom they
have taken by the hand, and they say: “ He has
taken something, he has committed a theft.” (When
‘ Be it so, my child,’ the father replied.
SIXTEENTH KHANDA}.
1. ‘My child, they bring a man hither whom they
have taken by the hand, and they say: “ He has
taken something, he has committed a theft.” (When
know, return again to a new form of existence. It is important to
observe that the commentator denies that he who knows, passes at
his death through the artery of the head to the sun, and then to the
Sat. He holds that with him who knows there is no further cause
for delay, and that as soon as he dies, he returns to the Sat.
1 The next question is: Why does he who knows, on obtaining
the Sat, not return, while he who does not know, though obtaining
the Sat in death, returns? An illustration is chosen which is
intended to show how knowledge produces a material effect. The
belief in the efficacy of ordeals must have existed at the time, and
appealing to that belief, the teacher says that the man who knows
himself guilty, is really burnt by the heated iron, while the man
who knows himself innocent, is not. In the same manner the man
who knows his Self to be the true Self, on approaching after death
the true Self, is not repelled and sent back into a new existence,
while he who does not know, is sent back into a new round of
births and deaths. The man who tells a falsehood about himself,
loses his true Self and is burnt; the man who has a false conception about his Self, loses likewise his true Self, and not knowing
the true Self, even though approaching it in death, he has to suffer
till he acquires some day the true knowledge.
~
VII PRAPATHAKA, I KHANDA, 2. 109
he denies, they say), “ Heat the hatchet for him.”
If he committed the theft, then he makes himself to
be what he is not. Then the false-minded, having
covered his true Self by a falsehood, grasps the
heated hatchet—he is burnt, and he is killed.
2. ‘But if he did not commit the theft, then he
makes himself to be what he is. Then the trueminded, having covered his true Self by truth,
grasps the heated hatchet—he is not burnt, and he
_is delivered.
‘As that (truthful) man is not burnt, thus has all
that exists its self in That. It is the True. It is
the Self, and thou, O Svetaketu, art it.’ He understood what he said, yea, he understood it.
SEVENTH PRAPA7AAKA.
First Kuawpa.
1. Narada approached Sanatkumdra and _ said,
‘Teach me, Sir!’ Sanatkuméra said to him: ‘Please
to tell me what you know; afterward I shall tell you
what is beyond.’
SEVENTH PRAPA7AAKA.
First Kuawpa.
1. Narada approached Sanatkumdra and _ said,
‘Teach me, Sir!’ Sanatkuméra said to him: ‘Please
to tell me what you know; afterward I shall tell you
what is beyond.’
2. Narada said: ‘I know the Azg-veda, Sir, the
Yagur-veda, the SAma-veda, as the fourth the Atharvana, as the fifth the Itihdsa-purawa (the Bh4rata) ;
the Veda of the Vedas (grammar); the Pitrya (the
tules for the sacrifices for the ancestors); the RAsi
(the science of numbers); the Daiva (the science of
portents); the Nidhi (the science of time); the
Vakovakya (logic); the Ekayana (ethics); the Devavidy4 (etymology) ; the Brahma-vidy4 (pronunciation,
siksha, ceremonial, kalpa, prosody, #/andas); the
Bhita-vidy4 (the science of demons); the Kshatra-
T10 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
vidya (the science of weapons) ; the Nakshatra-vidya
(astronomy); the Sarpa and Devagana-vidya: (the
science of serpents or poisons, and the sciences of
the genii, such as the making of perfumes, dancing,
singing, playing, and other fine arts)?. All this
I know, Sir.
3. ‘But, Sir, with all this I know the Mantras only,
the sacred books, I do not know the Self. I have
heard from men like you, that he who knows the
Self overcomes grief. I am in grief. Do, Sir, help
me over this grief of mine.’
Sanatkuméra said to him: ‘Whatever you have
read, is only a name.
4. ‘A name is the Azg-veda, Yagur-veda, Samaveda, and as the fourth the Atharvama, as the fifth
the ItihAsa-puraza, the Veda of the Vedas, the
Pitrya, the R4si, the Daiva, the Nidhi, the Vakovakya, the Ekayana, the Deva-vidya, the Brahmavidy4, the Bhdta-vidy4, the Kshatra-vidya, the Nakshatra-vidya, the Sarpa and Devagana-vidya. All
these are a name only. Meditate on the name.
5. ‘He who meditates on the name as Brahman 2,
1 This passage, exhibiting the sacred literature as known at the
time, should be compared with the Brzhadaranyaka, II, 4,10. The
explanation of the old titles rests on the authority of Sankara,
and he is not always consistent. See Colebrooke, Miscellaneous
Essays, 1873, II, p. 10.
2 Why a man who knows the Veda should not know the Self,
while in other places it is said that the Veda teaches the Self, is
well illustrated by the commentary. If a royal procession approaches, he says, then, though we do not see the king, because
he is hidden by flags, parasols, &c., yet we say, there is the king.
And if we ask who is the king, then again, though we cannot see
him and point him out, we can say, at least, that he is different
from all that is seen. The Self is hidden in the Veda as a king
is hidden in a royal procession,
VII PRAPATHAKA, 2 KHANDA, 2. III
is, as it were, lord and master as far as the name
reaches—he who meditates on the name as Brahman.’
‘ Sir, is there something better than a name?’
‘Yes, there is something better than a name.’
§ Sir, tell it me.’
Second KHAnpaA.
III
is, as it were, lord and master as far as the name
reaches—he who meditates on the name as Brahman.’
‘ Sir, is there something better than a name?’
‘Yes, there is something better than a name.’
§ Sir, tell it me.’
Second KHAnpaA.
1. ‘Speech is better than a name. Speech makes
us understand the Azg-veda, Yagur-veda, Sama-veda,
and as the fourth the Atharvama, as the fifth the
Itih4sa-purdza, the Veda of the Vedas, the Pitrya,
the R4si, the Daiva, the Nidhi, the Vakovakya, the
Ekayana, the Deva-vidya, the Brahma-vidy4, the
Kshatra-vidy4, the Nakshatra-vidy4, the Sarpa and
Devagana-vidy4; heaven, earth, air, ether, water,
fire, gods, men, cattle, birds, herbs, trees, all
beasts down to worms, midges, and ants; what is
right and what is wrong; what is true and what
is false; what is good and what is bad; what is
pleasing and what is not pleasing. For if there
were no speech, neither right nor wrong would be
known}, neither the true nor the false, neither the
good nor the bad, neither the pleasant nor the
unpleasant. Speech makes us understand all this.
Meditate on speech.
2. ‘He who meditates on speech as Brahmaan, is,
as it were, lord and master as far as speech reaches—
he who meditates on speech as Brahman.’
‘ Sir, is there something better than speech ?’
‘Yes, there is something better than speech.’
‘Sir, tell it me.’
1 The commentator explains vyagiapayishyat by avigiidtam
abhavishyat. Possibly hridayagiio stands for hridayagiiam.
112 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
Tuirp KHanpa.
1. ‘Mind (manas) is better than speech. For as
the closed fist holds two amalaka or two kola or two
aksha fruits, thus does mind hold speech and name.
For if a man is minded in his mind to read the
sacred hymns, he reads them; if he is minded in
his mind to perform any actions, he performs them ;
if he is minded to wish for sons and cattle, he
wishes for them; if he is minded to wish for this
world and the other, he wishes for them. For mind
is indeed the self}, mind is the world, mind is Brahman. Meditate on the mind.
2. ‘He who meditates on the mind as Brahman,
is, as it were, lord and master as far as the mind
reaches—he who meditates on the mind as Brahman.’
‘Sir, is there something better than mind ?’
‘Yes, there is something better than mind.’
‘Sir, tell it me.’
Fourtu Kuawopa.
1. ‘Will? (sankalpa) is better than mind. For
when a man wills, then he thinks in his mind, then
he sends forth speech, and he sends it forth in a
name. In a name the sacred hymns are contained,
in the sacred hymns all sacrifices.
2. ‘All these therefore (beginning with mind and
1 The commentator explains this by saying that, without the
instrument of the mind, the Self cannot act or enjoy.
In a name the sacred hymns are contained,
in the sacred hymns all sacrifices.
2. ‘All these therefore (beginning with mind and
1 The commentator explains this by saying that, without the
instrument of the mind, the Self cannot act or enjoy.
* Sankalpa is elsewhere defined as a modification of manas.
The commentator says that, like thinking, it is an activity of the
inner organ. It is difficult to find any English term exactly corresponding to sankalpa. Rajendralal Mitra translates it by will, but it
implies not only will, but at the same time conception, determination, and desire.
VII PRAPATHAKA, 5 KHANDA, 1. 113
ending in sacrifice) centre in will, consist of will,
abide in will. Heaven and earth willed, air and
ether willed, water and fire willed. Through the
will of heaven and earth &c. rain wills; through
the will of rain food wills; through the will of food
the vital airs will; through the will of the vital airs
the sacred hymns will; through the will of the sacred
hymns the sacrifices will; through the will of the
sacrifices the world (as their reward) wills; through
the will of the world everything wills?. This is will.
Meditate on will.
3. ‘He who meditates on will as Brahman, he,
being himself safe, firm, and undistressed, obtains
the safe, firm, and undistressed worlds which he has
willed; he is, as it were, lord and master as far as
will reaches—he who meditates on will as Brahman.’
‘Sir, is there something better than will?’
‘ Yes, there is something better than will.’
‘ Sir, tell it-me.’
Firtuy Kuawopa.
1. ‘Consideration (4itta)? is better than will. For
when a man considers, then he wills, then he thinks
in his mind, then he sends forth speech, and he
1 This paragraph is obscure. The text seems doubtful, for
instance, in samak/patém, samakalpetém, and samakalpatém.
Then the question is the exact meaning of samk/:ptyai, which
must be taken as an instrumental case. What is intended is that,
without rain, food is impossible &c. or inconceivable ; but the text
says, ‘ By the will of rain food wills,’ &c. Will seems almost to be
taken here in the sense in which modern philosophers use it, as a
kind of creative will. By the will of rain food wills, would mean,
that first rain wills and exists, and afterwards the vital airs will
and exist, &c.
* Kitta, thought, implies here consideration and reflection.
[3] I
114 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
sends it forth in a name. In a name the sacred
hymns are contained, in the sacred hymns all
sacrifices.
* Kitta, thought, implies here consideration and reflection.
[3] I
114 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
sends it forth in a name. In a name the sacred
hymns are contained, in the sacred hymns all
sacrifices.
2. ‘All these (beginning with mind and ending
in sacrifice) centre in consideration, consist of consideration, abide in consideration. Therefore if a
man is inconsiderate, even if he possesses much
learning, people say of him, he is nothing, whatever
he may know; for, if he were learned, he would not be
so inconsiderate. But if a man is considerate, even
though he knows but little, to him indeed do people
listen gladly. Consideration is the centre, consideration is the self, consideration is the support of all
these. Meditate on consideration.
3. ‘He who meditates on consideration as Brahman, he, being himself safe, firm, and undistressed,
obtains the safe, firm, and undistressed worlds which
he has considered; he is, as it were, lord and master
as far as consideration reaches—he who meditates
on consideration as Brahman.’
‘Sir, is there something better than consideration ?’
‘Yes, there is something better than consideration.’
‘Sir, tell it me.’
S1xtH Kuawpa.
1, ‘Reflection (dhyana)! is better than consideration. The earth reflects, as it were, and thus does
the sky, the heaven, the water, the mountains, gods
and men. Therefore those who among men obtain
* Reflection is concentration of all our thoughts on one object,
ekagraté. And as a man who reflects and meditates on the highest
objects acquires thereby repose, becomes firm and immovable, so
the earth is supposed to be in repose and immovable, as it were, by
reflection and meditation.
VII PRAPATHAKA, 7 KHANDA, 2. 115
greatness here on earth, seem to have obtained a
part of the object of reflection (because they show
a certain repose of manner). Thus while small and
vulgar people are always quarrelling, abusive, and
slandering, great men seem to have obtained a part
of the reward of reflection. Meditate on reflection.
2. ‘He who meditates on reflection as Brahman,
is lord and master, as it were, as far as reflection reaches—he who meditates on reflection as
Brahman.’
‘Sir, is there something better than reflection ?’
‘Yes, there is something better than reflection.’
‘Sir, tell it me.’
SEVENTH KHANDA.
2. ‘He who meditates on reflection as Brahman,
is lord and master, as it were, as far as reflection reaches—he who meditates on reflection as
Brahman.’
‘Sir, is there something better than reflection ?’
‘Yes, there is something better than reflection.’
‘Sir, tell it me.’
SEVENTH KHANDA.
1. ‘ Understanding (vigfiana) is better than reflection. Through understanding we understand the
ig-veda, the Yagur-veda, the Sdma-veda, and as
the fourth the Atharvama, as the fifth the Itihdsapuraza!, the Veda of the Vedas, the Pitrya, the
RAsi, the Daiva, the Nidhi, the VAkovdkya, the
Ekayana, the Deva-vidyd, the Brahma-vidy4, the
Bhita-vidy4, the Kshatra-vidya, the Nakshatra-vidy4,
the Sarpa and Devagana-vidy4, heaven, earth, air,
ether, water, fire, gods, men, cattle, birds, herbs, trees,
all beasts down to worms, midges, and ants; what is
right and what is wrong; what is true and what is
false ; what is good and what is bad; what is pleasing and what is not pleasing; food and savour, this
world and that, all this we understand through understanding. Meditate on understanding.
2. ‘He who meditates on understanding as Brahman, reaches the worlds where there is understanding
1 See before, p. rog.
I 2
116 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
and knowledge'; he is, as it were, lord and master
as far as understanding reaches—he who meditates
on understanding as Brahman.’
‘Sir,is there something better than understanding ?”
‘Yes, there is something better than understanding.’
‘Sir, tell it me.’
EricutuH Kuanpa.
1. ‘Power (bala) is better than understanding.
One powerful man shakes a hundred men of understanding. Ifa mari is powerful, he becomes a rising
man. If he rises, he becomes a man who visits
wise people. If he visits, he becomes a follower of
wise people. If he follows them, he becomes a
seeing, a hearing, a perceiving, a knowing, a doing,
an understanding man. By power the earth stands
firm, and the sky, and the heaven, and the mountains, gods and men, cattle, birds, herbs, trees, all
beasts down to worms, midges, and ants; by power
the world stands firm. Meditate on power.
2. ‘He who meditates on power as Brahman,
is, as it were, lord and master as far as power
reaches—he who meditates on power as Brahman.’
‘Sir, is there something better than power ?’
‘Yes, there is something better than power.’
‘Sir, tell it me.’
Nintu Kuawpa.
1. ‘Food (anna) is better than power. Therefore
if a man abstain from food for ten days, though he
live, he would be unable to see, hear, perceive,
think, act, and understand. But when he obtains
1 The commentator takes vigf4na here as understanding of
sacred books, gfifna as cleverness with regard to other subjects.
VII PRAPATHAKA, II KHANDA, 9. 117
food, he is able to see, hear, perceive, think, act,
’ and understand. Meditate on food.
2. ‘He who meditates on food as Brahman,
obtains the worlds rich in food and drink; he is,
as it were, lord and master as far as food reaches—
he who meditates on food as Brahman.’
117
food, he is able to see, hear, perceive, think, act,
’ and understand. Meditate on food.
2. ‘He who meditates on food as Brahman,
obtains the worlds rich in food and drink; he is,
as it were, lord and master as far as food reaches—
he who meditates on food as Brahman.’
‘Sir, is there something better than food ?’
‘Yes, there is something better than food.’
‘Sir, tell it me.’
TentH KuHawpa.
1. ‘Water (ap) is better than food. Therefore if
there is not sufficient rain, the vital spirits fail from
fear that there will be less food. But if there is
sufficient rain, the vital spirits rejoice, because there
will be much food. This water, on assuming different forms, becomes this earth, this sky, this
heaven, the mountains, gods and men, cattle, birds,
herbs and trees, all beasts down to worms, midges,
and ants. Water indeed assumes all these forms.
Meditate on water.
2. ‘He who meditates on water as Brahman,
obtains all wishes, he becomes satisfied; he is, as
it were, lord and master as far as water reaches—
he who meditates on water as Brahman.’
‘ Sir, is there something better than water ?’
‘Yes, there is something better than water.’
‘ Sir, tell it me.’
ELEVENTH KHanpaA.
1. ‘Fire (tegas) is better than water. For fire
united with air, warms the ether. Then people say,
It is hot, it burns, it will rain. Thus does fire, after
showing this sign (itself) first, create water. And
118 KHANDOGYA-UPANISH AD,
thus again thunderclaps come with lightnings, flashing upwards and across the sky. Then people say,
There is lightning and thunder, it will rain. Then
also does fire, after showing this sign first, create
water. Meditate on fire.
2. ‘He who meditates on fire as Brahman,
obtains, resplendent himself, resplendent worlds,
full of light and free of darkness; he is, as it were,
lord and master as far as fire reaches—he who
meditates on fire as Brahman.’
‘Sir, is there something better than fire ?’
‘Yes, there is something better than fire.’
‘ Sir, tell it me.’
TweLrTtH KHawpa,
1. ‘Ether (or space) is better than fire. For in
the ether exist both sun and moon, the lightning,
stars, and fire (agni). Through the ether we call,
through the ether we hear, through the ether we
answer', In the ether or space we rejoice (when
we are together), and rejoice not (when we are
separated). In the ether everything is born, and
towards the ether everything tends when it is born’.
Meditate on ether.
2. ‘He who meditates on ether as Brahman,
obtains the worlds of ether and of light, which are
free from pressure and pain, wide and spacious®;
he is, as it were, lord and master as far as ether
reaches—he who meditates on ether as Brahman.’
‘Sir, is there something better than ether ?’
1 Cf. Kh. Up. IV, 5,1.
* The seed grows upwards towards the ether; not downwards.
5 Cf. Kash. Up. II, rr.
VIL PRAPATHAKA, 14 KHANDA, 2. 119
‘Yes, there is something better than ether.’
‘Sir, tell it me.’ .
THIRTEENTH KHAWDA.
Kh. Up. IV, 5,1.
* The seed grows upwards towards the ether; not downwards.
5 Cf. Kash. Up. II, rr.
VIL PRAPATHAKA, 14 KHANDA, 2. 119
‘Yes, there is something better than ether.’
‘Sir, tell it me.’ .
THIRTEENTH KHAWDA.
1. ‘Memory! (smara) is better than ether. Therefore where many are assembled together, if they
have no memory, they would hear no one, they
would not perceive, they would not understand.
Through memory we know our sons, through
memory our cattle. Meditate on memory.
2. ‘He who meditates on memory as Brahman,
is, as it were, lord and master as far as memory
reaches—he who ‘meditates on memory as Brahman.’
’ ‘Sir, is there something better than memory ?’
‘Yes, there is something better than memory.’
‘Sir, tell it me.’
FourTEENTH KHawpaA.
1. ‘Hope (4s4) is better than memory. Fired
by hope does memory read the sacred hymns, perform sacrifices, desire sons and cattle, desire this
world and the other. Meditate on hope.
2. ‘He who meditates on hope as Brahman, all
his desires are fulfilled by hope, his prayers are
not in vain; he is, as it were, lord and master
as far as hope reaches—he who meditates on hope
as Brahman.’
‘Sir, is there something better than hope ?’
‘Yes, there is something better than hope.’
‘ Sir, tell it me.’
1 The apparent distance between ether and memory is bridged
over by the commentator pointing out that without memory everything would be as if it were not, so far as we are concerned.
120 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
FirTeentH Kuawpa.
1. ‘Spirit! (praza) is better than hope. As the
spokes of a wheel hold to the nave*, so does all
this (beginning with names and ending in hope) hold
to spirit. That spirit moves by the spirit, it gives
spirit to the spirit. Father means spirit, mother
is spirit, brother is spirit, sister is spirit, tutor is
spirit, Brahmaza is spirit.
2. ‘For if one says anything unbecoming to a
father, mother, brother, sister, tutor or Brahmaza,
then people say, Shame on thee! thou hast offended
thy father, mother, brother, sister, tutor, or a
Brahmaaza.
3. ‘But, if after the spirit has departed from
them, one shoves them together with a poker, and
burns them to pieces, no one would say, Thou offendest thy father, mother, brother, sister, tutor or
a Brahmama.
4. ‘Spirit then is all this. He who sees this,
perceives this, and understands this, becomes an
ativadin®. If people say to such a man, Thou
1 Prana is used here in a technical sense. It does not mean
simply breath, but the spirit, the conscious self (pragfiatman)
which, as we saw, enters the body in order to reveal the whole
variety of forms and names. It is in one sense the mukhya prAaa.
* The commentary carries the simile still further. The felloe,
he says, holds to the spokes, the spokes to the nave. So do the
bhfitam4tr4s hold to the pragfiamatras, and these to the praza.
It is in one sense the mukhya prAaa.
* The commentary carries the simile still further. The felloe,
he says, holds to the spokes, the spokes to the nave. So do the
bhfitam4tr4s hold to the pragfiamatras, and these to the praza.
5 One who declares something that goes beyond all the declarations made before, beginning with the declaration that names are
Brahman, and ending with the declaration that hope is Brahman ;—
one who knows that pr4za, spirit, the conscious self, is Brahman.
This declaration represents the highest point reached by ordinary
people, but Narada wishes to go beyond. In the Mundaka, III,
1, 4, an ativadin is contrasted with one who really knows the
highest truth.
ee
VII PRAPATHAKA, 18 KHANDA, I. 121
art an ativadin, he may say, I am an ativadin; he
need not deny it.’
SIXTEENTH KuHawpa}.
1. ‘But in reality he is an ativadin who declares
the Highest Being to be the True (Satya, ro évrus
év).’
‘Sir, may I become an ativd4din by the True ?’
‘ But we must desire to know the True.’
‘Sir, I desire to know the True.’
SEVENTEENTH KHAwDA.
1. ‘When one understands the True, then one
declares the True. One who does not understand
it, does not declare the True*. Only he who understands it, declares the True. This understanding,
however, we must desire to understand,’
‘Sir, I desire to understand it.’
EIGHTEENTH KHANDA.
1. ‘When one perceives, then one understands.
One who does not perceive, does not understand.
Only he who perceives, understands. This perception, however, we must desire to understand.’
‘Sir, I desire to understand it.’
1 As Narada asks no further, whether there is anything better,
higher, truer than préza, he is supposed to be satisfied with his
belief that préza is the Highest Being. Sanatkuméra, however,
wishes to lead him on to a still higher view; hence the paragraphs
which follow from 16 to 26.
* He would, for instance, call fire real, not knowing that fire is
only a mixture of the three elements (cf. VI, 4), the rftpatraya, a
mere variety (vikara), and name (naman).
122 EHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
NINETEENTH KuHawpa.
1. ‘When one believes, then one perceives. One
who does not believe, does not perceive. Only he
who believes, perceives, This belief, however, we
must desire to understand.’
‘Sir, I desire to understand it.’
TWENTIETH KHANDA.
1. ‘When one attends on a tutor (spiritual guide),
then one believes. One who does not attend on
a tutor, does not believe. Only he who attends,
believes. This attention on a tutor, however, we
must desire to understand.’
‘Sir, I desire to understand it.’
TweEntTy-FIrRST KHANDA.
1. ‘When one performs all sacred duties, then
one attends really on a tutor. One who does not
perform his duties, does not really attend on a tutor.
Only he who performs his duties, attends on his
tutor. This performance of duties, however, we
must desire to understand.’
‘Sir, I desire to understand it.’
TWENTY-SECOND KHANDA.
One who does not
perform his duties, does not really attend on a tutor.
Only he who performs his duties, attends on his
tutor. This performance of duties, however, we
must desire to understand.’
‘Sir, I desire to understand it.’
TWENTY-SECOND KHANDA.
1. ‘When one obtains bliss (in oneself), then one
performs duties. One who does not obtain bliss,
does not perform duties. Only he who obtains bliss,
performs duties. This bliss, however, we must
desire to understand.’
‘Sir, I desire to understand it.’
1 The duties of a student, such as restraint of the senses, concentration of the mind, &c.
“VII PRAPATHAKA, 25 KHANDA, I, 123
TWENTY-THIRD KHANDA.
1. ‘The Infinite (bhiman)? is bliss. There is no
bliss in anything finite. Infinity only is bliss. This
Infinity, however, we must desire to understand.’
‘Sir, I desire to understand it.’
TWENTY-FOURTH KHANDA.
1. ‘Where one sees nothing else, hears nothing
else, understands nothing else, that is the Infinite.
Where one sees something else, hears something
else, understands something else, that is the finite.
The Infinite is immortal, the finite is mortal.’
‘Sir, in what does the Infinite rest ?’
‘In its own greatness—or not even in greatness?.’
2. ‘In the world they call cows and _ horses,
elephants and gold, slaves, wives, fields and houses
greatness. I do not mean this,’ thus he spoke;
‘for in that case one being (the possessor) rests
in something else, (but the Infinite cannot rest in
something different from itself.)
TWENTY-FIFTH KHANDA.
1. ‘The Infinite indeed is below, above, behind,
before, right and left—it is indeed all this.
‘Now follows the explanation of the Infinite as
1 Bhfiman is sometimes translated by grandeur, the superlative,
the akme. It is the highest point that can be reached, the infinite
and the true.
* This phrase reminds one of the last verse in the No sad 4sid
hymn, where, likewise, the expression of the highest certainty is
followed by a misgiving that after all it may be otherwise. The
commentator takes yadi va in the sense of, If you ask in the
highest sense, then I say no; for the Infinite cannot rest in anything, not even in greatness.
124 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
the I: I am below, I am above, I am behind, before,
right and left—I am all this.
2. ‘Next follows the explanation of the Infinite
as the Self: Self is below, above, behind, before,
right and left—Self is all this.
‘He who sees, perceives, and understands this,
loves the Self, delights in the Self, revels in the
Self, rejoices in the Self—he becomes a Svardg,
(an autocrat or self-ruler); he is lord and master
in all the worlds.
‘But those who think differently from this, live
in perishable worlds, and have other beings for their
rulers.
TWENTy-SIXTH KHANDA.
‘But those who think differently from this, live
in perishable worlds, and have other beings for their
rulers.
TWENTy-SIXTH KHANDA.
1. ‘To him who sees, perceives, and understands
this', the spirit (praza) springs from the Self, hope
springs from the Self, memory springs from the
Self; so do ether, fire, water, appearance and disappearance ?, food, power, understanding, reflection,
consideration, will, mind, speech, names, sacred
hymns, and sacrifices—aye, all this springs from
the Self.
2. ‘There is this verse, ‘“ He who: sees this,
does not see death, nor illness, nor pain; he who
sees this, sees everything, and obtains everything
everywhere.
‘« He is one (before creation), he becomes three
1 Before the acquirement of true knowledge, all that has been
mentioned before, spirit, hope, memory, &c., on to names, was
supposed to spring from the Sat, as something different from oneself.. Now he is to know that the Sat is the Self.
* In the preceding paragraphs appearance and disappearance
(birth and death) are not mentioned. This shows how easy it was
in these treatises either to omit or to add anything that seemed
important.
were, oe
VIII PRAPATHAKA, I KHANDA, I. 125
(fire, water, earth), he becomes five, he becomes
seven, he becomes nine; then again he is called the
eleventh, and hundred and ten and one thousand
and twenty ?.”
‘When the intellectual aliment has been purified,
the whole nature becomes purified. When the
whole nature has been purified, the memory becomes
firm. And when the memory (of the Highest Self)
remains firm, then all the ties (which bind us to
a belief in anything but the Self) are loosened.
‘The venerable Sanatkum4ra showed to Narada,
after his faults had been rubbed out, the other side
of darkness. They call Sanatkumara Skanda, yea,
Skanda they call him,’
EIGHTH PRAPA7AHAKA.
First Kuanpa?,
1. HariZ, Om. There is this city of Brahman
(the body), and in it the palace, the small lotus (of
1 This too is meant as a verse. The commentary says that the
various numbers are intended to show the endless variety of form
on the Self after creation. Cf. Mait. Up. V, 2.
* The eighth Prap4shaka seems to form a kind of appendix to
the Upanishad. The highest point that can be reached by speculation had been reached in the seventh Prap&shaka, the identity
of our self and of everything else with the Highest Self. This
speculative effort, however, is too much for ordinary people. They
cannot conceive the Sat or Brahman as out of space and time, as
free from all qualities, and in order to help them, they are taught
to adore the Brahman, as it appears in space and time, an object
endowed with certain qualities, living in nature and in the human
heart. The Highest Brahman, besides which there is nothing, and
which can neither be reached as an object, nor be considered as
126 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
the heart), and in it that small ether. Now what
exists within that small ether, that is to be sought
for, that is to be understood.
The Highest Brahman, besides which there is nothing, and
which can neither be reached as an object, nor be considered as
126 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
the heart), and in it that small ether. Now what
exists within that small ether, that is to be sought
for, that is to be understood.
2. And if they should say to him: ‘Now with
regard to that city of Brahman, and the palace in it,
i. e. the small lotus of the heart, and the small ether
within the heart, what is there within it that deserves
to be sought for, or that is to be understood ?’
3. Then he should say: ‘As large as this ether
(all space) is, so large is that ether within the heart.
Both heaven and earth are contained within it, both
fire and air, both sun and moon, both lightning and
stars; and whatever there is of him (the Self) here
in the world, and whatever is not (i. e. whatever has
been or will be), all that is contained within it},’
4. And if they should say to him: ‘If everything
that exists is contained in that city of Brahman, all
beings and all desires (whatever can be imagined
or desired), then what is left of it, when old age
reaches it and scatters it, or when it falls to pieces ?’
5. Then he should say: ‘ By the old age of the
body, that (the ether, or Brahman within it) does
not age; by the death of the body, that (the ether,
or Brahman within it) is not killed. That (the Brah-
an effect, seems to ordinary minds like a thing which is not.
Therefore while the true philosopher, after acquiring the knowledge of the Highest Sat, becomes identified with it suddenly, like
lightning, the ordinary mortal must reach it by slow degrees, and
as a preparation for that higher knowledge which is to follow, the
eighth Prap4éhaka, particularly the first portion of it, has been
added to the teaching contained in the earlier books.
1 The ether in the heart is really a name of Brahman. He is
there, and therefore all that comes of him when he assumes bodily
shapes, both what is and what is not, i.e. what is no longer or not
yet; for the absolute nothing is not intended here.
VIII PRAPATHAKA, 2 KHANDA, 2. 127
man) is the true Brahma-city (not the body’). In
it all desires are contained. It is the Self, free from
sin, free from old age, from death and grief, from
hunger and thirst, which desires nothing but what
it ought to desire, and imagines nothing but what it
ought to imagine. Now as here on earth people
follow as they are commanded, and depend on the
object which they are attached to, be it a country or
a piece of land,
6. ‘And as here on earth, whatever has been acquired by exertion, perishes, so perishes whatever is
acquired for the next world by sacrifices and other
good actions performed on earth. Those who depart from hence without having discovered the
Self and those true desires, for them there is no
freedom in all the worlds. But those who depart
from hence, after having discovered the Self and
those true desires *, for them there is freedom in all
the worlds,
Those who depart from hence without having discovered the
Self and those true desires, for them there is no
freedom in all the worlds. But those who depart
from hence, after having discovered the Self and
those true desires *, for them there is freedom in all
the worlds,
SEeconD KHANDA.
1. ‘Thus he who desires the world?’ of the fathers,
by his mere will the fathers come to receive him,
and having obtained the world of the fathers, he is
happy.
2. ‘And he who desires the world of the mothers,
by his mere will the mothers come to receive him,
1 I translate this somewhat differently from the commentator,
though the argument remains the same.
* True desires are those which we ought to desire, and the fulfilment of which depends on ourselves, supposing that we have
acquired the knowledge which enables us to fulfil them.
® World is the nearest approach to loka: it means life with the
fathers, or enjoying the company of the fathers.
128 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
and having obtained the world of the mothers, he is
happy.
3. ‘And he who desires the world of the brothers,
by his mere will the brothers come to receive him,
and having obtained the world of the brothers, he is
happy.
4. ‘And he who desires the world of the sisters,
by his mere will the sisters come to receive him,
and having obtained the world of the sisters, he is
happy.
5. ‘And he who desires the world of the friends,
by his mere will the friends come to receive him,
and having obtained the world of the friends, he is
happy.
6. ‘And he who desires the world of perfumes and
garlands (gandhamalya), by his mere will perfumes
and garlands come to him, and having obtained the
world of perfumes and garlands, he is happy.
7. ‘And he who desires the world of food and
drink, by his mere will food and drink come to him,
and having obtained the world of food and drink, he
is happy.
8. ‘And he who desires the world of song and
music, by his mere will song and music come to him,
and having obtained the world of song and music,
he is happy.
9. ‘And he who desires the world of women, by
his mere will women come to receive him, and
having obtained the world of women, he is happy.
‘Whatever object he is attached to, whatever
object he desires, by his mere will it comes to him,
and having obtained it, he is happy.
VIII PRAPATHAKA, 3 KHANDA, 4. 129
Tuirp KuHawpa.
1. ‘These true desires, however, are hidden by
what is false; though the desires be true, they have
a covering which is false. Thus, whoever belonging
to us has departed this life, him we cannot gain
back, so that we should see him with our eyes.
VIII PRAPATHAKA, 3 KHANDA, 4. 129
Tuirp KuHawpa.
1. ‘These true desires, however, are hidden by
what is false; though the desires be true, they have
a covering which is false. Thus, whoever belonging
to us has departed this life, him we cannot gain
back, so that we should see him with our eyes.
2. ‘Those who belong to us, whether living or
departed, and whatever else there is which we wish
for and do not obtain, all that we find there (if
we descend into our heart, where Brahman dwells,
in the ether of the heart). There are all our true
desires, but hidden by what is false?. As people who
do not know the country, walk again and again over
a gold treasure that has been hidden somewhere in
the earth and do not discover it, thus do all these
creatures day after day go into the Brahma-world
(they are merged in Brahman, while asleep), and yet
do not discover it, because they are carried away by
untruth (they do not come to themselves, i.e. they
do not discover the true Self in Brahman, dwelling
in the heart).
3. ‘ That Self abides in the heart. And this is the
etymological explanation. The heart is called hvzdayam, instead of hvzdy-ayam, i.e. He who is in the
heart. He who knows this, that He is in the heart,
goes day by day (when in sushupti, deep sleep) into
heaven (svarga), i.e. into the Brahman of the heart.
4. ‘Now that serene being? which, after having
1 All the desires mentioned before are fulfilled, if we find their
fulfilment in our Self, in the city of Brahman within our heart.
There we always can possess those whom we have loved, only we
must not wish to see them with our eyes; that would be a false
covering to a true desire. .
3 Cf. KA. Up. VIII, 12, 3.
[3] K
130 : KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
risen from out this earthly body, and having reached
the highest light (self-knowledge), appears in its true
form, that is the Self,’ thus he spoke (when asked
by his pupils). This is the immortal, the fearless,
this is Brahman. And of that Brahman the name
is the True, Satyam,
5. This name Sattyam consists of three syllables, sat-tt-yam?. Sat signifies the immorfal, t, the
mortal, and with yam he binds both. Because he
binds both, the immortal and the mortal, therefore
it is yam. He who knows this goes day by day
into heaven (svarga).
FourtH Kuawpa.
1. That Self is a bank?, a boundary, so that these
worlds may not be confounded. Day and night do
not pass that bank, nor old age, death, and grief ;
neither good nor evil deeds. All evil-doers turn back
from it, for the world of Brahman is free from all evil.
2. Therefore he who has crossed that bank, if
blind, ceases to be blind; if wounded, ceases to be
wounded; if afflicted, ceases to be afflicted. Therefore when that bank has been crossed, night becomes
day indeed, for the world of Brahman is lighted up
once for all *.
3. And that world of Brahman belongs to those
Therefore when that bank has been crossed, night becomes
day indeed, for the world of Brahman is lighted up
once for all *.
3. And that world of Brahman belongs to those
1 We ought probably to read Sattyam, and then Sat-tf-yam.
The f in tt would then be the dual of an anubandha }. Instead of
yaddhi, I conjecture yatti. See Ait. Aranyaka II, 5, 5.
* Setu, generally translated by bridge, was originally a bank of
earth (mrididimaya), thrown up to serve as a pathway (pons)
through water or a swamp. Such banks exist still in many places,
and they serve at the same time as boundaries (mary4d4) between
fields belonging to different: properties. Cf. Mait. Up. VII, 7;
Kash. Up. III, 2; Talay. Up. comm. p. 59; Mund. Up. II, 2, 5.
5 Kh. Up. Ill, 11, 3.
VIII PRAPATHAKA, 5 KHANDA, 3. 131
only who find it by abstinence—for them there is
freedom in all the worlds.
Firtu Kuawpa.
1. What people call sacrifice (yagfia), that is really
abstinence (brahmaéarya). For he who knows,
obtains that (world of Brahman, which others obtain
hy sacrifice), by means of abstinence.
What people call sacrifice (ish¢a), that is really
abstinence, for by abstinence, having searched (ishtv4), he obtains the Self.
2. What people call sacrifice (sattrayama), that is
really abstinence, for by abstinence he obtains from
the Sat (the true), the safety (trava) of the Self.
What people call the vow of silence (mauna), that
is really abstinence, for he who by abstinence has
found out the Self, meditates (manute).
3. What people call fasting (andsak4yana), that
is really abstinence, for that Self does not perish
(na nasyati), which we find out by abstinence.
What people call a hermit’s life (arazyAyana), that
is really abstinence. Ara?! and /Vya are two lakes in
the world of Brahman, in the third heaven from hence;
and there is the lake Airammadtya, and the Asvattha
tree, showering down Soma, and the city of Brahman
(Hirazyagarbha) Aparagit4*, and the golden Prabhuvimita (the hall built by Prabhu, Brahman).
Now that world of Brahman belongs to those who
find the lakes Ara and /Vya in the world of Brahman
by means of abstinence; for them there is freedom
in all the worlds °,
1 In the Kaush. Br. Up. I, 3, the lake is called Ara, at least
according to the commentator.
* In the Kaush. Br. Up. Aparfgita is not pfiZ, but 4yatanam.
* The fifth khanda is chiefly meant to recommend brahmaéarya
K 2
132 ’ KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
SixtH KHANDA.
1. Now those arteries of the heart consist of a
brown substance, of a white, blue, yellow, and red
* In the Kaush. Br. Up. Aparfgita is not pfiZ, but 4yatanam.
* The fifth khanda is chiefly meant to recommend brahmaéarya
K 2
132 ’ KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
SixtH KHANDA.
1. Now those arteries of the heart consist of a
brown substance, of a white, blue, yellow, and red
or abstinence from all worldly enjoyments, enjoined on the brahmafarin, the student, as a means of obtaining a knowledge of
Brahman. But instead of showing that such abstinence is indispensable for a proper concentration of our intellectual faculties, we
are told that abstinence is the same as certain sacrifices; and this
is shown, not by arguments, but by a number of very far-fetched
plays on words. These it is impossible to render in any translation, nay, they hardly deserve being translated. Thus abstinence
is said to be identical with sacrifice, yagiia, because yo gfiata,
‘he who knows,’ has a certain similarity with yagiia. Ish/a,
another kind of sacrifice, is compared with eshaz4, search; sattrayana with Sat, the True, the Brahman, and tr4yama, protection ;
mauna, silence, with manana, meditating (which may be right);
andsakdyana, fasting, with nas, to perish, and arazyAgana, a
hermit’s life, with ara, nya, and ayana, going to the two lakes
Ara and JVya, which are believed to exist in the legendary world
of Brahman. Nothing can be more absurd. Having once struck
the note of Brahmanic legends, such as we find it, for instance, in
the Kaushftaki-brahmava-upanishad, the author goes on. Besides
the lakes Ara and JVya (in the Kaushitaki-brahmana-upanishad we
have only one lake, called Ara), he mentions the Airammadiya
lake, and explains it as aira (ira annam, tanmaya airo mandas,
tena pfirzam airam) and madfya, delightful. The Asvattha tree,
which pours down Soma, is not tortured into anything else, except
that Soma is explained as the immortal, or nectar. Aparagita
becomes the city of Brahman, because it can be conquered by no
one except those who have practised abstinence. And the hall
which elsewhere is called Vibhu-pramita becomes Prabhuvimitam, or Prabhu-vinirmita, made by Prabhu, i.e. Brahman.
All the fulfilled desires, as enumerated in khandas 2-5, whether
the finding again of our fathers and mothers, or entering the
- Brahmaloka with its lakes and palaces, must be taken, not as
material (sthfila), but as mental only (m4nasa). On that account,
however, they are by no means considered as false or unreal, as
little as dreams are. Dreams are false and unreal, relatively only,
i.e. relatively to what we see, when we awake; but not in themselves, Whatever we see in waking, also, has been shown to be
VIII PRAPATHAKA, 6 KHANDA, 5. 133
substance, and so is the sun brown, white, blue,
yellow, and red.
2. Asa very long highway goes to two places, to
one at the beginning, and to another at the end, so
do the rays of the sun go to both worlds, to this
one and to the other. They start from the sun,
and enter into those arteries; they start from those
arteries, and enter into the sun.
2. Asa very long highway goes to two places, to
one at the beginning, and to another at the end, so
do the rays of the sun go to both worlds, to this
one and to the other. They start from the sun,
and enter into those arteries; they start from those
arteries, and enter into the sun.
3. And when a man is asleep, reposing, and at
perfect rest, so that he sees no dream’, then he has
entered into those arteries. Then no evil touches
him, for he has obtained the light (of the sun).
4. And when a man falls ill, then those who sit
round him, say, ‘Do you know me? Do you know
me?’ As long as he has not departed from this
body, he knows them.
5. But when he departs from this body, then he
departs upwards by those very rays (towards the
worlds which he has gained by merit, not by knowledge); or he goes out while meditating on Om ?
(and thus securing an entrance into the Brahma-
false ; because it consists of forms and names only; yet these
forms and names have a true element in them, viz. the Sat. Before
we know that Sat, all the objects we see in waking seem true; as
dreams seem true in dreaming. But when once we awake from
our waking by true knowledge, we see that nothing is true but the
Sat. When we imagine we see a serpent, and then discover that
it is a rope, the serpent disappears as false, but what was true in
it, the rope, remains true.
1 Svapna in Sanskrit is both somnus and somnium. Hence
one might translate also, ‘so that he is not aware that he is asleep,’
which in some respects would seem even more appropriate in our
passage; cf. VIII, 11, 1.
2 According to the explanation given of the Om in the Upanishads, and more particularly in the Dahara-vidy4 contained in this
Prapashaka.
134 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
loka). And while his mind is failing, he is going to
the sun. For the sun is the door of the world (of
Brahman). Those who know, walk in; those who
do not know, are shut out. There is this verse’:
‘ There are a hundred and one arteries of the heart ;
one of them penetrates the crown of the head;
moving upwards by it a man reaches the immortal ;
the others serve for departing in different directions,
yea, in different directions%’
SEVENTH Kuawpa’.
1. PragApati said: ‘The Self which is free from sin,
free from old age, from death and grief, from hunger
and thirst, which desires nothing but what it ought
to desire, and imagines nothing but what it ought to
imagine, that it is which we must search out, that it
is which we must try to understand. He who has
searched out that Self and understands it, obtains
all worlds and all desires.’
2. The Devas (gods) and Asuras (demons) both
heard these words, and said: ‘ Well, let us search
for that Self by which, if one has searched it out,
all worlds and all desires are obtained.’
Thus saying Indra went from the Devas, Virofana
from the Asuras, and both, without having communicated with each other, approached Pragdpati,
1 Prasna Up. II, 1.
II, 1.
* The same verse occurs in the Kasha 6, 16, and is frequently
quoted elsewhere, for instance, Mait. comm. p. 164. For vishvann,
the right reading would seem to be vishvak. In the Mait. Up. VI,
30, the Trishfubh are reduced to Anush/ubh verses. See also
Prasna Up. III, 6-7; Muzd. Up. II, 2.
8 Here the highest problem is treated again, the knowledge of
the true Self, which leads beyond the world of Brahma (masc.), and
enables the individual self to return into the Highest Self.
VIIY PRAPATHAKA, 7 KHANDA, 3. 135
holding fuel in their hands, as is the custom for
pupils approaching their master.
3. They dwelt there as pupils for thirty-two
years. Then Pragdpati asked them: ‘For what
purpose have you both dwelt here ?’
They replied: ‘A saying of yours is being repeated, viz. “the Self which is free from sin, free
from old age, from death and grief, from hunger
and thirst, which desires nothing but what it ought
to desire, and imagines nothing but what it ought to
imagine, that it is which we must search out, that it
is which we must try to understand. He who has
searched out that Self and understands it, obtains all
worlds and all desires.” Now we both have dwelt
here because we wish for that Self,’
Pragapati said to them: ‘The person that is seen ©
in the eye’, that is the Self. This is what I have
said. This is the immortal, the fearless, this is
Brahman.’ .
They asked: ‘Sir, he who is perceived in the
water, and he who is perceived in a mirror, who
is he?’
He replied: ‘He himself indeed is seen in all
these *.’
1 The commentator explains this rightly. Pragapati means by
the person that is seen in the eye, the real agent of seeing, who is
seen by sages only, even with their eyes shut. His pupils, however,
misunderstand him. They think of the person that is seen, not of
the person that sees (Yoga-sfitras II, 6). The person seen in the
eye is to them the small figure imaged in the eye, and they go on
therefore to ask, whether the image in the water or in a mirror is
not the Self.
? The commentators are at great pains to explain that PragApati
told no falsehood. He meant by purusha the personal element in
the highest sense, and it was not his fault that his pupils took
purusha for man or body.
136 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
EicgHTH KHawpa.
1. ‘Look at your Self in a pan of water, and
whatever you do not understand of your Self},
come and tell me.’
They looked in the water-pan. Then Pragapati
said to them: ‘What do you see?’
They said: ‘We both see the self thus altogether,
a picture even to the very hairs and nails.’
2. Pragdpati said to them: ‘After you have
adorned yourselves, have put on your best clothes
and cleaned yourselves, look again into the waterpan.’
They, after having adorned themselves, having
put on their best clothes and cleaned themselves,
looked into the water-pan.
PragApati said: ‘What do you see?’
PragApati said: ‘What do you see?’
3. They said: ‘Just as we are, well adorned,
with our best clothes and clean, thus we are both
there, Sir, well adorned, with our best clothes and
clean.’
Pragdpati said: ‘That is the Self, this is the im-
-mortal, the fearless, this is Brahman.’
Then both went away satisfied in their hearts.
4. And Pragapati, looking after them, said: ‘They
both go away without having perceived and without
having known the Self, and whoever of these two’,
whether Devas or Asuras, will follow this doctrine
(upanishad), will perish.’
Now Viroéana, satisfied in his heart, went to the
Asuras and preached that doctrine to them, that the
self (the body) alone is to be worshipped, that the
1 T take 4tmana# as a genitive, governed by yad, not as an
accusative plural.
* The commentator reads yatare for yatah.
VIII PRAPATHAKA, Q KHANDA, 2. 137
self (the body) alone is to be served, and that he
who worships the self and serves the self, gains
both worlds, this and the next.
5. Therefore they call even now a man who does
not give alms here, who has no faith, and offers no
sacrifices, an Asura, for this is the doctrine (upanishad) of the Asuras, They deck out the body of
the dead with perfumes, flowers, and fine raiment by
way of ornament, and think they will thus conquer
that world?.
NintH Kuawpa.
1. But Indra, before he had returned to the
Devas, saw this difficulty. As this self (the shadow
in the water)? is well adorned, when the body is
well adorned, well dressed, when the body is well
dressed, well cleaned, if the body is well cleaned,
that self will also be blind, if the body is blind,
lame, if the body is lame’, crippled, if the body is
crippled, and will perish in fact as soon as the body
perishes. Therefore I see no good in this (doctrine).
2. Taking fuel in his hand he came again as a
pupil to Pragdpati. Pragdpati said to him: ‘ Maghavat (Indra), as you went away with Viroféana,
satisfied in your heart, for what purpose did you
come back ?’
1 This evidently refers to the customs and teaching of tribes
not entirely conforming to the Brahmanic system. Whether the
adorning of the dead body implies burial instead of burning, seems
doubtful.
* The commentator remarks that though both Indra and Virokana had mistaken the true import of what Prag4pati said, yet
while Virofana took the body to be the Self, Indra thought that
the Self was the shadow of the body.
5 Srama, lame, is explained by the commentator as one-eyed,
ekanetra.
138 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
He said: ‘Sir, as this self (the shadow) is well
adorned, when the body is well adorned, well dressed,
when the body is well dressed, well cleaned, if the
body is well cleaned, that self will also be blind, if
the body is blind, lame, if the body is lame, crippled,
if the body is crippled, and will perish in fact as
soon as the body perishes. Therefore I see no
good in this (doctrine).’
Therefore I see no
good in this (doctrine).’
3. ‘So it is indeed, Maghavat, replied Pragapati ;
‘but I shall explain him (the true Self) further to
you. Live with me another thirty-two years.’
He lived with him another thirty-two years, and
then Pragdpati said:
TENTH KHanpa.
1. ‘He who moves about happy in dreams, he is
the Self, this is the immortal, the fearless, this is
Brahman.’
Then Indra went away satisfied in his heart. But
before he had returned to the Devas, he saw this
difficulty. Although it is true that that self is not
blind, even if the body is blind, nor lame, if the
body is lame, though it is true that that self is not
rendered faulty by the faults of it (the body),
2. Nor struck when it (the body) is struck, nor
lamed when it is lamed, yet it is as if they struck
him (the self) in dreams, as if they chased him?
1 I have adopted the reading viésh4yayanti, because it is the
most difficult, and therefore explains most easily the various corruptions, or it may be emendations, that have crept into the text.
Sankara explains vi#ésadayanti by vidr&vayanti, and this shows
that he too must have read visshdyayanti, for he could not have
explained vi#éhadayanti, which means they uncover or they deprive
of their clothing, by vidravayanti, they drive away. It is true that
vikkhdyayanti may be explained in two ways; it may be the causative of £44, to cut, but this meaning is not very appropriate here,
VIII PRAPATHAKA, IO KHANDA, 4. 139
He becomes even conscious, as it were, of pain, and
sheds tears. Therefore I see no good in this.
3. Taking fuel in his hands, he went again as a
pupil to Pragdpati. PragApati said to him: ‘Maghavat, as you went away satisfied in your heart, for
what purpose did you come back ?’
He said: ‘Sir, although it is true that that self
is not blind even if the body is blind, nor lame, if the
body is lame, though it is true that that self is not
rendered faulty by the faults of it (the body),
4. Nor struck when it (the body) is struck, nor
lamed when it is lamed, yet it is as if they struck
him (the self) in dreams, as if they chased him.
He becomes even conscious, as it were, of pain, and
sheds tears. Therefore I see no good in this.’
‘So it is indeed, Maghavat,’ replied Pragdpati;
‘but I shall explain him (the true Self) further to
you. Live with me another thirty-two years.’
He lived with him another thirty-two years. Then
Prag4pati said :
Therefore I see no good in this.’
‘So it is indeed, Maghavat,’ replied Pragdpati;
‘but I shall explain him (the true Self) further to
you. Live with me another thirty-two years.’
He lived with him another thirty-two years. Then
Prag4pati said :
and quite inadmissible in another passage where vithhdyayati
occurs, whereas, if derived from vith (ofyoua:) in a causative sense,
Sankara could hardly have chosen a better explanation than vidravayanti, they make run away. The root vikh, vikksayayati is
recognised in PAzini III, 1, 28, and in the Dhatup4sha 28, 129,
but it has hitherto been met with in this passage only, and in
Brthadaramyaka Up. IV, 3, 20. Here also the author speaks of
a man who imagines that people kill him or do him violence, or
that an elephant chases him or that he falls into a pit. Here we
have hastiva vikkhayayati, and Sankara, at least as printed by
Dr. Roer, explains this by vidéhapayati, vidkhadayati, vidravayati ;
dhavattty arthas. Much better is Dvivedaganga’s commentary, as
published by Dr. Weber, Satap. Bréhm. p. 1145, Kadatid enam
hastt vik&hAyayativa vidravayativa ; vitha gatau, gupidhdpavitdipazipanibhya Aya iti (P4#. III, 1, 28) svartha Ayapratyaya#. In the
Dictionary of Boehtlingk and Roth the derivation from £44, to
cut, is preferred ; see Nachtrage, s. v. £44.
140 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD,
ELevenTH Kuawpa.
1. ‘When a man being asleep, reposing, and at
perfect rest}, sees no dreams, that is the Self, this is
the immortal, the fearless, this is Brahman.’
Then Indra went away satisfied in his heart. But
before he had returned to the Devas, he saw this
difficulty. In truth he thus does not know himself
(his self) that he is I, nor does he know anything
that exists. He is gone to utter annihilation. I see
no good in this.
2. Taking fuel in his hand he went again as a
pupil to Pragdpati. PragApati said to him: ‘Maghavat, as you went away satisfied in your heart,
for what purpose did you come back ?’
He said: ‘Sir, in that way he does not know
himself (his self) that he is I, nor does he know
anything that exists. He is gone to utter annihilation. I see no good in this.’
3. ‘So it is indeed, Maghavat,’ replied Pragdpati ;
‘but I shall explain him (the true Self) further to
you, and nothing more than this?. Live here other
five years.’
He lived there other five years. This made in all
one hundred and one years, and therefore it is said
that Indra Maghavat lived one hundred and one
years as a pupil with Pragdpati. Pragdpati said to
him:
TWELFTH KHawpa.
1. ‘Maghavat, this body is mortal and always
held by death. It is the abode of that Self which is
1 See Kh. Up. VIII, 6, 3.
* Sankara explains this as meaning the real Self, not anything
different from the Self,
VIII PRAPATHAKA, 12 KHANDA, 3. 141
Pragdpati said to
him:
TWELFTH KHawpa.
1. ‘Maghavat, this body is mortal and always
held by death. It is the abode of that Self which is
1 See Kh. Up. VIII, 6, 3.
* Sankara explains this as meaning the real Self, not anything
different from the Self,
VIII PRAPATHAKA, 12 KHANDA, 3. 141
immortal and without body!. When in the body (by
thinking this body is I and I am this body) the Self
is held by pleasure and pain. So long as he is in
the body, he cannot get free from pleasure and pain.
But when he is free of the body (when he knows
himself d:fferent from the body), then neither pleasure
nor pain touches him %, .
2. ‘The wind is without body, the cloud, lightning, and thunder are without body (without hands,
feet, &c.) Now as these, arising from this heavenly
ether (space), appear in their own form, as soon as
they have approached the highest light,
3. ‘ Thus does that serene being, arising from this
body, appear in its own form, as soon as it has
approached the highest light (the knowledge of
Self*). He (in that state) is the highest person
(uttama pdrusha). He moves about there laughing
(or eating), playing, and rejoicing (in his mind), be it
with women, carriages, or relatives, never minding
that body into which he was born ¢,
* According to some, the body is the result of the Self, the
elements of the body, fire, water, and earth springing from the
Self, and the Self afterwards entering them.
? Ordinary, worldly pleasure. Comm. ~
’ The simile is not so striking as most of those old similes are.
The wind is compared with the Self, on account of its being for a
time lost in the ether (space), as the Self is in the body, and then
rising again out of the ether and assuming its own form as wind.
The chief stress is laid on the highest light, which in the one case
is the sun of summer, in the other the light of knowledge.
* These are pleasures which seem hardly compatible with the
state of perfect peace which the Self is supposed to have attained.
The passage may be interpolated, or put in on purpose to show
that the Self enjoys such pleasures as an inward spectator only,
without identifying himself with either pleasure or pain. He sees
them, as he says afterwards, with his divine eye. The Self per-
142 EHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
‘Like as a horse attached to a cart, so is the
spirit! (praza, pragfi4tman) attached to this body.
4. ‘Now where the sight has entered into the
void (the open space, the black pupil of the eye),
there is the person of the eye, the eye itself is the
instrument of seeing. He who knows, let me smell
this, he is the Self, the nose is the instrument of
smelling. He who knows, let me say this, he is the
Self, the tongue is the instrument of saying. He
who knows, let me hear this, he is the Self, the ear
is the instrument of hearing.
He who knows, let me smell
this, he is the Self, the nose is the instrument of
smelling. He who knows, let me say this, he is the
Self, the tongue is the instrument of saying. He
who knows, let me hear this, he is the Self, the ear
is the instrument of hearing.
5. ‘He who knows, let me think this, he is the
Self, the mind is his divine eye* He, the Self,
seeing these pleasures (which to others are hidden
like a buried treasure of gold) through his divine
eye, i.e. the mind, rejoices.
‘The Devas who are in the world of Brahman
meditate on that Self (as taught by Pragdpati to
Indra, and by Indra to the Devas). Therefore all
worlds belong to them, and all desires. He who
knows that Self and understands it, obtains all
worlds and all desires.’ Thus said Pragdpati, yea,
thus said Prag4pati.
ceives in all things his Self only, nothing else. In his commentary
on the Taittirfya Upanishad (p. 45) Sankara refers this passage
to Brahman as an effect, not to Brahman as a cause.
1 The spirit, the conscious self, is not identical with the body,
but only joined to it, like a horse, or driving it, like a charioteer.
In other passages the senses are the horses; buddhi, reason, the
charioteer; manas, mind, the reins. The spirit is attached to the
cart by the Aetana; cf. Anandagfanagiri.
* Because it perceives not only what is present, but also what
is past and future.
VIII PRAPATHAKA, 14 KHANDA, I. 143
THIRTEENTH KuHaAnpDA},
1. From the dark (the Brahman of the heart) I
come to the nebulous (the world of Brahman), from
the nebulous to the dark, shaking off all evil, as a
horse shakes his hairs, and as the moon frees herself
from the mouth of Rahu*. Having shaken off the
body, I obtain, self made and satisfied, the uncreated
world of Brahman, yea, I obtain it,
FouRTEENTH KHANDA.
1. He who is called ether (4kdsa) is the revealer
of all forms and names. That within which these
forms and names are contained is the Brahman, the
Immortal, the Self.
I come to the hall of Pragdpati, to the house; I
am the glorious among Brahmans, glorious among
princes, glorious among men‘. I obtained that
glory, I am glorious among the glorious. May I
never go to the white, toothless, yet devouring,
white abode®; may I never go to it.
1 This chapter is supposed to contain a hymn of triumph.
* Réhu, in later times a monster, supposed to swallow the sun
and moon at every solar or lunar eclipse. At first we only hear of
the mouth or head of Rahu. In later times a body was assigned to
him, but it had to be destroyed again by Vishzu, so that nothing
remained of him but his head. Réhu seems derived from rah, to
separate, to remove. From it raksh, to wish or strive to remove,
to keep off, to protect, and in a different application rékshas, a
tearing away, violence, raksh4s, a robber, an evil spirit.
* Ak4sa, ether or space, is a name of Brahman, because, like
ether, Brahman has no body and is infinitely small.
From it raksh, to wish or strive to remove,
to keep off, to protect, and in a different application rékshas, a
tearing away, violence, raksh4s, a robber, an evil spirit.
* Ak4sa, ether or space, is a name of Brahman, because, like
ether, Brahman has no body and is infinitely small.
‘ Here the three classes, commonly called castes, are clearly
marked by the names of brahmama, r4gan, and vis.
® Yonisabditam pragananendriyam.
144 KHANDOGYA-UPANISHAD.
FIFTEENTH KuHaAwopa,
1. Brahm4 (Hirazyagarbha or Paramesvara) told
this to Pragdpati (Kasyapa), Pragdpati to Manu (his
son), Manu to mankind. He who has learnt the
Veda from a family of teachers, according to the
sacred rule, in the leisure time left from the duties
to be performed for the Guru, who, after receiving
his discharge, has settled in his own house, keeping
up the memory of what he has learnt by repeating
it regularly in some sacred spot, who has begotten
virtuous sons, and concentrated all his senses on
the Self, never giving pain to any creature, except
at the tirthas? (sacrifices, &c.), he who behaves thus
all his life, reaches the world of Brahman, and does
not return, yea, he does not return.
1 The commentator says that even travelling about as a mendicant causes pain, but that a mendicant is allowed to importune
people for alms at tirthas, or sacred places. Others explain this
differently.
TALAVAKARA
OR
KENA-UPANISHAD.
(3) L
TALAVAKARA-UPANISHAD.
First Kuawpa.
1. THe Pupil asks: ‘At whose wish does the
mind sent forth proceed on its errand? At whose
command does the first breath go forth? At whose
wish do we utter this speech? What god directs
the eye, or the ear?’
2. The Teacher replies: ‘It is the ear of the ear,
the mind of the mind, the speech of speech, the
breath of breath, and the eye of the eye. When
freed (from the senses) the wise, on departing from
this world, become immortal }.
3. ‘ The eye does not go thither, nor speech, nor
mind. We do not know, we do not understand, how
any one can teach it.
4. ‘It is different from the known, it is also
above the unknown, thus we have heard from those
of old, who taught us this?.
5. ‘That which is not expressed by speech and
1 This verse admits of various translations, and still more various
explanations. Instead of taking va4am, like all the other words,
as a nominative, we might take them all as accusatives, governed
by atimufya, and sa u prfnasya pranak as a parenthetical sentence. What is See Se ee car is very fully explained
by the commentator, but the simplest acceptation would seem to
take it as an answer to the preceding questions, so that the ear of
the ear should be taken for him who directs the ear, i.e. the Self,
or Brahman. This will become clearer as we proceed.
* Cf. tsa Up. 11; 13.
L 2
148 TALAVAKARA-UPANISHAD.
by which speech is expressed, that alone know as
Brahman, not that which people here adore.
the Self,
or Brahman. This will become clearer as we proceed.
* Cf. tsa Up. 11; 13.
L 2
148 TALAVAKARA-UPANISHAD.
by which speech is expressed, that alone know as
Brahman, not that which people here adore.
6. ‘That which does not think by mind, and
by which, they say, mind is thought}, that alone
know as Brahman, not that which people here
adore.
7. ‘That which does not see by the eye, and by
which one sees (the work of) the eyes, that alone
know as Brahman, not that which people here
adore.
8. ‘That which does not hear by the ear, and by
which the ear. is heard, that alone know as Brahman,
not that which people here adore.
9. ‘That which does not breathe by breath, and
by which breath is drawn, that alone know as Brahman, not that which people here adore.’
SEcoND KHAWDA.
1. The Teacher says: ‘If thou thinkest I know
it well; then thou knowest surely but little, what is
that form of Brahman known, it may be, to thee???’
2. The Pupil says: ‘I do not think I know it
well, nor do I know that I do not know it. ‘He
1 The varia lectio manaso matam (supported also by the commentary) is metrically and grammatically easier, but it may be, for
that.very reason, an emendation.
2 dn order to obtain a verse, we must leave out the words tvam
yad asya deveshv atha nu mimamsyam eva. They were probably
inserted, as an excuse for the third khavda treating of the relation
of Brahman to the Devas. There is considerable variety in the
text, as handed down in the Sadma-veda and in the Atharva-veda,
which shows that it has been tampered with. Daharam for dabhram
may be the older reading, as synezesis occurs again and againin .
the Upanishads.
II] KHANDA, I. 149
among us who knows this, he knows it, nor does he
know that he does not know it’.
3. ‘He by whom it (Brahman) is not thought, by
him it is thought; he by whom it is thought, knows
it not. It is not understood by those who understand it, it is understood by those who do not
understand it.
4. ‘It is thought to be known (as if) by awakening, and (then) we obtain immortality indeed. By
the Self we obtain strength, by knowledge we obtain
immortality.
5. ‘If a man know this here, that is the true (end
of life); if he does not know this here, then there is
great destruction (new births). The wise who have
thought on all things (and recognised the Self in
them) become immortal, when they have departed
from this world.’
Tuirp Kuanpa®.
1. Brahman obtained the victory for the Devas.
The Devas became elated by the victory of Brah-
The wise who have
thought on all things (and recognised the Self in
them) become immortal, when they have departed
from this world.’
Tuirp Kuanpa®.
1. Brahman obtained the victory for the Devas.
The Devas became elated by the victory of Brah-
1 This verse has again been variously explained. I think the
train of thought is this: We cannot know Brahman, as we know
other objects, by referring them to a class and pointing out their
differences. But, on the other hand, we do not know that we know
him not, i. e. no one can assert that we know him not, for we want
Brahman in order to know anything. He, therefore, who knows
this double peculiarity of the knowledge of Brahman, he knows
Brahman, as much as it can be known; and he does not
know, nor can anybody prove it to him, that he does not know
Brahman.
* This khanda is generally represented as a later addition, but
its prose style has more of a Brahmama character than the verses
in the preceding khazdas, although their metrical structure is
irregular, and may be taken as a sign of antiquity.
150 TALAVAKARA-UPANISHAD.
man, and they thought, this victory is ours only,
this greatness is ours only.
2. Brahman perceived this and appeared to them.
But they did not know it, and said: ‘What sprite
(yaksha or yakshya) is this ?’
3. They said to Agni (fire): ‘O Gatavedas, find
out what sprite this is.’ ‘Yes,’ he said.
4. He ran toward it, and Brahman said to him:
‘Who are you?’ He replied: ‘I am Agni, I am
GAtavedas.’
5. Brahman said: ‘What power is in you?’ Agni
replied: ‘1 could burn all whatever there is on
earth.’
6. Brahman put a straw before him, saying:
‘Burn this.’ He went towards it with all his might,
but he could not burn it. Then he returned thence
and said: ‘I could not find out what sprite this is.’
7. Then they said to Vayu (air): ‘O VA4yu, find
out what sprite this is.’ ‘Yes,’ he said.
8. He ran toward it, and Brahman said to him:
‘Who are you?’ He replied: ‘I am Vayu, I am
MA&tarisvan.’
9. Brahman said: ‘What power is in you?’ Vayu
replied: ‘I could take up all whatever there is on
earth.’
to. Brahman put a straw before him, saying:
‘Take it up.” He went towards it with all his
might, but he could not take it up. Then he returned thence and said: ‘I could not find out what
sprite this is.’
11. Then they said to Indra: ‘O Maghavan, find
out what sprite this is.’ He went towards it, but it
disappeared from before him.
12. Then in the same space (ether) he came
IV KHANDA, 4. 151
towards a woman, highly adorned: it was Uma, the
daughter of Himavat'. He said to her: ‘Who is
that sprite ?’
Fourtu Kuawpa.
1. She replied: ‘It is Brahman. It is through
the victory of Brahman that you have thus become
great. After that he knew that it was Brahman.
2. Therefore these Devas, viz. Agni, Vayu, and
Indra, are, as it were, above the other gods, for they
touched it (the Brahman) nearest ?.
3. And therefore Indra is, as it were, above the
other gods, for he touched it nearest, he first
After that he knew that it was Brahman.
2. Therefore these Devas, viz. Agni, Vayu, and
Indra, are, as it were, above the other gods, for they
touched it (the Brahman) nearest ?.
3. And therefore Indra is, as it were, above the
other gods, for he touched it nearest, he first
knew_it, a
4. This is the teaching of Brahman, with regard Cprtez
to the gods (mythological): It is that which now
1 Uma may here be taken as the wife of Siva, daughter of
Himavat, better known by her earlier name, P4rvatf, the daughter
of the mountains. Originally she was, not the daughter of the
mountains or of the Himflaya, but the daughter of the cloud, just
as Rudra was originally, not the lord of the mountains, girfsa, but
the lord of the clouds. We are, however, moving here in a secondary period of Indian thought, in which we see, as among Semitic
nations, the manifested powers, and particularly the knowledge and
wisdom of the gods, represented by their wives. Um4 means originally
flax, from v4, to weave, and the same word may have been an old
name of wife, she who weaves (cf. duhitrs, spinster, and possibly
wife itself, if O. H. G. wib is connected with O. H. G. wéban). It is
used almost synonymously with ambik4, Taitt. Ar. p. 839. If we
wished to take liberties, we might translate um& haimavatf by an
old woman coming from the Himavat mountains; but I decline all
responsibility for such an interpretation.
2 The next phrase was borrowed from § 3, without even changing
the singular to the plural. As Indra only found out that it was
Brahman, the original distinction between Indra and the other gods,
who only came near to it, was quite justified. Still it might be ;~
better to adopt the var. lect. sa hy etat in § 2.
152 TALAVAKARA-UPANISHAD.
flashes forth in the lightning, and now vanishes
again.
5. And this is the teaching of Brahman, with regard to the body (psychological): It is that which
seems to move as mind, and by it imagination
remembers again and again’.
6. That Brahman is called Tadvana?, by the
name of Tadvana it is to be meditated on. All
beings have a desire for him who knows this.
7. The Teacher: ‘As you have asked me to
tell you the Upanishad, the Upanishad has now
6. That Brahman is called Tadvana?, by the
name of Tadvana it is to be meditated on. All
beings have a desire for him who knows this.
7. The Teacher: ‘As you have asked me to
tell you the Upanishad, the Upanishad has now
1 T have translated these paragraphs very differently from Sankara and other interpreters. The wording is extremely brief, and
we can only guess the original intention of the Upanishad by a
reference to other passages. Now the first teaching of Brahman,
by means of a comparison with the gods or heavenly things in
general, seems to be that Brahman is what shines forth suddenly
like lightning. Sometimes the relation between the phenomenal
world and Brahman is illustrated by the relation between bubbles
and the sea, or lightning and the unseen heavenly light (Mait. Up.
VI, 35). In another passage, KA. Up. VIII, ra, 2, lightning, when
no longer seen, is to facilitate the conception of the reality of things,
as distinct from their perceptibility. I think, therefore, that the first
simile, taken from the phenomenal world, was meant to show that
Brahman is that which appears for a moment in the lightning, and
then vanishes from our sight.
The next illustration is purely psychological. Brahman is proved
to exist, because our mind moves towards things, because there is
something in us which moves and perceives, and because there is
something in us which holds our perceptions together (sankalpa),
and revives them again by memory.
I give my translation as hypothetical only, for certainty is extremely difficult to attain, when we have to deal with these enigmatical sayings which, when they were first delivered, were necessarily
accompanied by oral explanations.
* Tadvana, as a name of Brahman, is explained by ‘the desire of
it,’ and derive from van, to desire, the same as vanes.
IV KHANDA, 9. , 153
been told you. We have told you the Brahmt
U panishad.
8. ‘The feet on which that Upanishad stands are
penance, restraint, sacrifice; the Vedas are all its
limbs?, the True is its abode.
9. ‘He who knows this Upanishad, and has
shaken off all evil, stands in the endless, unconquerable* world of heaven, yea, in the world
of heaven.’
1 It is impossible to adopt Sankara’s first rendering, ‘the Vedas
and all the Angas,’ i.e. the six subsidiary doctrines. He sees
himself that sarvangani stands in opposition to pratish/4 and
fyatana, but seeing Veda and Anga together, no Brahman could
help thinking of the Vedangas.
% Might we read agyeye for gyeye? cf. Satap. Brahm. XI, 5, 7, 1.
AITAREYA-ARAWVYAKA.
vr
AITAREYA-ARAWYAKA.
FIRST ARANYAKA.
FIRST ADHYAYA.
First Kuawpa.
1. Now follows the Mahavrata ceremony.
2. After having killed V7ztra, Indra became
great. When he became great, then there was
the Mahdavrata (the great work). This is why the
Mahavrata ceremony is called Mahavrata.
3. Some people say: ‘Let the priest make two
(recitations with the offering of the) A4gya (ghee) on
that day,’ but the right thing is one}.
When he became great, then there was
the Mahdavrata (the great work). This is why the
Mahavrata ceremony is called Mahavrata.
3. Some people say: ‘Let the priest make two
(recitations with the offering of the) A4gya (ghee) on
that day,’ but the right thing is one}.
4. He who desires prosperity should use the
hymn, pra vo devayagnaye (Rv. III, 13, 1).
5. He who desires increase should use the hymn,
viso viso atithim (Rv. VIII, 74, 1).
1 That it should be one only is proved from the types, i. e. from
other sacrifices, that have to be followed in the performance of the
Mahfvrata. The first type is the Agnish/oma, where one sastra is
enjoined as 4gyasastra, viz. pra vo devay4gnaye. In the Visvagit,
which has to follow the Agnish/oma, another hymn is put in its
place, viz. agnim naro didhitibhiZ. In the Mahavrata, which has
to follow the Visvagit, some people recommend the use of both
these hymns. But that is wrong, for there must be in the sacrifices which follow the Agnish/oma twelve sastras altogether; and
if there were two here, instead of one, we should get a total of
thirteen.
158 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
6. The people (visaz) indeed are increase’, and
therefore he (the sacrificer) becomes increased.
7. But (some say), there is the word atithim (in
that hymn, which means a guest or stranger, asking
for food). Let him not therefore take that hymn.
Verily, the atithi (stranger) is able * to go begging.
8. ‘No,’ he said, ‘let him take that hymn.
9. ‘ For he who follows the good road and obtains
distinction, he is an atithi (guest)*.
10. ‘They do not consider him who is not so,
worthy to be (called) an atithi (guest).
11. ‘Therefore let him by all means take that
hymn.’ .
12. If he takes that hymn, let him place the
(second) tristich, 4ganma v7trahantamam, ‘we came
near to the victorious,’ first.
13. For people worship the whole year (performing the Gavdmayana sacrifice) wishing for this day
(the last but one)—they do come near.
14. The (next following) three tristichs begin
with an Anushéubh*. Now Brahman is GAyatri;
speech is Anush¢éubh. He thus joins speech with
Brahman.
15. He who desires glory should use the hymn,
abodhy agnif# samidha gananam (Rv. V, 1, 1).
1 The word visa, which occurs in the hymn, means people.
The commentator says that because the Vaisyas or tradespeople
increase their capital, therefore they are called increase.
9 Able, or liable; cf. Ait. Ar. II, 3, 5, 7.
5 Atithi is here explained by yo bhavati, and bhavati is explained
as walking on the good road. One expects yo v4 atati. The
obtaining of distinction is probably derived from ati, above, in
atithi.
‘In the first and second the Anushfubh is followed by two
GAyatrts.
1 ARANYAKA, I ADHYAYA, 2 KHANDA, 5. 159
16. He who desires offspring and cattle should
use the hymn, hot4ganish/a £etanah (Rv. II, 5, 1).
Seconp KuHawpa.
1. He who desires proper food' should use the
hymn, agnim naro didhitibhiZ (Rv. VII, 1, 1)
2. Verily, Agni (fire) is the eater of food.
1 ARANYAKA, I ADHYAYA, 2 KHANDA, 5. 159
16. He who desires offspring and cattle should
use the hymn, hot4ganish/a £etanah (Rv. II, 5, 1).
Seconp KuHawpa.
1. He who desires proper food' should use the
hymn, agnim naro didhitibhiZ (Rv. VII, 1, 1)
2. Verily, Agni (fire) is the eater of food.
In the other (recitations accompanying the) offerings of 4gya (where Agni is likewise mentioned) the
worshippers come more slowly near to Agni (because
the name of Agni does not stand at the beginning
of the hymn). But here a worshipper obtains proper
food at once, he strikes down evil at once.
3. Through the words (occurring in the second
foot of the first verse), hasta#yuti ganayanta, ‘they
caused the birth of Agni by moving their arms,’ the
hymn becomes endowed with (the word) birth.
Verily, the sacrificer is born from this day of the
sacrifice, and therefore the hymn is endowed with
(the word) birth.
4. There are four metrical feet (in the Trishéubh
verses of this hymn). Verily, cattle have four feet,
therefore they serve for the gaining of cattle.
5. There are three metrical feet (in the Virag
verses of this hymn). Verily, three are these three-
2 Annfdyam is always explained as food, here as annam tad
Adyam ka. It must be so translated here and elsewhere (I, 2, 10),
though it is often an abstract of ann4da, an eater of food, a healthy
man.
8 This hymn is prescribed in the Visvagit sacrifice, and taken
over to the Mah4vrata, according to rule. It is used, however,
both as obligatory and as optional at the same time, i.e. it is an
essential part of the sacrifice, and at the same time to be used by
those who wish for proper food.
160 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
fold worlds. Therefore they serve for the conquest
of the worlds.
6. These (the Trish¢ubh and Virdg verses of the
hymn) form two metres, which form a support (pratish¢#4). Verily, man is supported by two (feet),
cattle by four feet. Therefore this hymn places the
sacrificer who stands on two feet among cattle which
stand on four.
7. By saying them straight on there are twentyfive verses in this hymn. Man also consists of
twenty-five. There are ten fingers on his hands,
ten toes on his feet, two legs, two arms, and the
trunk (4tman) the twenty-fifth, He adorns that
trunk, the twenty-fifth, by this hymn.
8. And then this day (of the sacrifice) consists of
twenty-five, and the Stoma hymn of that day consists of twenty-five! (verses); it becomes the same
through the same. Therefore these two, the day
and the hymn, are twenty-five ?.
9. These twenty-five verses, by repeating the
first thrice and the last thrice, become thirty less
one. This is a Virag verse (consisting of thirty
syllables), too small by one. Into the small (heart)
the vital spirits are placed, into the small stomach
food is placed’, therefore this Virag, small by one,
serves for the obtainment of those desires.
10. He who knows this, obtains those desires.
This is a Virag verse (consisting of thirty
syllables), too small by one. Into the small (heart)
the vital spirits are placed, into the small stomach
food is placed’, therefore this Virag, small by one,
serves for the obtainment of those desires.
10. He who knows this, obtains those desires.
11. The verses (contained in the hymn agnim
naro didhitibhiZ) become the Brzhatt‘* metre and
1 cf, Ait. Ar. I, 1, 4, 21; II, 3, 4, 2.
* The plural after the dual is explained by the fact that the
hymn means the twenty-five verses.
5 Cf. I, 3, 7, 5.
* The hymn consists of eighteen Vir4g and seven Trishfubh
1 ARANYAKA, I ADHYAYA, 3 KHANDA, 2. 161
the Virag metre, (they become) the perfection which
belongs to that day (the mahdvrata), Then they
also become Anush¢ubh’, for the offerings of Agya
(ghee) dwell in Anush¢ubhs 2,
Tuirp KuHanpa’,
1. Some say: ‘Let him take a Gayatri hymn for
the Pra-uga. Verily, GAyatrt is brightness and glory
of countenance, and thus the sacrificer becomes
bright and glorious.’
2. Others say: ‘Let him take a Ushzih hymn for
the Pra-uga. Verily, Ushwih is life, and thus the
sacrificer has a long life.’
Others say: ‘Let him take an Anush¢ubh hymn
verses. Therefore the eighteen Virag verses remain what they
are, only that the first is repeated three times, so that we have
twenty Virag verses. The seven Trish‘ubhs, by repeating the last
three times, become nine. We then take eight syllables away from
each verse, thus changing them into nine Brzhatt verses. The
nine times eight syllables, which were taken off, give us seventytwo syllables, and as each Brzhatf consists of thirty-six syllables,
two Brzhatfs.
1 The change of the first verse, which is a Virfg of thirty-three
syllables, into an Anush/ubh is produced by a still easier process.
The first Virég consists here of thirty-three syllables, the Anushfubh should have thirty-two. But one or two syllables more
or less does not destroy a metre, according to the views of native
metricians. The Virfg itself, for instance, should have thirty syllables, and here has thirty-three. Therefore if changed into an
Anush/ubh, it simply has one syllable over, which is of no consequence. Comm.
2 Cf. Ait. Ar. I, 1,1, 4.
® Thus far the hymn which has to be recited by the Hotrz’
priest, after the eating of the rztugrahas, has been considered.
What follows next is the so-called Pra-uga hymn, consisting of
seven trikas, which the Hotr? has to recite after the Visvedeva-
graha. Different Sakh&s recommend hymns of different metres,
our Sakh4 fixes on the Gayatri.
[3] M
162 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.,
for the Pra-uga. Verily, Anush/ubh is valour, and
it serves for obtaining valour.’
Others say: ‘Let him take a Brzhatt hymn for
the Pra-uga. Verily, Bvzhatt is fortune, and thus
the sacrificer becomes fortunate.’
Others say: ‘Let him take a Pankti hymn for
the Pra-uga. Verily, Pankti is food, and thus the
sacrificer becomes rich in food.’
Verily, Bvzhatt is fortune, and thus
the sacrificer becomes fortunate.’
Others say: ‘Let him take a Pankti hymn for
the Pra-uga. Verily, Pankti is food, and thus the
sacrificer becomes rich in food.’
Others say: ‘Let him take a Trish¢ubh hymn for
the Pra-uga. Verily, Trish¢ubh is strength, and thus
the sacrificer becomes strong.’
Others say: ‘Let him take a Gagatt hymn for the
Pra-uga. Verily, cattle is Gagatt-like, and thus the
sacrificer becomes rich in cattle.’
3. But we say: ‘Let him take a Gdyatrt hymn
only. Verily, G4yatrt is Brahman, and that day
(the mah4vrata) is (for the attainment of) Brahman.
Thus he obtains Brahman by means of Brahman.
4. ‘And it must be a Gayatri hymn by Madhukkhandas,
5. ‘For Madhuéé/andas is called Madhué&éfandas,
because he wishes (4/andati) for honey (madhu) for
the Azshis.
6. ‘ Now food verily is honey, all is honey, all
desires are honey, and thus if he recites the hymn
of Madhuééfandas, it serves for the attainment of
all desires.
7. ‘He who knows this, obtains all desires.’
This (Gdyatrt pra-uga), according to the one-day
(ek4ha) ceremonial?, is perfect in form*. On that day
(the mah4vrata) much is done now and then which
? It is copied from the Visvagit, and that from the Agnish/oma.
* Nothing is wanting for its performance, if one only follows the
rules given in the Agnish/oma.
1 ARANYAKA, I ADHYAYA, 4 KHANDA, 4. 163 _
has to be hidden’, and has to be atoned for (by recitation of hymns). Atonement (sAnti) is rest, the
one-day sacrifice. Therefore at the end of the year
(on the last day but one of the sacrifice that lasts
a whole year) the sacrificers rest on this atonement
as their rest.
8. He who knows this rests firm, and they also
for whom a Hotrz priest who knows this, recites
this hymn.
FourtH Kuawpa?,
1. Rv. I, 2, 1-3. Vayav 4 y4hi darsateme soma
aram kritah, ‘Approach, O VAyu, conspicuous, these
Somas have been made ready.’ Because the word
ready occurs in these verses, therefore is this day
(of the sacrifice) ready (and auspicious) for the
sacrificer and for the gods.
2. Yes, this day is ready (and auspicious) to him
who knows this, or for whom a Hotvz priest who
knows this, recites.
3. Rv. I, 2, 4-6. Indrav4yi ime suta, 4 yatam
upa nishkvztam, ‘Indra and Vayu, these Somas are
prepared, come hither towards what has been prepared.’ By nishkrzta, prepared, he means what has
been well prepared (samskvita).
4. Indra and Vayu go to what has been prepared
by him who knows this, or for whom a Hotz? priest
who knows this, recites.
' Dastnritya-bahubhfitamaithuna -brahmaAéripumsfalisamprav4dadikam. See Rajendralal Mitra, Introduction to his edition of the
Aitareya-franyaka, p. 25. It might be better to join ekaha’ with
sintyém, but even then the argumentation is not quite clear.
* Next follows a list of the verses which form the seven trzkas
(groups of three verses) of the Pra-uga hymn, with occasional
remarks on certain words.
M 2
164 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
25. It might be better to join ekaha’ with
sintyém, but even then the argumentation is not quite clear.
* Next follows a list of the verses which form the seven trzkas
(groups of three verses) of the Pra-uga hymn, with occasional
remarks on certain words.
M 2
164 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
5. Rv. I, 2, 7. Mitram huve pfitadaksham, dhiyas
ghr7takim sadhantd, ‘I call Mitra of holy strength ;
(he and Varuza) they fulfil the prayer accompanied
with clarified butter.’ Verily, speech is the prayer
accompanied with clarified butter.
6. Speech is given to him who knows this, or for
whom a Hotz priest who knows this, recites,
7. Rv. I, 3, 1. Asvind” yagvartr ishas, ‘O
Asvinau, (eat) the sacrificial offerings.’ Verily, the
sacrificial offerings are food, and this serves for the
acquirement of food.
8. Rv. I, 3,3. A yatam rudravartant, ‘Come
hither, ye Rudravartant.’
g. The Asvinau go to the sacrifice of him who
knows this, or for whom a Hotr7 priest who knows
this, recites.
10. Rv. I, 3, 4-6. Indra yahi 4itrabhAno, indra
yahi dhiyeshitaZ, indra yahi ttugana, ‘Come hither,
Indra, of bright splendour, Come hither, Indra, called
by prayer, Come hither, Indra, quickly!” Thus he
recites, Come hither, come hither!
11. Indra comes to the sacrifice of him who
knows this, or for whom a Hotz? priest who knows
this, recites.
12. Rv. I, 3, 7. Omdasas Aarshawtdhyzto visve
devasa 4 gata, ‘Visve Devas, protectors, supporters of men, come hither!’
13. Verily, the Visve Devas come to the call of
him who knows this, or for whom a Hotr# ‘Priest
who knows this, recites.
14. Rv. I, 3, 7. Déasvdmso dAdsushak sutam,
‘Come ye givers to the libation of the giver!’ By_
dAsushak# he means dadushaéJ, i.e. to the libation
of every one that gives.
1 ARANYAKA, I ADHYAYA, 4 KHANDA, 21. 165
15. The gods fulfil his wish, with whatever wish
he recites this verse,
16. (The wish of him) who knows this, or for
whom a Hotvz priest who knows this, recites.
17. Rv. I, 3, 10. Pavak4 na& sarasvatt yagiiam
vashéu dhiydvasuf, ‘May the holy Sarasvatt accept
our sacrifice, rich in prayer!’ Speech is meant by
‘rich in prayer.’
18. Speech is given to him who knows this, or
for whom a Hotz? priest who knows this, recites.
19. And when he says, ‘May she accept our
sacrifice!’ what he means is, ‘May she carry off our
sacrifice !’
20. If these verses are recited straight on, they
are twenty-one. Man also consists of twenty-one.
There are ten fingers on his hands, ten toes on his
feet, and the trunk the twenty-first. He adorns that
trunk, the twenty-first, by this hymn.
21. By repeating the first and the last verses
thrice, they become twenty-five. The trunk is the
twenty-fifth, and Prag4pati is the twenty-fifth. There
are ten fingers on his hands, ten toes on his feet,
two legs, two arms, and the trunk the twenty-fifth.
He adorns that trunk, the twenty-fifth, by this
hymn}, ;
The trunk is the
twenty-fifth, and Prag4pati is the twenty-fifth. There
are ten fingers on his hands, ten toes on his feet,
two legs, two arms, and the trunk the twenty-fifth.
He adorns that trunk, the twenty-fifth, by this
hymn}, ;
Now this day consists of twenty-five, and the
Stoma hymn of that day corisists of twenty-five: it
becomes the same through the same. Therefore
these two, the day and the hymn, are twenty-five,
yea, twenty-five.
1 Cf. 1,1, 2,7; 1, 3. 5, 7-
166 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
SECOND ADHYAYA.
First KuHanpA},
1. The two tvzkas, Rv. VIII, 68, 1-3, 4 tva
_ratham yathotaye, and Rv. VIII, 2, 1-3, idam vaso
sutam andha&, form the first (pratipad) and the
second (anuéara) of the Marutvatiya hymn.
2. Both, as belonging to the one-day ceremonial?,
are perfect in form. On that day much is done
now and then which has to be hidden, and has to
be atoned for. Atonement is rest, the one-day
sacrifice. Therefore at the end of the year the
sacrificers rest on this atonement as their rest. He
who knows this rests firm, and they also for whom
a Hotv? priest who knows this, recites this hymn °.
3. In the second verse of (the Pragatha ‘), indra
nedtya ed ihi, pra sQ tira saétbhir ye ta ukthinas
(Rv. VIII, 53, 5, 6), there occurs the word ukthinaZ,
reciters of hymns®. Verily, this day (the mah4vrata)
is an uktha (hymn), and as endowed with an uktha,
the form of this day is perfect.
4. In the first verse (of another Pragdtha) the
word vira, strong, occurs (Rv. I, 40, 3), and as
endowed with the word vira, strong, the form of
this day is perfect.
1 In the first adhyaya the two hymns to be recited by the Hotr?
priest at the morning-libation (the agya and pra-uga sastra) have
been considered. Now follows the Marutvatfya hymn, to be
recited by the Hotr? priest at the noon-libation.
2 Taken from the Agnish/oma.
5 Cf. I, 1, 3, 7-8.
* All these Pragathas consist of two verses expanded into a
trika.
® Hotradaya ukthinat sastrinah. e
1 ARANYAKA, 2 ADHYAYA, I KHANDA, 12. 167
5. In the second verse (of another Pragdtha) the
word suviryam, strength, occurs (Rv. I. 40, 1), and
as endowed with the word suvirya, strength, the
form of this day is perfect.
6. In the first verse (of another Pragdtha) the
word ukthyam, to be hymned, occurs (Rv. I, 40, 5).
Verily, this day is an uktha, and as endowed with an
uktha, the form of this day is perfect.
7. In the (Dhayy4) verse agnir neta (Rv. III, 20,
4) the word vrztrahA, killer of Vtra, occurs. The
killing of Vrztra is a form (character) of Indra, this
day (the mah4vrata) belongs to Indra, and this is
the (perfect) form of that day.
8. In the (Dhayy4) verse tvam soma kratubhiZ
sukratur bhds (Rv. I, 91, 2) the word vvzsha',
powerful, occurs. Powerful is a form (character) of
Indra, this day belongs to Indra, and this is the
(perfect) form of that day.
8. In the (Dhayy4) verse tvam soma kratubhiZ
sukratur bhds (Rv. I, 91, 2) the word vvzsha',
powerful, occurs. Powerful is a form (character) of
Indra, this day belongs to Indra, and this is the
(perfect) form of that day.
9. In the (Dhayy4) verse pinvanty apa (Rv. I,
64, 6) the word v4ginam, endowed with food, occurs. ~
Endowed with food is a form (character) of Indra,
this day belongs to Indra, and this is the (perfect)
form of that day.
10. In the same verse the word stanayantam,
thundering, occurs. . Endowed with thundering is a
form (character) of Indra, this day belongs to Indra,
and this is the (perfect) form of that day.
11. In(the Prag4tha) pra va indraya brzhate (Rv.
VIII, 89, 3) (the word brzhat occurs). Verily, brzhat
is mahat (great), and as endowed with mahat, great,
the form of this day (mah4vrata) is perfect.
12. In (the Prag4tha) bszhad indraya gayata (Rv.
¢?
: Cf. I, 2, 2,14.
168 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
VIII, 89, 1) (the word brzhat occurs). Verily, byzhat
is mahat (great), and as endowed with mahat, the
form of this day is perfect.
13. In (the Pragatha) nakiZ sud4so ratham pary
4sa na rtramad (Rv. VII, 32, 10) the words parydsa
(he moved round) and na rtramad (he did not enjoy)
occur, and as endowed with the words paryasta and
ranti the form of this day is perfect 1.
He recites all (these) Pragathas, in order to obtain
all the days (of the sacrifice), all the Ukthas%, all
the Prish¢has’, all the Sastras‘, all the Pra-ugas’,
and all the Savanas (libations).
SEconD KHawpa *.
1. He recites the hymn, asat su me garitah sdbhivegak (Rv. X, 27, 1), (and in it the word) satyadhvvitam, the destroyer of truth. Verily, that day
1 Because the performance of the Mah4vrata sacrifice moves the
worshipper round to another world and gives him enjoyment.
Comm. It is difficult to surpass the absurdity of these explanations. Na riramat means no one stopped the chariot of Sud4s.
But even if it meant that no one rejoiced through the chariot of
Sudas, it would be difficult to seé how the negative of enjoyment,
mentioned in the hymn, could contribute to the perfection of a
sacrifice which is to confer positive enjoyment on the worshipper.
2 The stotras following after the Yagfiayagiifya Saman, serving
for the ukthya-kratus,
3 The stotras of the noon-libation, to be performed with the
Rathantara, Brthat, and other SAmans.
‘ The sastras, recitations, accompanying the oblations of 4gya.
5 The pra-ugas, a division of sastras, described above.
* The type after which the Marutvatfya-sastra is to be performed
is the Katurvimsa day. Hitherto (from 4 tva ratham to nakisz
sudasaf), all that is taken over from the type to the modification,
i.e. the Marutvatlya, has been explained. Now follow the verses
which are new and peculiar to the Marutvatfya of the Mahévrata.
1 ARANYAKA, 2 ADHYAYA, 2 KHANDA, 8. 169
is truth, and as endowed with the word satya, truth,
the form of this day is perfect 1.
the Marutvatlya, has been explained. Now follow the verses
which are new and peculiar to the Marutvatfya of the Mahévrata.
1 ARANYAKA, 2 ADHYAYA, 2 KHANDA, 8. 169
is truth, and as endowed with the word satya, truth,
the form of this day is perfect 1.
2. That hymn is composed by Vasukra. Verily,
Vasukra is Brahman, and that day is Brahman. Thus
he obtains Brahman by means of Brahman *.
3. Here they say: ‘Why then is that Marutvatiya
hymn completed by the hymn of Vasukra?’ Surely
because no other Azshi but Vasukra brought out a
Marutvattya hymn, or divided it properly’. There
fore that Marutvattya hymn is completed by the
hymn of Vasukra.
4. That hymn, asat su me, is not definitely addressed to any deity, and is therefore supposed to be
addressed to Pragapati. Verily, Pragdpati is indefinite,
and therefore the hymn serves to win PragApati.
5. Once in the hymn (Rv. X, 27, 22) he defines
Indra (indraya sunvat); therefore it does not fall off
from its form, as connected with Indra.
6. He recites the hymn (Rv. VI, 17, 1) piba
somam abhi yam ugra tarda&.
7. In the verse frvam gavyam mahi g7vzmana
indra the word mahi, great, occurs. Endowed with
the word mahat, the form of this day is perfect.
8. That hymn is composed by Bharadvaga, and
Bharadvaga was he who knew most, who lived
longest, and performed the greatest austerities among
the Azshis, and by this hymn he drove away evil.
Therefore if he recites the hymn of Bharadvaga,
1 The commentator endeavours to make the meaning more
natural by taking in the word prahant4, he who kills the destroyer
of truth. But considering the general character of these remarks,
this is hardly necessary.
2 Cf. I, 1, 3, 3.
* By separating the first tr7ka from the second, and so forth.
170 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
then, after having driven away evil, he becomes
learned, long-lived, and full of austerities. .
9. He recites the hymn kay4 subha savayasah
sanilaz (Rv. I, 165, 1).
10. In the verse 4 sdsate prati haryanty uktha
(Rv. I, 165, 4) the word uktha occurs. Verily, that
day (the mah4vrata) is uktha (hymn). Endowed with
the word uktha, the form of this day becomes perfect.
11, That hymn is called Kay4subhtya'. Verily,
that hymn, which is called Kaydsubhtya, is mutual
understanding and it is lasting. By means of it
Indra, Agastya, and the Maruts came to a mutual
understanding. Therefore, if he recites the Kay4subhiya hymn, it serves for mutual understanding.
12. The same hymn is also long life. Therefore,
if the sacrificer is dear to the Hotzz, let him recite
the Kaydsubhiya hymn for him.
13. He recites the hymn marutvaz indra vvzshabo
ranaya (Rv. III, 47, 1).
14. In it the words indra vrzshabha (powerful)
occur. Verily, powerful is a form of Indra’, this
day belongs to Indra, and this is the perfect form
of that day.
15. That hymn is composed by Visvamitra. Verily,
Visvamitra was the friend (mitra) of all (visva).
III, 47, 1).
14. In it the words indra vrzshabha (powerful)
occur. Verily, powerful is a form of Indra’, this
day belongs to Indra, and this is the perfect form
of that day.
15. That hymn is composed by Visvamitra. Verily,
Visvamitra was the friend (mitra) of all (visva).
16. Everybody is the friend of him who knows
this, and for whom a Hotz? priest who knows this,
recites this hymn.
17. The next hymn, ganish/#4 ugra% sahase turaya (Rv. I, 73, 1), forms a Nividdh4na’, and,
1 Cf. Ait. Brahm. V, 16. 2 Cf. Ait. Ar. II, 2, 1, 8.
® The hymn consists of eleven verses. In the middle, after the
sixth verse, nivids or invocations, such as indro marutv4n, are inserted, and therefore it is called a nividdhana hymn.
1 ARANYAKA, 2 ADHYAYA, 2 KHANDA, 18. 171
according to the one-day (ekaha) ceremonial, is perfect
in form. On that day much is done now and then
which has to be hidden, and has to be atoned for
(by recitation of hymns). Atonement is rest, the
one-day sacrifice. Therefore at the end of the year
(on the last day but one of the sacrifice that lasts a
whole year) the sacrificers rest on this atonement as
their rest.
He who knows this rests firm, and they also for
whom a Hotvz priest who knows this, recites this
hymn }.
18. These, if recited straight on, are ninety-seven
verses*, The ninety are three Virag, each consisting
of thirty, and then the seven verses which are over.
Whatever is the praise of the seven, is the praise of
ninety also.
1 With this hymn the Marutvatiya-sastra is finished. All the
hymns from 4 tv4 ratham to asat su me garitar are simply taken
over from the Xaturvimsa ceremonial, the rest are peculiar to the
Mahfvrata day, the day preceding the Udayaniya or final day of
the Gavamayana sattra, All this is more fully described in the fifth
Aranyaka (V, 1, 1, 8), containing the Sfitras or rules of Saunaka,
while the earlier Aranyakas are reckoned as Brahmamas, and are
therefore mixed up with matters not actually required for the performance of the sacrifice.
? The first Stotriya and Anurfipa
trikas= . . . 6 (1,2, 1, 1).
The six Pragathas, each of 2 verses
raised to 3 (but the text gives
seven Pragfthas) = . . 18 (1,2,1,33 43 53 6; 11; 12313).
Three Dhayy4s = . . - 3(,2,1,7; 8; 9). .
Asatsu= . . . . . 24(I, 2, 2, 1).
Piba somam= . . . 15 (I, 2, 2, 6).
Kaya subha= . . . 15 (I, 2, 2, 9).
Marutvas indra = . . . 5(I, 2, 2, 13).
Ganish/hé ugrah =. . . ir (I, 2, 2,17).
a
172 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
19. By repeating the first and last verses three
times each, they become one hundred and one
verses.
20. There are five fingers, of four joints each, two
pits (in the elbow and the arm), the arm, the eye, the
shoulder-blade ; this makes twenty-five. The other
three parts have likewise twenty-five each’. That
makes a hundred, and the trunk is the one hundred
and first.
21. Hundred is life, health, strength, brightness.
The sacrificer as the one hundred and first rests in
life, health, strength, and brightness.
The other
three parts have likewise twenty-five each’. That
makes a hundred, and the trunk is the one hundred
and first.
21. Hundred is life, health, strength, brightness.
The sacrificer as the one hundred and first rests in
life, health, strength, and brightness.
22. These verses become Trishéubh?, for the
noonday-libation consists of Trish¢ubh verses.
Tuirp Kuanpa 8,
1. They say: ‘What is the meaning of prenkha,
swing ?’ Verily, he is the swing, who blows (the
wind). He indeed goes forward (pra+inkhate) in
these worlds, and that is why the swing is called
prenkha.
2. Some say, that there should be one plank,
because the wind blows in one way, and it should
be like the wind.
3. That is not to be regarded.
4. Some say, there should be three planks, because there are these three threefold worlds, and it
should be like them.
1 The left side as well as the right, and then the left and right
side of the lower body. Thus we have twenty joints of the five toes,
a thigh, a leg, and three joints, making twenty-five on each side.
® Approach the Trish/ubh metre of the last hymn. Comm.
* After having considered the Marutvatfya, he proceeds to consider the Nishkevalya. This has to. be recited by the Hotr? while
sitting on a swing.
1 ARANYAKA, 2 ADHYAYA, 4 KHANDA, 3. 173
5. That is not to be regarded.
-6. Let there be two, for these two worlds (the
earth and heaven) are seen as if most real, while the
ether (space) between the two is the sky (antariksha).
Therefore let there be two planks.
7. Let them be made of Udumbara wood. Verily,
the Udumbara tree is sap and eatable food, and thus
it serves to obtain sap and eatable food.
8. Let them be elevated in the middle (between
the earth and the cross-beam). Food, if placed in
the middle, delights man, and thus he places the
sacrificer in the middle of eatable food.
g. There are two kinds of rope, twisted towards
the right and twisted towards the left. The right
ropes serve for some animals, the left ropes for
others, If there are both kinds of rope, they serve
for the attainment of both kinds of cattle.
10. Let them be made of Darbha (Kusa grass), for
among plants Darbha is free from evil, therefore
they should be made of Darbha grass.
FourtuH KHawpa.
1. Some say: ‘Let the swing be one ell (aratni)
above the ground, for by that measure verily the
Svarga worlds are measured.’ That is not to be
regarded.
2. Others say: ‘Let it be one span (prddesa), for
by that measure verily the vital airs were measured.’
That is not to be regarded 1. .
3. Let it be one fist (mushd@i), for by that measure
verily all eatable food is made, and by that measure
1 They rise one span above the heart, and they proceed one
. span from out the mouth. Comm.
174 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
all eatable food is taken; therefore let it be one fist
above the ground.
4. They say: ‘Let him mount the swing from
east to west, like he who shines; for the sun
mounts these worlds from east to west.’ That is
not to be regarded.
span from out the mouth. Comm.
174 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
all eatable food is taken; therefore let it be one fist
above the ground.
4. They say: ‘Let him mount the swing from
east to west, like he who shines; for the sun
mounts these worlds from east to west.’ That is
not to be regarded.
5. Others say: ‘Let him mount the swing sideways, for people mount a horse sideways’, thinking
that thus they will obtain all desires.’ That is not
to be regarded.
6. They say: ‘Let him mount the swing? from
behind, for people mount a ship from behind, and
this swing is a ship in which to go to heaven.’
Therefore let him mount it from behind.
7. Let him touch the swing with his chin (44ubuka). The parrot (suka) thus mounts a tree, and
he is of all birds the one who eats most food.
Therefore let him touch it with his chin.
8. Let him mount the swing with his arms*. The
hawk swoops thus on birds and on trees, and he is of
all birds the strongest. Therefore let him mount
with his arms.
9. Let him not withdraw one foot (the right or
left) from the earth, for fear that he may lose his
hold.
10. The Hotrz mounts the swing, the Udgatrz
the seat made of Udumbara wood. The swing is
masculine, the seat feminine, and they form a union.
Thus he makes a union at the beginning of the
uktha in order to get offspring.
1 Here we have clearly riding on horseback.
2 While the swing points to the east, let him stand west, and
thus mount.
* The fore-arms, from the elbow to the end, the aratnt. Comm.
I ARANYAKA, 2 ADHYAYA, 4 KHANDA, 17. 175
11. He who knows this, gets offspring and
cattle.
12. Next the swing is food, the seat fortune.
Thus he mounts and obtains food and fortune.
13. The Hotrakas (the PrasAstvz, Brahmazékkhamsin, Potr?, Neshéri, Agntdhra, and A&éhavaka)
together with the Brahman sit down on cushions
made of grass, reeds, leaves, &c.
14. Plants and trees, after they have grown up,
bear fruit. Thus if the priests mount on that day
altogether (on their seats), they mount on solid and
fluid as their proper food. Therefore this serves
for the attainment of solid as proper food}.
15. Some say: ‘Let him descend after saying
vashaf*,’ That is not to be regarded. For, verily,
that respect is not shown which is shown to one
who does not see it ®.
16. Others say: ‘Let him descend after he has
taken the food in his hand. That is not to be regarded. For, verily, that respect is not shown
which is shown to one after he has approached
quite close.
17. Let him descend after he has seen the food.
For, verily, that is real respect which is shown to
one when he sees it. Only after having actually
1 One expects ishah before firga/, but it is wanting in both text
and commentary, and in other MSS. also.
® The word by which the Hotr? invites the Adhvaryu to offer
_ the oblation to the gods. The descending from the swing belongs,
3 of course, to a later part of the sacrifice.
also.
® The word by which the Hotr? invites the Adhvaryu to offer
_ the oblation to the gods. The descending from the swing belongs,
3 of course, to a later part of the sacrifice.
* It is supposed that the Hotr7 rises from the swing to show
respect to the sacrificial food, when it is brought near. But as it
is not brought near, immediately after the Hoty? has finished his
part with the word vasha/, the food could not see the Hotr? rise, and
this mark of respect, intended for the food, would thus be lost.
176 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA,
seen the food (that is brought to the sacrifice), let
him descend from the swing.
18. Let him descend turning towards the east,
for in the east the seed of the gods springs up?.
Therefore let him rise turning towards the east,
yea, turning towards the east.
THIRD ADHYAYA.
First Kuawpa.
1. Let him begin this day? with singing ‘ Him,’
thus they say.
2. Verily, the sound Him is Brahman, that day
also is Brahman. He who knows this, obtains
Brahman even by Brahman.
3. As he begins with the sound Him, surely
that masculine sound of Him and the feminine
Rik (the verse) make a couple. Thus he makes
a couple at the beginning of the hymn in order
to get offspring *. He who knows this, gets cattle
and offspring.
4. Or, as he begins with the sound Him, surely
like a wooden spade, so the sound Him serves to
dig up Brahman (the sap of the Veda). And as a
man wishes to dig up any, even the hardest soil,
with a spade, thus he digs up Brahman.
5. He who knows this digs up, by means of the
sound Him, everything he may desire.
6. If he begins with the sound Him, that sound
is the holding apart of divine and human speech.
1 Should it be devaretas sampragfyate, or devaretasam pragayate?
* The Nishkevalya-sastra, of the noon-libation; cf. I, 2, 2, 1.
® Cf. I, 2, 4, 10,
I ARANYAKA, 3 ADHYAYA, 2 KHANDA, 9. 177
Therefore, he who begins, after having uttered the
sound Him, holds apart divine and human speech '.
SECOND KHawpa.
1. And here they ask: ‘ What is the beginning
of this day?’ Let him say: ‘Mind and speech?’
2. All desires dwell in the one (mind), the other
yields all desires.
3. All desires dwell in the mind, for with the
mind he conceives all desires.
4. All desires come to him who knows this.
5. Speech yields all desires, for with speech he
declares all his desires.
6. Speech yields all desires to him who knows this.
7. Here they say: ‘Let him not begin this day
with a Ak, a Yagus, or a Sdman verse (divine
speech), for it is said, he should not start with a
Rik, a Yagus, or a SAman 3,’
8. Therefore, let him say these Vy4hv%tis (sacred
interjections) first.
9. These interjections Bhtis, Bhuvas, Svar are
the three Vedas, Bhfs the Azg-veda, Bhuvas the
Yagur-veda, Svar the Sdma-veda. Therefore (by
1 Human speech is the ordinary speech, divine speech that of
the Veda. Thus between the hymns, or the divine speech, and
the ordinary language of conversation the sound Him is interposed as a barrier.
Therefore (by
1 Human speech is the ordinary speech, divine speech that of
the Veda. Thus between the hymns, or the divine speech, and
the ordinary language of conversation the sound Him is interposed as a barrier.
’ Mind, to think about the hymns which have to be recited;
speech, to recite them without a flaw.
* It is doubtful whether ney4d rita and apagakéhet can have
this meaning. However, what is intended is clear, viz. that the
priest, even after having uttered the sound Him, should not immediately begin with verses from the Vedas, but should intercalate
the three syllables bhfir bhuva/ svar, or, if taken singly, bhfs,
bhuvas, svar.
[3] N
178 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
intercalating these) he does not begin simply with a
Rk, Yagus, or Saman verse, he does not start with
a Rzk, Yagus, or Saman verse.
Tuirp Kuanpa.
1. He begins with tad, this, (the first word of the
first hymn, tad id Asa). Verily ‘this, this’ is food,
and thus he obtains food.
2. Pragdpati indeed uttered this as the first word,
consisting of one or two syllables, viz. tata and tata
(or tat), And thus does a child, as soon as he
begins to speak, utter the word, consisting of one
or two syllables, viz. tata and tata (or tat). With
this very word, consisting of tat or tatta, he begins.
3. This has been said bya Ashi (Rv. X,71, 1)?:—
4. ‘O Brzhaspati, the first point of speech ;’"— for
this is the first and highest point of speech.
5. ‘That which you have uttered, making it a
name ;'—for names are made by speech.
* Tata and tata are used both by children in addressing their
parents, and by parents in addressing their children. If tat is
call.d the very same word, eva is used in the sense of iva.
? The verse is cited to confirm the meaning of tat, the first word
of the first hymn (tad id 4sa), as explained before. It was said
that tat was the first name applied to a child. Now, according to
Asvalayana Grthya-sfitra I, 16, 8, a name is given to a child at the
time of its birth, a name which no one knows except father and
mother, till the time when he is initiated by a Guru. This is called
the abhivadanfya name. In allusion to this custom it is said here
that tata is the secret name of the child, which becomes publicly
known ata later time only. Of course the interpretation of the
verse in that sense is unnatural, but quite in keeping with the
general character of the Aranyaka. I doubt whether even the commentator understood what was intended by the author, and whether
the gods who enter the body are supposed to know the name, or
whether the name refers to these gods, or, it may be, to tad, the
Brahman.
1 ARANYAKA, 3 ADHYAYA, 4 KHANDA, 9. 179
6. ‘ That (name) which was the best and without
a flaw ;—for this is the best and without a flaw.
1 ARANYAKA, 3 ADHYAYA, 4 KHANDA, 9. 179
6. ‘ That (name) which was the best and without
a flaw ;—for this is the best and without a flaw.
7. ‘That which was hidden by their love, is made
manifest ;\—for this was hidden in the body, viz. those
deities (which enter the body, Agni as voice, entering
the mouth, &c.); and that was manifest among the
gods in heaven. This is what was intended by the
verse.
Fourtuy Kuawpa}.
1. He begins with: ‘That indeed was the oldest
in the worlds ?;’—for that (the Brahman) is verily the
oldest in the worlds.
2. ‘Whence was born the fierce one, endowed
with brilliant force ;’"—for from it was born the fierce
one, who is endowed with brilliant force.
3. ‘When born he at once destroys the enemies;’—
for he at once when born struck down the evil one.
4. ‘He after whom all friends rejoice;’—verily all
friends are the creatures, and they rejoice after him,
saying, ‘ He has risen, he has risen®.’
5. ‘Growing by strength, the almighty*;’—for he
(the sun) does grow by strength, the almighty.
6. ‘He, as enemy, causes fear to the slave;’—for
everything is afraid of him.
7. ‘Taking the breathing and the not-breathing;' —
this means the living and the lifeless.
8. ‘Whatever has been offered at feasts came to
thee;’—this means everything is in thy power.
9. ‘All turn their thought also on thee®;’—this
* He now explains the first hymn of the Nishkevalya, which is
called the Ragana,
* Rv. X, 120, 1. ® The sun and the fire.
* Rv. X, 120, 2. 5 Rv. X, 120, 3.
180 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
means all these beings, all minds, all thoughts also
turn to thee.
10. ‘When these two become three protectors ;'—
i.e. when these two united beget offspring.
11. He who knows this, gets offspring and cattle.
12. ‘Join what is sweeter than sweet (offspring)
with the sweet (the parents) ;"—for the couple (father
and mother) is sweet, the offspring is sweet, and he
thus joins the offspring with the couple.
13. ‘And this (the son, when married) being very
sweet, conquered through the sweet ;’—i.e. the couple
is sweet, the offspring is sweet, and thus through
the couple he conquers offspring 3.
14. This is declared by a Réshi*: ‘Because he
(Pragdpati) raised his body (the hymn tad id Asa
or the Veda in general) in the body (of the sacrificer)’ (therefore that Nishkevalya hymn is praised);
—i.e. this body, consisting of the Veda, in that corporeal form (of the sacrificer).
15. ‘Then let this body indeed be the medicine
of that body;’—i. e. this body, consisting of the Veda,
of that corporeal form (of the sacrificer).
16. Of this (the first foot of Rv. X, 120, 1) the
eight syllables are Gayatrt, the eleven syllables are
Trish¢ubh, the twelve syllables are Gagatt, the ten
syllables are Virag. The Virag, consisting of ten
syllables, rests in these three metres *.
17. The word purusha, consisting of three syllables, that indeed goes into the Virag*.
1 All these are purely fanciful interpretations.
The Virag, consisting of ten
syllables, rests in these three metres *.
17. The word purusha, consisting of three syllables, that indeed goes into the Virag*.
1 All these are purely fanciful interpretations.
* Not to be found in our Sakha of the Rig-veda.
® These metres are obtained by a purely arbitrary counting
of syllables in the hymn tadid&sa, which really consists of Trishfubh verses.
‘ If we simply count syllables, the first and second feet of the
1 ARANYAKA, 3 ADHYAYA, 5 KHANDA, 2.181
18. Verily, these are all metres, these (Gayatri,
Trish¢ubh, Gagati) having the Virag as the fourth.
In this manner this day is complete in all metres to
him who knows this.
FirtH KuHawpa,
-
1. He extends these (verses) by (interpolating)
the sound’, Verily, the sound is purusha, man.
Therefore every man when he speaks, sounds loud,
as it were.
2. At the end of each foot of the first verse of
the hymn tad id 4sa, he inserts one foot of the
second verse of hymn Rv. VIII, 69, nadam va
odatinadm, &c. Thus the verse is to be recited as
follows :
Tad id 4sa bhuvaneshu gyesh¢sam pu
nadam va odatindm,
Yato gagiia ugras tveshanrimzo ru
nadam yoyuvatinam,
Sadyo gagiiano ni rivati satrin
pati vo aghnyandm,
Anu yam visve madanti im4s sho
dhenfinam ishudhyasi.
first verse consist of ten syllables only, the fourth of nine or ten.
In order to bring them to the right number, the word purusha
is to be added to what is a Virdg, i.e. to the first, the second,
and fourth feet. We thus get:
tad id 4sa bhuvaneshu gyesh/Zam pu
yato gagfia ugras tveshanrimzo = ru
sadyo gagiiano ni rivAti satrin
anu yam visve madanti mas shah.
Cf. Ait. Ar. V, 1, 6.
1 The sound, nada, is really a verse beginning with nadam,
and which is interpolated after the syllables pu ru shat.
182 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
In nadamw va odatindm (Rv. VIII, 69, 2), odati?
are the waters in heaven, for they water all this;
and they are the waters in the mouth, for they
water all good food.
3. In nadam yoyuvatinim (Rv. VIII, 69, 2), yoyuvatt are the waters in the sky, for they seem to
inundate ; and they are the waters of perspiration, for
they seem to run continually.
4. In patim vo aghnya4ndm (Rv. VIII, 69, 2),
aghnyé are the waters which spring from the smoke
of fire, and they are the waters which spring from
the organ.
5. In dhenfn4ém ishudhyasi (Rv. VIII, 69, 2),
the dhenu (cows) are the waters, for they delight
all this; and ishudhyasi means, thou art food.
6. He extends a Trish¢ubh and an Anusht¢ubh *.
Trish¢ubh is the man, Anush/ubh the wife, and
they make a couple. Therefore does a man,
after having found a wife, consider himself a more
perfect man.
6. He extends a Trish¢ubh and an Anusht¢ubh *.
Trish¢ubh is the man, Anush/ubh the wife, and
they make a couple. Therefore does a man,
after having found a wife, consider himself a more
perfect man.
7. These verses, by repeating the first three times,
become twenty-five. The trunk is the twenty-fifth,
and Pragdpati is the twenty-fifth’. There are ten
fingers on his hands, ten toes on his feet, two legs,
two arms, and the trunk the twenty-fifth. He adorns
that trunk as the twenty-fifth. Now this day consists of twenty-five, and the Stoma hymn of that
day consists of twenty-five: it becomes the same
' The nasal pluta on iti is explained as pddaprattkagrahane
*tyantamAdararthak. Cf. Ait. Ar. II, 1, 4, 3.
* Tad id 4sa is a Trishfubh, nadam vahk an Anush/ubh.
5 Cf. I, 1, 2, 7; I, 1, 4, 21.
1 ARANYAKA, 3 ADHYAYA, 7 KHANDA, 5. 183
through the same. Therefore the two, the day and
the hymn, are twenty-five.
SixtH Kuawopa,
This is an exact repetition of the third khamda.
According to. the commentator, the third khanda
was intended for the glory of the first word tad,
while the sixth is intended for the glory of the
whole hymn.
SEVENTH KuHawpa.
1. He begins with the hymn, Tad id 4sa bhuvaneshu gyeshtham (Rv. X, 120). Verily, gyesh¢ha,
the oldest, is mahat, great. Endowed with mahat
the form of this day is perfect.
2. Then follows the hymn, T4m su te kirtim
maghavan mahitva (Rv. X, 54), with the auspicious
word mahitva.
3. Then follows the hymn, Bhfya id vavvzdhe
viry4ya (Rv. VI, 30), with the auspicious word
virya.
4. Then follows the hymn, Nvzz4m u tv4 nvztamam gobhir ukthai# (Rv. I, 51, 4), with the aus-
Picious word uktha.
5. He extends the first two pddas, which are too
small, by one syllable (Rv. X, 120, 1a, and Rv. VIII,
69, 2a)%, Into the small heart the vital spirits are
placed, into the small stomach food is placed. It
1 The number is obtained as follows:
1. Tad id 4sa (Rv. X, 120)= . . 9 verses
2, Tam su te kirtim (Rv. X, 54)= . 6 y»
3. Bhfya id vavridhe (Rv. VI, 30)= 5»
4. Nrinim u tva (Rv. I, 51, 4)= 3»
* Cf I, 1, 2, 9.
184 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
serves for the attainment of these desires, He who
knows this, obtains these desires.
6. The two feet, each consisting of ten syllables
(Rv. X, 120, 1 a, b), serve for the gaining of both
kinds of food’, of what has feet (animal food), and
what has no feet (vegetable food).
7. They come to be of eighteen syllables each®.
Of those which are ten, nine are the prazas (openings
of the body)’, the tenth is the (vital) self. This
is the perfection of the (vital) self. Eight syllables
remain in each. He who knows them, obtains whatever he desires.
Eicutu Kuawpa.
1. He extends (these verses) by (interpolating)
the sound‘. Verily, breath (praza) is sound. Therefore every breath when it sounds, sounds loud, as it
were.
This
is the perfection of the (vital) self. Eight syllables
remain in each. He who knows them, obtains whatever he desires.
Eicutu Kuawpa.
1. He extends (these verses) by (interpolating)
the sound‘. Verily, breath (praza) is sound. Therefore every breath when it sounds, sounds loud, as it
were.
2. The verse (VIII, 69, 2) nadam va odattndm,
&c., is by its syllables an Ushzih5, by its feet an
Anush¢ubh*. Ushzwih is life, Anush¢ubh, speech. He
thus places life and speech in him (the sacrificer.)
3. By repeating the first verse three times, they
1 Because Virag, a foot of ten syllables, is food.
a Rv. X, 120, ra=. . 10
Rv. VIII, 69, 2a= . q
Syllable pu= . . 1
18
* Seven in the head and two in the body; sapta vai sirshany4s
prana dvAv avaiAav iti.
‘ Cf. I, 3, 5, 1.
* Each pada has seven syllables, the third only six; but a
seventh syllable is gained by pronouncing the y as i. Comm.
* Because it has four padas.
1 ARANYAKA, 3 ADHYAYA, 8 KHANDA, 8. 1185
become twenty-five. The trunk is the twenty-fifth,
and Prag4pati is the twenty-fifth, There are ten
fingers on his hands, ten toes on his feet, two legs,
two arms, and the trunk the twenty-fifth. He
adorns that trunk as the twenty-fifth. Now this day
consists of twenty-five, and the Stoma hymn of that
day consists of twenty-five: it becomes the same
through the same. Therefore the two, the day and
the hymn, are twenty-five. This is the twenty-fifth
with regard to the body.
4. Next, with regard to the deities: The eye, the
ear, the mind, speech, and breath, these five deities
(powers) have entered into that person (purusha),
and that person entered into the five deities. He is
wholly pervaded there with his limbs to the very
hairs and nails. Therefore all beings to the very
insects are born as pervaded (by the deities or
senses) !.
5. This has been declared by a Avshi (Rv. X,
114, 8):—
6. ‘A thousandfold are these fifteen hymns ;’—for
five arise from ten 2.
7. ‘As large as heaven and earth, so large is
it ; —verily, the self (givatman) is as large as heaven
and earth.
8. ‘A thousandfold are the thousand powers ® ;’—
1 The commentator takes this in a different sense, explaining
atra, there, as the body pervaded by the person, yet afterwards
stating that all beings are born, pervaded by the senses.
3 The commentator explains ukth4, hymns, as members or organs.
They are the five, and they spring from the ten, i.e. from the five
elements (earth, water, fire, wind, and ether), forming part of the
father and mother each, and therefore called ten, or a decade.
Dasatah is explained by bhftadasakat.
* The application of the senses to a thousand different objects.
186 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
by saying this the poet pleases the hymns (the
senses), and magnifies them.
g. ‘As far as Brahman reaches, ‘so far reaches
speech ;’—wherever there is Brahman, there is a
word; and wherever there is a word, there is Brahman, this was intended.
186 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
by saying this the poet pleases the hymns (the
senses), and magnifies them.
g. ‘As far as Brahman reaches, ‘so far reaches
speech ;’—wherever there is Brahman, there is a
word; and wherever there is a word, there is Brahman, this was intended.
10. The first of the hymns among all those
hymns has nine verses. Verily, there are nine
prazas (openings), and it serves for their benefit.
11. Then follows a hymn of six verses. Verily,
the seasons are six, and it serves to obtain them.
12. Then follows a hymn of five verses. Verily,
the Pankti consists of five feet. Verily, Pankti is
food, and it serves for the gaining of proper food.
13. Then follows a tristich, Three are these
threefold worlds, and it serves to conquer them.
14. These verses become Brzhatis!, that metre
being immortal, leading to the world of the Devas.
That body of verses is the trunk (of the bird represented by the whole sastra), and thus it is. He who
knows this comes by this way (by making the verses
the trunk of the bird) near to the immortal Self,
yea, to the immortal Self?
Each foot of the Trishfubh has eleven syllables, to which seven
are added from the Nada hymn. This gives eighteen syllables for
each pada. Two padas therefore give thirty-six syllables, and this
is a Brzhatf. In this manner the twenty-three verses of the hymns
yield forty-six Brzhatis. Comm.
® He obtains a birth among the gods by means of this Mahavrata ceremonial, if performed with meditation and a right understanding of its hidden meaning.
1 ARANYAKA, 4 ADHYAYA, I KHANDA, 4. 187
FOURTH ADHYAYA.
First Kuawpa.
1. Next comes the Sidadohas! verse. Sidadohas is breath, and thereby he joins all joints with
breath.
2. Next follow the neck verses. They recite
them as Ushzih, according to their metre *
3. Next comes (again) the Sfidadohas verse.
Sddadohas is breath, and thereby he joins all joints
with breath.
4. Next follows the head. That is in GAyatrt
verses. The Gayatri is the beginning of all metres’;
the head the first of all members. It is in Arkavat
verses (Rv. I, 7, 1-9)4. Arka is Agni. They are
nine verses. The head consists of nine pieces. He
recites the tenth verse, and that is the skin and the
hairs on the head. It serves for reciting one verse
more than (the nine verses contained in) the Stoma’®.
1 The Nishkevalya-sastra is represented in the shape of a
bird, consisting of trunk, neck, head, vertebrae, wings, tail, and
stomach. Before describing the hymns which form the neck,
another hymn has to be mentioned, called Sfdadohas, which has
to be recited at the end of the hymns, described before, which form
the trunk. S(dadohas is explained as ‘ yielding milk,’ and because
that word occurs in the verse, the verse is called Sfdadohas. It
follows on the Nada verse, Rv. VIII, 69, 3. Cf. Ait. Ar. I, 5,1, 7.
2 They occur in another sakh4, and are to be recited such as
they are, without any insertions. They are given by Saunaka,
Ait. Ar. V, 2, 1.
It
follows on the Nada verse, Rv. VIII, 69, 3. Cf. Ait. Ar. I, 5,1, 7.
2 They occur in another sakh4, and are to be recited such as
they are, without any insertions. They are given by Saunaka,
Ait. Ar. V, 2, 1.
5 It was created from the mouth of Prag4pati.
* They are called so, because the word arka occurs in them.
5 The chanters of the S&ama-veda make a Trivrit Stoma of
this hymn, without any repetitions, leaving out the tenth verse.
The reciters of the Rig-veda excel them therefore by reciting a
tenth verse. This is called atisamsanam (or -na).
188 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
These form the Trivzzt Stoma and the Gayatrt
metre, and whatever there exists, all this is produced after the production of this Stoma and this
metre. Therefore the recitation of these headhymns serves for production.
5. He who knows this, gets offspring and cattle.
6. Next comes the Sfidadohas verse. Verily,
Sddadohas is breath, and thereby he joins all joints
with breath.
7. Next follow the vertebrae! (of the bird).
These verses are Virag (shining). Therefore man
says to man, ‘Thou shinest above us;’ or to a stiff
and proud man, ‘ Thou carriest thy neck stiff’ Or
because the (vertebrae of the neck) run close together, they are taken to be the best food. For Virag
is food, and food is strength.
8. Next comes the Sidadohas verse. Sfidadohas
is breath, and thereby he joins all joints with breath.
1 Vigavas may be a singular, and the commentator seems to
take it as such in his first explanation. The text, t4 virdgo bhavanti, proves nothing, because it could not be sa virégo bhavanti,
nor even sa virad bhavati. Possibly the word may occur in both
forms, vigu, plural vigavak, and vigavak. In a somewhat similar
way we find griva and griv4A, folia and la feuille. On p. 109,
the commentator speaks of vigavabhaga, and again, p. 110, pakshamflarfipa vigava abhihité#. He, however, explains its meaning
rightly, as the root of the wings, or rather the lower bones of the
neck. Griva’, plural, were originally the vertebrae of the neck.
The paragraph, though very empty, contains at least some interesting forms of language. First vigu, vertebrae, then the participles duta and samb&/hatama, and lastly the verb pratyaé, the last
probably used in the sense of to bring near, to represent, with the
superlative adverb annatam4m (P4z. V, 4, 11), i.e. they are represented as if they brought the best food.
1 ARANYAKA, 4 ADHYAYA, 2 KHANDA, 3. 189
SECOND Kuanpa.
1. Next follows the right wing. It is this
world (the earth), it is this Agni, it is speech, it is
the Rathantara’, it is Vasish¢ka, it is a hundred *.
These are the six powers (of the right wing)*. The
Sampata hymn (Rv. IV, 20) serves indeed for obtaining desires and for firmness. The Pankti verse
(Rv. I, 80, 1) serves for proper food.
2. Next comes the Sadadohas verse. Sddadohas
is breath, thereby he joins all joints with breath.
These are the six powers (of the right wing)*. The
Sampata hymn (Rv. IV, 20) serves indeed for obtaining desires and for firmness. The Pankti verse
(Rv. I, 80, 1) serves for proper food.
2. Next comes the Sadadohas verse. Sddadohas
is breath, thereby he joins all joints with breath.
3. Next follows the left wing. It is that world
(heaven), it is that sun, it is mind, it is the Bvzhat, it
1 Rathantara is the name of the whole number of hymns to
be recited at this part of the sacrifice. It was made by Vasish/fa,
and consists of one hundred verses.
2 1. Stotriya, abhi tva sira nonumaé (Rv. VII, 32,22) 2 (3)
Anurfipa, abhi tv4 pfirvapftaye (Rv. VIII, 3, D 2 (3)
3. Indrasya nu (Rv. I, 32) . 15
4. Tve ha (Rv. VII, 18, 1-13) ee 15
5. Yas tigma (Rv. VII, 19). . . . ir
6. Ugro gagiie (Rv. VII, 20) . . . . 10
7. Udu (Rv. VI, 23) . ee . 6
8. A te mahak (Rv. VII, 25) . 6
9. Na somah (Rv. VII, 26) . . . 5
10. Indram narahk (Rv. VII, 27) . : . 5
11. Brahma nah (Rv. VII, 28) . 5
12, Ayam somah (Rv. VII, 29) . . 5
13. Ana indrat (Rv. IV, 20) . . . . II
98 (100)
14. Ittha hi (Rv. I-80, 1) . . . . I
99 (101)
These hymns and verses are given Ait. Ar. V, 2, 2; 1. Here we
also learn that hymn Rv. IV, 20, is called Samp4ta, and that the
last verse is a Pankti.
5 The six powers are earth, Agni, speech, Rathantara, Vasish/fa,
and a hundred.
190 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA,
is Bharadvaga, it is a hundred’. These are the
six powers (of the left wing). The Samp4ta hymn
(Rv. IV, 23) serves indeed for obtaining desires
and for firmness. The Pankti verse (Rv. I, 81, 1)
serves for proper food.
4. These two (the right and the left wings) are
deficient and excessive*. The Brzhat (the left wing)
is man, the Rathantara (the right wing) is woman.
The excess belongs to the man, the deficiency to the
woman. Therefore they are deficient and excessive.
5. Now the left wing of a bird is verily by one
feather better, therefore the left wing is larger by
one verse.
1 The hundred verses are given Ait. Ar. V, 2, 2, 5.
1. Stotriya, tvim id dhi (Rv. VI, 46, 1). - 2 (3)
2. Anurfpa, tvam hy ehi (Rv. VIII, 61,7) . 2 (3)
3. Tam u shéuhi (Rv. VI, 18) . . - 15
4. Suta it tvam (Rv. VI, 23) . . . * 10°
5. Vrisha mada (Rv. VI, 24) : ’ 10
6. Ya ta Oti# (Rv. VI, 25). 9
7. Abhfr ekah (Rv. VI, 31) 5
8. Apdrvya (Rv. VI, 32) . 5
9. Ya ogishthah (Rv. VI, 33) 5
10. Sam ka tve (Rv. VI, 34) 5
11. Kada bhuvan (Rv. VI, 35) . 5
12. Satra madasaf (Rv. VI, 36) 5
13. Arvag ratham (Rv. VI, 37) 5
14. Ap4d (Rv. VI, 38) . . 5
15. Katha mah4n (Rv. IV, 23) mo
99 (101)
16. Indro madaya (Rv. I, 81, 1) I
100 (102)
Though there are said to be roo verses before the Pankti
(No. 16), I can get only 99 or ror. See the following note.
* The right wing is deficient by one verse, the left wing exceeds
by one verse. I count 99 or ror verses in the right, and 100 or 102
in the left wing.
1 ARANYAKA, 4 ADHYAYA, 2 KHANDA, II, IQT
6. Next comes the Sfidadohas verse. Sfdadohas
is breath, and thereby he joins all joints with
breath.
* The right wing is deficient by one verse, the left wing exceeds
by one verse. I count 99 or ror verses in the right, and 100 or 102
in the left wing.
1 ARANYAKA, 4 ADHYAYA, 2 KHANDA, II, IQT
6. Next comes the Sfidadohas verse. Sfdadohas
is breath, and thereby he joins all joints with
breath.
7. Next follows the tail. They are twenty-one
Dvipad4 verses', For there are twenty-one backward feathers in a bird.
8. Then the Ekavimsa is the support of all
Stomas, and the tail the support of all birds*.
9. He recites a twenty-second verse. This is
made the form of two supports. Therefore all birds
support themselves on their tail, and having supported themselves on their tail, they fly up. For
the tail is a support.
10. He (the bird and the hymn) is supported by
two decades which are Virag. The man (the sacrificer) is supported by the two Dvipadas, the twentyfirst and twenty-second. That which forms the bird
serves for the attainment of all desires; that which
forms the man, serves for his happiness, glory,
proper food, and honour.
11. Next comes a Sfidadohas verse, then a
Dhayy4, then a Sddadohas verse. The Sfdadohas
is a man, the Dhayy4 a woman, therefore he recites
the Dhayy4 as embraced on both sides by the Sfdadohas. Therefore does the seed of both, when it is
effused, obtain oneness, and this with regard to the
, These verses are given Ait. Ar. V, 2, 2, 9.
. Imé nu kam (Rv. X, 157) 5
2. A yahi (Rv. X,172) «. - 4
3. Pra va indrdya &c. (not in the Sakalya-samhit&) 9
4. Esha brahmé &c. (not in the Sakalya-samhité) 3
21
* The other Stomas of the Agnish/oma are the Trivrit, Pafizadasa, Saptadasa, the Ekavimsa being the highest. Cf. I, 5, 1, 3.
192 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
woman only. Hence birth takes place in and from
the woman. Therefore he recites that Dhayyé in
that place}.
Tuirp Kuanpa.
1. He recites the eighty tristichs of GAyatrts*.
Verily, the eighty G4ayatrt tristichs are this world
(earth). Whatever there is in this world of glory,
greatness, wives, food, and honour, may I obtain it,
may I win it, may it be mine.
2. Next comes the Sfidadohas verse. Stdadohas
verily is breath. He joins this world with breath.
3. He recites the eighty tristichs of Brvzhatts.
Verily, the eighty Brzhati tristichs are the world of
the sky. Whatever there is in the world of the sky
of glory, greatness, : wives, food, and honour, may I
obtain it, may I win it, may it be mine.
4. Next comes the Sidadohas verse. Sfidadohas
verily is breath. He joins the world of the sky
with breath.
5. He recites the eighty tristichs of Ushvih. Verily, the eighty Ushzih tristichs are that world, the
heaven. Whatever there is in that world of glory,
greatness, wives, food, and honour, also the divine
being of the Devas (Brahman), may I obtain it, may
I win it, may it be mine.
6. Next comes the Siidadohas verse. Sfdadohas
verily is the breath. He joins that world with
breath, yea, with breath.
Whatever there is in that world of glory,
greatness, wives, food, and honour, also the divine
being of the Devas (Brahman), may I obtain it, may
I win it, may it be mine.
6. Next comes the Siidadohas verse. Sfdadohas
verily is the breath. He joins that world with
breath, yea, with breath.
1 Asmin vigavabhage. Comm.
2 These and the following verses form the food of the bird.
Comm. The verses themselves are given by Saunaka in the fifth
Aranyaka.
I ARANYAKA, 5 ADHYAYA, I KHANDA, 7. 193
FIFTH ADHYAYA.
First Kuawpa.
1. He recites the Vasa hymn!, wishing, May
everything be in my power.
2. They (its verses) are twenty-one *, for twentyone are the parts (the lungs, spleen, &c.) in the belly.
3. Then the Ekavimsa is verily the support of all
Stomas, and the belly the support of all food.
4. They consist of different metres. Verily, the
intestines are confused, some small, some large.
5. He recites them with the prazava’, according
to the metre‘, and according to rule’. Verily, the
intestines are according to rule, as it were; some
shorter, some longer.
6. Next comes the Sidadohas verse. Sfdadohas
verily is breath. He joins the joints with breath.
7. After having recited that verse twelve times he
+ | Having recited the verses which form the body, neck, head,
wings, and tail of the bird, also the food intended for the bird,
he now describes the Vasa hymn, i.e. the hymn composed by
Vasa, Rv. VIII, 46. That hymn takes the place of the stomach,
which receives the food intended for the bird. Cf. Ait. Ar. V, 2, 5.
In I, 5, 2, 4 it is called a Nivid.
2 Verses 1-20 of the Vasa hymn, and one Sfidadohas.
* Pranfvam means ‘with prasava,’ i.e. inserting Om in the
proper places.
* According as the metres of the different verses are fixed by
Saunaka, Ait. Ar. V, 2, 5, who says that verse 15 is Dvipada, and
that the last four words, nfinam atha, form an Ekapada.
5 According to rule, i.e. so that they should come right as
Asvalayana has prescribed the recitation of Dvipada and Ekapada verses, In a Dvipada there should be a stop after the first
foot, and Om at the end of the second. In an Ekapada there
should be Om at the beginning and at the end.
[3] oO
194 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
leaves it off there. These pravas are verily twelvefold, seven in the head, two on the breast, three
below. In these twelve places the prasas are contained, there they are perfect. Therefore he leaves
it off there’.
8. The hymn indragnt yuvam su nak (Rv. VIII,
40) forms the two thighs (of the bird) belonging to
Indra and Agni, the two supports with broad bones.
9. These (verses) consist of six feet, so that they
may stand firm. Man stands firm on two feet,
animals on four. He thus places man (the sacrificer), standing on two feet, among four-footed
cattle.
10. The second verse has seven feet, and he
makes it into a Gayatrt and Anush¢ubh. GéAyatrt is
Brahman, Anushéubh is speech; and he thus puts
together speech with Brahman.
He thus places man (the sacrificer), standing on two feet, among four-footed
cattle.
10. The second verse has seven feet, and he
makes it into a Gayatrt and Anush¢ubh. GéAyatrt is
Brahman, Anushéubh is speech; and he thus puts
together speech with Brahman.
11. He recites a Trish¢éubh at the end. Trishéubh
is strength, and thus does he come round animals
by strength. Therefore animals come near where
there is strength (of command, &c.); they come to
be roused and to rise up, (they obey the commands
of a strong shepherd.)
Sreconp Kuanpa.
1. When he recites the Nishkevalya hymn addressed to Indra (Rv. X, 50), pra vo mahe, he inserts
a Nivid? (between the fourth and fifth verses). Thus
he clearly places strength in himself (in the sastra,
in the bird, in himself).
2. They are Trish¢ubhs and Gagatts.
1 He repeats the Sadadohas verse no more. Comm.
* Sentences like indro devak somam pibatu.
1 ARANYAKA, 5 ADHYAYA, 2 KHANDA, 8, 195
3. There they say: ‘Why does he insert a Nivid
among mixed Trishéubhs and Gagatis!?’ But surely
One metre would never support the Nivid of this
day, nor fill it: therefore he inserts the Nivid
among mixed Trishéubhs and Gagatts.
4. Let him know that this day has three Nivids:
the Vasa hymn is a Nivid, the VAlakhilyas? are a
Nivid, and the Nivid itself is a Nivid. Thus let
him know that day as having three Nivids.
5. Then follow the hymns vane na v4 (Rv. X,
29) and yo gata eva (Rv. II, 12). In the fourth
verse of the former hymn occur the words anne
samasya yad asan mantsh4Z, and they serve for the
winning of proper food.
6. Then comes an insertion. As many Trish¢ubh
and Gagatt verses®, taken from the ten Mandalas
and addressed to Indra, as they insert (between the
two above-mentioned hymns), after changing them
into Bvzhatts, so many years do they live beyond
the (usual) age (of one hundred years). By this
insertion age is obtained.
7. After that he recites the Sagantya hymn, wishing that cattle may always come to his offspring.
8. Then he recites the Tarkshya hymn‘. TArkshya is verily welfare, and the hymn leads to welfare. Thus (by reciting the hymn) he fares well °.
1 According to the Prakriti of the Agnish/oma they ought to
be all Trishfubhs. Comm.
% These hymns occur in the eighty Brshatt tristichs.
* From the Samhit&, which consists of ten thousand verses.
Comm.
‘ Rv. X,178. Tarksha Garuda being the deity of the hymn,
it is called Tarkshya,
* Cf. I, 6, 3, 13-
196 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
9. Then he recites the Ekapad4 (indro visvam
vi ragati), wishing, May I be everything at once,
and may I thus finish the whole work of metres.
Comm.
‘ Rv. X,178. Tarksha Garuda being the deity of the hymn,
it is called Tarkshya,
* Cf. I, 6, 3, 13-
196 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
9. Then he recites the Ekapad4 (indro visvam
vi ragati), wishing, May I be everything at once,
and may I thus finish the whole work of metres.
1o. In reciting the hymn indram visva avtvrtdhan (Rv. I, 11) he intertwines the first seven verses
by intertwining their feet*. There are seven prazas
(openings) in the head, and he thus places seven
prazas in the head. The eighth verse (half-verse)
he does not intertwine*, The eighth is speech,
and he thinks, May my speech never be intertwined
with the other prazas. Speech therefore, though
dwelling in the same abode as the other pramas, is
not intertwined with them.
11. He recites the Virag verses‘. Verily, Virag
verses are food, and they thus serve for the gaining
of food.
12. He ends with the hymn of Vasishéha®,
wishing, May I be Vasish¢ha!
13. But let him end with the fifth verse, esha
stomo maha ugréya vahe, which, possessing the
word mahat, is auspicious,
14. In the second foot of the fifth verse the word
dhuri occurs. Verily, dhu% (the place where the
horse is fastened to the car) is the end (of the car).
This day also is the end (of the sacrifice which lasts
a whole year)*. Thus the verse is fit for the day.
1 The Ekapada forms the last metre in this ceremony.
* The first and last half-verses of the hymn are not to be
intertwined. Of the remaining fourteen half-verses he joins, for
instance, the fourth foot of the first verse with the second foot
of the second verse, and so on. Comm.
> Because nothing more follows. Comm.
* Rv. VII, 22, 1-6. 5 Rv. VII, 24.
* The last day is the udayanfyatiratra. Comm.
1 ARANYAKA, 5 ADHYAYA, 3 KHANDA, 3. 197
15. In the third foot the word arka is auspicious.
16. The last foot is: ‘Make our glory high as
heaven over heaven.’ Thus wherever Brahmanic
speech is uttered, there his glory will be, when he
who knows this finishes with that verse. Therefore
let a man who knows this, finish (the Nishkevalya)
with that verse.
Tuirp KyHanpa},
1. Tat savitur vvzmtmahe (Rv. V, 82, 1-3) and
ady4 no deva savitar (Rv. V, 82, 4-6) are the
beginning (pratipad) and the next step (anuéara) of
the Vaisvadeva hymn, taken from the Ekaha ceremonial and therefore proper *.
2. On that day* much is done now and then
which has to be hidden, and has to be atoned for.
Atonement is rest, the one-day sacrifice. Therefore
at the end of the year the sacrificers rest on this
atonement as their rest. He who knows this rests
firm, and they also for whom a Hotzz priest who
knows this, recites this hymn.
3. Then (follows) the hymn addressed to Savitvz, tad devasya savitur varyam mahat (Rv. IV, 53).
Verily, mahat, great, (in this foot) is the end‘.
This day too is the end. Thus the verse is fit for
the day.
? After finishing the Nishkevalya of the noon-libation, he explains
the vaisvadevasastra of the third libation.,
IV, 53).
Verily, mahat, great, (in this foot) is the end‘.
This day too is the end. Thus the verse is fit for
the day.
? After finishing the Nishkevalya of the noon-libation, he explains
the vaisvadevasastra of the third libation.,
* The norm of the Mah4vrata is the Visvagit, and the norm
of that, the Agnishfoma Ek&ha. The verses to be used for the
Vaisvadeva hymn are prescribed in those normal sacrifices, and
are here adopted.
® Cf. Ait. Ar. I, 2, 1, 2.
* Nothing higher than the great can be wished for or obtained.
Comm.
198 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA,
4. The hymn katara pfrv4 katara parayoh (Rv.
I, 185), addressed to DyAvapr‘thivt, is one in which
many verses have the same ending. Verily, this day
also (the mah4vrata) is one in which many receive
the same reward. Thus it is fit for the day.
5. The hymn anasvo gato anabhisur ukthyad (Rv.
IV, 36) is addressed to the Azbhus.
6. In the first verse the word tri (4akra%) occurs,
and trivat? is verily the end. This day also is the
end (of the sacrifice). Thus the verse is fit for the
day.
7. The hymn asya vamasya palitasya hotud (Rv.
I, 164), addressed to the Visvedevas, is multiform.
’ This day also is multiform*. Thus the verse is fit
for the day.
8. He recites the end of it, beginning with gaurir
mimaya (Rv. I, 164, 41).
9. The hymn 4 no bhadr&& kratavo yantu visvatak
(Rv. I, 89), addressed to the Visvedevas, forms the
Nividdh4na, taken from the Ekaha ceremonial, and
therefore proper.
10. On that day much is done now and then
which has to be hidden, and has to be atoned for.
Atonement is rest, the one-day sacrifice. Therefore
at the end of the year the sacrificers rest on this
atonement as their rest. He who knows this rests
firm, and they also for whom a Hotz? priest who
knows this, recites this hymn.
11. The hymn vaisvanaraya dhishaz4m rita-
1 All who perform the ceremony obtain Brahman. Cf. § 12.
* The third wheel, in addition to the usual two wheels, forms
the end of a carriage, as before the dhué, cf. I, 5, 2,14. This
day also is the end.
* Consisting of Vedic hymns and dances, &c. Comm.
1 ARANYAKA, 5 ADHYAYA, 3 KHANDA, 14. 199
vridhe (Rv. III, 2) forms the beginning of the
Agnimaruta. DhishawA, thought, is verily the end,
this day also is the end. Thus it is fit for the
day.
12, The hymn prayagyavo maruto bhragadvzshéayak (Rv. V, 55), addressed to the Maruts, is one in
which many verses have the same ending. Verily,
this day also is one in which many receive the same
reward. Thus it is fit for the day?
13. He recites the verse gdtavedase sunavama
somam (Rv. I, 99, 1), addressed to Gatavedas, before
the (next following) hymn. That verse addressed to
GAtavedas is verily welfare, and leads to welfare.
Thus (by reciting it) he fares well*
Thus it is fit for the day?
13. He recites the verse gdtavedase sunavama
somam (Rv. I, 99, 1), addressed to Gatavedas, before
the (next following) hymn. That verse addressed to
GAtavedas is verily welfare, and leads to welfare.
Thus (by reciting it) he fares well*
14. The hymn imam stomam arhate gatavedase
(Rv. I, 94), addressed to GAtavedas, is one in which
many verses have the same ending. Verily, this day
also (the mahavrata) is one in which many receive
the same reward. Thus it is fit for the day, yea, it
is fit for the day.
1Ch§ 4. 2 CEI, 5, 2, 8
SECOND ARANYAKA.
FIRST ADHYAYA.
7 us f
4 |r First Kuawpa.
5, XC vit ! Wiru the second Aranyaka the Upanishad begins. It comprises
- -<> the second and third Arasyakas, and may be said to consist of
‘ = .., { three divisions, or three Upanishads. Their general title is Bahvrzta-
;+-’“ ‘ ypanishad, sometimes Mahaitareya-upanishad, while the Upanishad
generally known as Aitareya-upanishad comprises the 4th, 5th, and
6th adhy4yas only of the second Aranyaka.
The character of the three component portions of the Upanishad
can best be described in Sankara’s own words (Ar. III, 1, 1, Introd.
p- 306): ‘There are three classes of men who want to acquire
knowledge. The highest consists of those who have turned away
from the world, whose minds are fixed on one subject and collected, and who yearn to be free at once. For these a knowledge
of Brahman is intended, as taught in the Ait. Ar. II, 4-6. The
middle class are those who wish to become free gradually by attaining to the world of Hirazyagarbha. For them the knowledge
and worship of Pr&aza (breath and life) is intended, as explained in
the Ait. Ar, II, 1-3. The lowest class consists of those who do
not care either for immediate or gradual freedom, but who desire
nothing but offspring, cattle, &c. For these the meditative worship
of the Samhit& is intended, as explained in the third Aramyaka.
They cling too strongly to the letter of the sacred text to be able to
surrender it for a knowledge either of Pr4ma (life) or of Brahman.’
The connexion between the Upanishad or rather the three
Upanishads and the first Aranyaka seems at first sight very slight.
Still we soon perceive that it would be impossible to understand
the first Upanishad, without a previous knowledge of the Mahévrata ceremony as described in the first Aranyaka.
On this point too there are some pertinent remarks in Sankara’s
commentary on the Aramyaka II, 1,2. ‘Our first duty,’ he says,
‘consists in performing sacrifices, such as are described in the first
portion of the Veda, the Samhités, Brahmamas, and, to a certain
extent, in the Aranyakas also. Afterwards arises a desire for
knowledge, which cannot be satisfied except a man has first attained
on
=:
11 ARANYAKA, I ADHYAYA, I KHANDA, 2. 201
Afterwards arises a desire for
knowledge, which cannot be satisfied except a man has first attained
on
=:
11 ARANYAKA, I ADHYAYA, I KHANDA, 2. 201
complete concentration of thought (ek4grat4). In order to acquire
that concentration, the performance of certain up4sanas or meditations is enjoined, such as we find described in our Upanishad, viz. in
Ar. II, 1-3.’
This meditation or, as it is sometimes translated, worship is of
two kinds, either brahmop4sana or prattkopfsana. Brahmopasana or meditation on Brahman consists in thinking of him as
distinguished by certain qualities, Pratikopasana or meditation
on symbols consists in looking upon certain worldly objects as if
they were Brahman, in order thus to withdraw the mind from the
too powerful influence of external objects.
These objects, thus lifted up into symbols of Brahman, are of
two kinds, either connected with sacrifice or not. In our Upanishad
we have to deal with the former class only, viz. with certain portions of the MahAvrata, as described in the first Aranyaka. In order
that the mind may not be entirely absorbed by the sacrifice, it is
lifted up during the performance from the consideration of these
sacrificial objects to a meditation on higher objects, leading up at
last to Brahman as pr4ma or life. |
This meditation is to be performed by the priests, and while they
meditate they may meditate on a hymn or on a single word of it as
meaning something else, such as the sun, the earth, or the sky, but
not vice vers4. And ifin one Sakhé, as in that of the Aitareyins, for
instance, a certain hymn has been symbolically explained, the same
explanation may be adopted by another Sakh4 also, such as that of
the Kaushftakins. It is not necessary, however, that every part of
the sacrifice should be accompanied by meditation, but it is left
optional to the priest in what particular meditation he wishes to .
engage, nor is even the time of the sacrifice the only right time
for him to engage in these meditations,
1. This is the path: this sacrifice, and this Brahman. This is the true?
2. Let no man swerve from it, let no man transgress it.
1 Comm. The path is twofold, consisting of works and knowledge. Works or sacrifices have been described in the Samhit4,
the Brahmasa, and the first Aranyaka. Knowledge of Brahman
forms the subject of the second and third Aranyakas. The true
path is that of knowledge.
202 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
3. For the old (sages) did not transgress it, and
those who did transgress, became lost.
4. This has been declared by a Rishi (Rv. VIII,
101, 14): ‘Three (classes of) people transgressed,
others settled down round about the venerable
(Agni, fire); the great (sun) stood in the midst of
the worlds, the blowing (V4yu, air) entered the
Harits (the dawns, or the ends of the earth).’
5. When he says: ‘Three (classes of ) people transgressed,’ the three (classes of) people who transgressed are what we see here (on earth, born again)
as birds, trees, herbs, and serpents}.
When he says: ‘Three (classes of ) people transgressed,’ the three (classes of) people who transgressed are what we see here (on earth, born again)
as birds, trees, herbs, and serpents}.
6. When he says: ‘Others settled down round
about the venerable,’ he means those who now sit
down to worship Agni (fire).
7. When he says : ‘ The great stood in the midst
of the worlds,’ the great one in the midst of the
world is meant for this Aditya, the sun.
8. When he says: ‘The blowing entered the
Harits,’ he means that V4yu, the air, the purifier,
entered all the corners of the earth *.
Sreconp KHANDA.
1. People say: ‘Uktha, uktha,’ hymns, hymns!
(without knowing what uktha, hymn’, means.) The
1 Vangah is explained by vanagat4 vriksh4s ; avagadh4Z is explained by vrihiyavadya oshadhayah; trapad4A is explained by uraspada’ sarpa4. Possibly they are all old ethnic names, like Vanga,
Kera, &c. In Anandatirtha's commentary vaydmsi are explained
by Pisika, Vahgavagadhas by R&kshasa, and frapfdas by Asuras.
* Three classes of men go to Naraka (hell); the fourth class, full
of faith and desirous of reaching the highest world, worships Agni,
Vayu, and other gods. Comm,
® The Comm. explains uktha as that from whence the favour
of the gods arises, uttish/Aaty anena devatapras&da iti vyutpattez.
11 ARANYAKA, I ADHYAYA, 2 KHANDA, II. 203
hymn is truly (to be considered as) the earth, for
from it all whatsoever exists arises.
2. The object of its praise is Agni (fire), and the
eighty verses (of the hymn) are food, for by means
of food one obtains everything.
3. The hymn is truly the sky, for the birds fly
along the sky, and men drive following the sky.
The object of its praise is Vayu (air), and the eighty
verses (of the hymn) are food, for by means of food
one obtains everything.
4. The hymn is truly the heaven, for from: its gift
(rain) all whatsoever exists arises. The object of its
praise is Aditya (the sun), and the eighty verses are
food, for by means of food one obtains everything.
5. So much with reference to the gods (mythological); now with reference to man (physiological).
6. The hymn is truly man. He is great, he is
Pragdpati. Let him think, I am the hymn.
7. The hymn is his mouth, as before in the case
of the earth.
8. The object of its praise is speech, and the
eighty verses (of the hymn) are food, for by means
of food he obtains everything.
9. The hymn is the nostrils, as before in the
case of the sky.
10. The object of its praise is breath, and the
eighty verses (of the hymn) are food, for by means
of food he obtains everything.
11. The slight bent (at the root) of the nose is, as
it were, the place of the brilliant (Aditya, the sun).
The object is now to show that the uktha or hymn used at the
Mahf4vrata ceremony has a deeper meaning than it seems to have,
and that its highest aim is Brahman; not, however, the highest
Brahman, but Brahman considered as life (prama).
204 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
The object is now to show that the uktha or hymn used at the
Mahf4vrata ceremony has a deeper meaning than it seems to have,
and that its highest aim is Brahman; not, however, the highest
Brahman, but Brahman considered as life (prama).
204 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
12. The hymn is the forehead, as before in the
case of heaven. The object of its praise is the
eye, and the eighty verses (of the hymn) are food,
for by means of food he obtains everything.
13. The eighty verses (of the hymn) are alike
food with reference to the gods as well as with
reference to man. For all these beings breathe and
live by means of food indeed. By food (given in
alms, &c.) he conquers this world, by food (given
im sacrifice) he conquers the other. Therefore the
eighty verses (of the hymn) are alike food, with reference to the gods as well as with reference to man.
14. All this that is food, and all this that consumes food, is only the earth, for from the earth
arises all whatever there is.
15. And all that goes hence (dies on earth),
heaven consumes it all; and all that goes thence
(returns from heaven to a new life) the earth consumes it all.
16. That earth is thus both food and consumer.
He also (the true worshipper who meditates on
himself as being the uktha) is both consumer and
consumed (subject and object!). No one possesses
that which he does not eat, or the things which do
not eat him?
? As a master who lives by his servants, while his servants live
by him. Comm.
* Thave translated these paragraphs, as much as possible, according to the commentator. I doubt whether, either in the original or
in the interpretation of the commentator, they yield any very definite
sense. They are vague speculations, vague, at least, to us, though
intended by the Brahmans to give a deeper meaning to certain
ceremonial observances connected with the Mah4vrata. The uktha,
or hymn, which is to be meditated on, as connected with the
sacrifice, is part of the Mahavrata, an important ceremony, to be
11 ARANYAKA, I ADHYAYA, 3 KHANDA, 2. 205
TuHirpD KHawpa.
1. Next follows the origin of seed. The seed
of Pragdpati are the Devas (gods). The seed of
the Devas is rain. The seed of rain are herbs.
The seed of herbs is food. The seed of food is
seed. The seed of seed are creatures. The seed
of creatures is the heart. The seed of the heart
is the mind. The seed of the mind is speech (Veda).
The seed of speech is action (sacrifice). The action
done (in a former state) is this man, the abode of
Brahman.
2. He (man) consists of food (ira), and because
he consists of food (iramaya), he consists of gold
(hirazmaya?). He who knows this becomes golden
in the other world, and is seen as golden (as the
sun) for the benefit of all beings.
2. He (man) consists of food (ira), and because
he consists of food (iramaya), he consists of gold
(hirazmaya?). He who knows this becomes golden
in the other world, and is seen as golden (as the
sun) for the benefit of all beings.
performed on the last day but one (the twenty-fourth) of the
Gav4mayana sacrifice. That sacrifice lasts a whole year, and
its performance has been fully described in the Brahmanas and
Aranyakas. But while the ordinary performer of the Mah4vrata
has simply to recite the uktha or nishkevalya-sastra, consisting of
eighty verses (tri#a) in the G4yatri, Brzhatf, and Ushzih metres,
the more advanced worshipper (or priest) is to know that this
uktha has a deeper meaning, and is to meditate on it as being
the earth, sky, heaven, also as the human body, mouth, nostrils,
and forehead. The worshipper is in fact to identify himself by
meditation with the uktha in all its senses, and thus to become
the universal spirit or Hirazyagarbha. By this process he becomes
the consumer and consumed, the subject and object, of everything,
while another sacrificer, not knowing this, remains in his limited
individual sphere, or, as the text expresses it, does not possess
what he cannot eat (perceive), or what cannot eat him (perceive
him). The last sentence is explained differently by the commentator, but in connexion with the whole passage it seems to
me to become more intelligible, if interpreted as I have proposed
to interpret it.
1 Play on words. Comm.
206 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
FourTH Kuanpa.
1. Brahman (in the shape of praza, breath) entered
into that man by the tips of his feet, and because
Brahman entered (prapadyata) into that man by
the tips of his feet, therefore people call them the
tips of the feet (prapada), but hoofs and claws in
other animals.
2. Then Brahman crept up higher, and therefore
they were (called)! the thighs (ard).
3. Then he said: ‘Grasp wide,’ and that was
(called) the belly (udara).
4. Then he said: ‘Make room for me,’ and that
was (called) the chest (uras).
5. The Sarkarékshyas meditate on the belly as
Brahman, the Aruwis on the heart®, Both (these
places) are Brahman indeed $,
6. But Brahman crept upwards and came to the
head, and because he came to the head, therefore
the head is called head ¢,
7. Then these delights alighted in the head,
sight, hearing, mind, speech, breath.
8. Delights alight on him who thus knows, why
the head is called head.
9. These (five delights or senses) strove together, saying: ‘I am the uktha (hymn), I am the
uktha >’ ‘ Well,’ they said, ‘let us all go out from
1 These are all plays on words. Comm,
3 This does not appear to be the case either in the KA’. Up. V,
15; 17, or in the Satapatha-brahmana X, 6, 1.
* The pluti in t&3i is explained as sAstriyaprasiddhyartha.
* All puns, as if we were to say, because he hied up to the head,
therefore the head was called head.
Comm,
3 This does not appear to be the case either in the KA’. Up. V,
15; 17, or in the Satapatha-brahmana X, 6, 1.
* The pluti in t&3i is explained as sAstriyaprasiddhyartha.
* All puns, as if we were to say, because he hied up to the head,
therefore the head was called head.
5 Each wished to be identified with the uktha, as it was said
before that the human body, mouth, nostrils, forehead were to be
identified with the uktha. Cf. Kaush. Up. III, 3.
a
11 ARANYAKA, I ADHYAYA, 4 KHANDA, 17. 207
this body ; then on whose departure this body shall
fall, he shall be the uktha among us?’
10. Speech went out, yet the body without
speaking remained, eating and drinking.
Sight went out, yet the body without seeing remained, eating and drinking.
Hearing went out, yet the body without hearing
remained, eating and drinking.
Mind went out, yet the body, as if blinking, remained, eating and drinking.
Breath went out, then when breath was gone out,
the body fell.
11. It was decayed, and because people said, it
decayed, therefore it was (called) body (sartra).
That is the reason of its name.
12. If a man knows this, then the evil enemy
who hates him decays, or the evil enemy who hates
him is defeated.
13. They strove again, saying: ‘I am the uktha,
I am the uktha.’ ‘Well,’ they said, ‘let us enter
that body again; then on whose entrance this body
shall rise again, he shall be the uktha among us.’
14. Speech entered, but the body lay still. Sight
entered, but the body lay still. Hearing entered,
but the body lay still. Mind entered, but the body
lay still, Breath entered, and when breath had
entered, the body rose, and it became the uktha.
15. Therefore breath alone is the uktha.
16. Let people know that breath is the uktha
indeed.
17. The Devas (the other senses) said to breath:
‘Thou art the uktha, thou art all this, we are thine,
thou art ours.’
1 Cf. KA. Up. V, 1; Brith. Up. VI, 1; Kaush. Up. II, 12-14;
II, 2; Prasna Up. II, 1.
/
/
208 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
18. This has also been said by a Aeshi (Rv.
VIII, 92, 32): ‘Thou art ours, we are thine.’
Firty KuHawpa.
1. Then the Devas carried him (the breath)
forth, and being carried forth, he was stretched out,
and when people said, ‘ He was stretched out,’ then
it was in the morning ; when they said, ‘ He is gone
to rest,’ then it was in the evening. Day, therefore,
is the breathing up, night the breathing down ?.
2. Speech is Agni, sight that Aditya (sun), mind
the moon, hearing the Dis (quarters): this is the
prahit4m samyoga*, the union of the deities as sent
forth. These deities (Agni, &c.) are thus in the
body, but their (phenomenal) appearance yonder is
among the deities—this was intended.
3. And Hiraszyadat Vaida also, who knew this
(and who by his knowledge had become Hirazyagarbha or the universal spirit), said: ‘Whatever
they do not give to me, they do not possess themselves.” I know the prahit4m samyoga, the union of
the deities, as entered into the body*. This is it.
3. And Hiraszyadat Vaida also, who knew this
(and who by his knowledge had become Hirazyagarbha or the universal spirit), said: ‘Whatever
they do not give to me, they do not possess themselves.” I know the prahit4m samyoga, the union of
the deities, as entered into the body*. This is it.
1 All these are plays on words, pratar being derived from
pratayi, sdyam from samfg&t. The real object, however, is to
show that breath, which is the uktha, which is the worshipper, is
endowed with certain qualities, viz. time, speech, &c.
* The meaning is, that the four deities, Agni, Aditya, Moon,
and the Dis proceed from their own places to dwell together in
the body of man, and that this is called the prahitam samyogah.
Prahit is explained as prahita, placed, sent. It is probably formed
from hi, not from dh. Prahito# samyoganam is the name of a
Séman, Ind. Stud. III, 225. As Devas or gods they appear each
in its own place. The whole passage is very obscure.
* All this is extremely obscure, possibly incorrect. For yam,
unless it refers to some other word, we expect yan. For dadyus
one expects dady&t. What is intended is that Hirazyadat had
11 ARANYAKA, I ADHYAYA, 6 KHANDA, 4. 209
4. To him who knows this all creatures, without
being constrained, offer gifts.
5. That breath is (to be called) sattya (the true),
for sat is breath, ti is food, yam is the sun’. This is
threefold, and threefold the eye also may be called,
it being white, dark, and the pupil. He who knows
why true is true (why sattya is sattya), even if he
should speak falsely, yet what he says is true.
Sixtu Kuawpa.
1. Speech is his (the breath’s) rope, the names the
knots*. Thus by his speech as by a rope, and by his
names as by knots, all this is bound. For all this are
names indeed, and with speech he calls everything.
2. People carry him who knows this, as if they
were bound by a rope.
3. Of the body of the breath thus meditated on,
the Ushzih verse forms the hairs, the Gayatri the
skin, the Trish¢ubh the flesh, the Anush¢ubh the
muscles, the Gagatt the bone, the Pankti the marrow, the Brzhatt the breath® (praza). He is covered
with the verses (é4andas, metres). Because he is
thus covered with verses, therefore they call them
khandas (coverings, metres).
4. If a man knows the reason why é/andas are
- called £4andas, the verses cover him in whatever
place he likes against any evil deed.
through meditation acquired identity with the universal spirit, and
that therefore he might say that whatever was not surrendered to
him did not really belong to anybody. On Hirasyadat, see Ait.
Brahm. III, 6.
Cf. Kh. Up. VIII, 3, 5.
* The rope is supposed to be the chief rope to which various
smaller ropes are attached for fastening animals.
* Here conceived as the air breathed, not as the deity. Comm,
[3] P
210 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA,
5. Thisis said by a Azshi (Rv. I, 164, 13):—
Brahm. III, 6.
Cf. Kh. Up. VIII, 3, 5.
* The rope is supposed to be the chief rope to which various
smaller ropes are attached for fastening animals.
* Here conceived as the air breathed, not as the deity. Comm,
[3] P
210 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA,
5. Thisis said by a Azshi (Rv. I, 164, 13):—
6. ‘I saw (the breath) as a guardian, never tiring,
coming and going on his ways (the arteries). That
breath (in the body, being identified with the sun
among the Devas), illuminating the principal and
intermediate quarters of the sky, is returning constantly in the midst of the worlds.’
He says: ‘I saw a guardian,’ because he, the
breath, is a guardian, for he guards everything.
7. He says: ‘Never tiring,’ because the breath
never rests. .
8. He says: ‘Coming and going on his ways,’
because the breath comes and goes on his ways.
9. He says: ‘Illuminating the principal and intermediate,’ because he illuminates these only, the
principal and intermediate quarters of the sky.
to. He says: ‘ He is returning constantly in the
midst of the worlds, because he returns indeed
constantly in the midst of the worlds.
11. And then, there is another verse (Rv. I, 55,
81): ‘They are covered like caves by those who
make them,’
12. For all this is covered indeed by breath.
13. This ether is supported by breath as Brzhatt,
and as this ether is supported by breath as Brzhatt,
so one should know that all things, not excepting
ants, are supported by breath as Bvvhatt.
SEVENTH KHaAwnpA,
1. Next follow the powers of that Person '.
2. By his speech earth and fire were created.
1 The purusha, as described before in the second chapter, is the
Prag4pati or universal spirit with whom the worshipper is to identify
himself by meditation. The manifestations of his power consist in
creating the earth, fire, the sky, the air, heaven, the sun.
11 ARANYAKA, I ADHYAYA, 7 KHANDA, 6. 211
Herbs are produced on the earth, and-Agni (fire)
makes them ripe and sweet. ‘Take this, take this,’
thus saying do earth and fire serve their parent,
speech.
3. As far as the earth reaches, as far as fire
reaches, so far does his world extend, and as long as
the world of the earth and fire does not decay, so
long does his world not decay who thus knows
this power of speech.
4. By breath (in the nose) the sky and the air
were created. People follow the sky, and hear
along the sky, while the air carries along pure scent.
Thus do sky and air serve their parent, the breath. -
As far as the sky reaches, as far as the air
reaches, so far does his world extend, and as long as
the world of the sky and the air does not decay, so
long does his world not decay who thus knows this
power of breath.
5. By his eye heaven and the sun were created,
Heaven gives him rain and food, while the sun
causes his light to shine. Thus do the heaven and
the sun serve their parent, the eye.
5. By his eye heaven and the sun were created,
Heaven gives him rain and food, while the sun
causes his light to shine. Thus do the heaven and
the sun serve their parent, the eye.
As far as heaven reaches and as far as the sun
reaches, so far does his world extend, and as long
as the world of heaven and the sun does not decay,
so long does his world not decay who thus knows
the power of the eye.
6. By his ear the quarters and the moon were
created. From all the quarters they come to him,
and from all the quarters he hears, while the moon
produces for him the bright and the dark halves for
the sake of sacrificial work. Thus do the quarters
and the moon serve their parent, the ear.
As far as the quarters reach and as far as the
P 2
212 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
moon reaches, so far does his world extend, and as
long as the world of the quarters and the moon does
not decay, so long does his world not decay who
thus knows the power of the ear.
7. By his mind the water and Varuva were
created, Water yields to him faith (being used for
sacred acts), Varuma keeps his offspring within the
law. Thus do water and Varuma serve their parent,
the mind.
As far as water reaches and as far as Varuza
reaches, so far does his world extend, and as long
as the world of water and Varuva does not decay,
so long does his world not decay who thus knows
the power of the mind.
EicutH Kuawnpal.
1. Was it water really? Was it water? Yes,
all this was water indeed. This (water) was the root
(cause), that (the world) was the shoot (effect). He
(the person) is the father, they (earth, fire, &c.) are
the sons. Whatever there is belonging to the son,
belongs to the father ; whatever there is belonging to
the father, belongs to the son. This was intended*.
2. Mahidasa Aitareya, who knew this, said: ‘I
know myself (reaching) as far as the gods, and I
know the gods (reaching) as far as me. For these
1 Having described how Praza, the breath, and his companions
or servants created the world, he now discusses the question of
the material cause of the world out of which it was created.
Water, which is said to be the material of the world, is explained
by the commentator to mean here the five elements.
* Cause and effect are not entirely separated, therefore water,
as the elementary cause, and earth, fire, &c., as its effect, are one ;
likewise the worshipper, as the father, and the earth, fire, &c. as his
sons, as described above. Mfila and tila, root and shoot, are evidently chosen for the sake of the rhyme, to signify cause and effect.
11 ARANYAKA, I ADHYAyA, 8 KHANDA, 12. 213
gods receive their gifts from hence, and are supported from hence.’
3. This is the mountain!, viz. eye, ear, mind,
speech, and breath. They call it the mountain of
Brahman.
4. He who knows this, throws down the evil
enemy who hates him; the evil enemy who hates
him is defeated.
213
gods receive their gifts from hence, and are supported from hence.’
3. This is the mountain!, viz. eye, ear, mind,
speech, and breath. They call it the mountain of
Brahman.
4. He who knows this, throws down the evil
enemy who hates him; the evil enemy who hates
him is defeated.
5. He (the Praza, identified with Brahman) is the
life, the breath; he is being (while the gtvatman
remains), and not-being (when the gitvatman departs).
6. The Devas (speech, &c.) worshipped him
(praza) as Bhidti or being, and thus they became
great beings. And therefore even now a man who
sleeps, breathes like bhirbhud.
7. The Asuras worshipped him as Abhati or notbeing, and thus they were defeated.
8. He who knows this, becomes great by himself,
while the evil enemy who hates him, is defeated.
9. He (the breath) is death (when he departs),
and immortality (while he abides).
10. And this has been said by a Ashi (Rv. I,
164, 38) :—
11. ‘ Downwards and upwards he (the wind of the
breath) goes, held by food ;’—for this up-breathing,
being held back by the down-breathing, does not
move forward (and leave the body altogether).
12. ‘The immortal dwells with the mortal ;’—for
through him (the breath) all this dwells together,
the bodies being clearly mortal, but this being (the
breath), being immortal.
1 Prana is called the giri#, because it is swallowed or hidden by
the other senses (giran4t). Again a mere play of words, intended
to show that Brahman under the form of Pr&ma, or life, is to be
meditated on.
214 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
13. ‘These two (body and breath) go for ever in
different directions (the breath moving the senses of
the body, the body supporting the senses of the
breath : the former going upwards to another world,
the body dying and remaining on earth). They
increase the one (the body), but they do not increase
the other, i.e. they increase these bodies (by food),
but this being (breath) is immortal.
14. He who knows this becomes immortal in that
world (having become united with Hirazyagarbha),
and is seen as immortal (in the sun) by all beings,
yea, by all beings.
SECOND ADHYAYA?
First KHawpa,
1. He (the sun), who shines, honoured this world
(the body of the worshipper, by entering into it), in
the form of man? (the worshipper who meditates on
breath). For he who shines (the sun) is (the same
as) the breath. He honoured this (body of the
worshipper) during a hundred years, therefore there
are a hundred years in the life of aman. Because
he honoured him during a hundred years, therefore
there are (the poets of the first Mazdala of the Rigveda, called) the Satar#in, (having honour for a
He honoured this (body of the
worshipper) during a hundred years, therefore there
are a hundred years in the life of aman. Because
he honoured him during a hundred years, therefore
there are (the poets of the first Mazdala of the Rigveda, called) the Satar#in, (having honour for a
1 In the first adhyaya various forms of meditating on Uktha,
conceived as Préza (life), have been declared. In the second some
other forms of meditation, all extremely fanciful, are added. They
are of interest, however, as showing the existence of the hymns
of the Rig-veda, divided and arranged as we now possess them,
at the time when this Aranyaka was composed.
* The identity of the sun and of breath as living in man has
been established before. It is the same power in both, conceived
either adhidaivatam (mythological) or adhyatmam (physiological).
11 ARANYAKA, 2 ADHYAYA, I KHANDA, 6. 215
hundred years.) Therefore people call him who is
really Praza (breath), the SatarZin poets!
2. He (breath) placed himself in the midst of all
whatsoever exists. Because he placed himself in
the midst of all whatsoever exists, therefore there
are (the poets of the second to the ninth Mazdala of
the Rig-veda, called) the Madhyamas. Therefore
people call him who is really Pravza (breath), the
Madhyama poets.
3. He as up-breathing is the swallower (grztsa), as
down-breathing he is delight (mada). Because as
up-breathing he is swallower (g7ztsa) and as downbreathing delight (mada), therefore there is (the
poet of the second Mazdala of the Rig-veda, called)
Gvitsamada. Therefore people call him who is
really Préza (breath), Gvztsamada.
4. Of him (breath) all this whatsoever was a
friend. Because of him all (visvam) this whatsoever
was a friend (mitram), therefore there is (the poet of
the third Mazdala of the Rig-veda, called) Visvamitra. Therefore people call him who is really
Prama (breath), Visvamitra.
5. The Devas (speech, &c.) said to him (the
breath) : ‘ He is to be loved by all of us.’ Because
the Devas said of him, that he was to be loved
(vdma) by all of them, therefore there is (the poet
of the fourth Mazdala of the Rig-veda, called) Vamadeva. Therefore people call him who is really
Praza (breath), Vamadeva.
6. He (breath) guarded all this whatsoever from
evil. Because he guarded (atrayata) all this whatso-
1 The real ground for the name is that the’ poets of the first
Mazdala composed on an average each about a hundred Rik
verses. . .
216 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
ever from evil, therefore there are (the poets of the
fifth Mazdala of the Rig-veda, called) Atrayad.
Therefore people call him who is really Praza
(breath), Atrayad.
SECOND KHAWDA.
1. He (breath) is likewise a Bibhradv4ga (bringer
of offspring). Offspring is vaga, and he (breath)
supports offspring. Because he supports it, therefore there is (the poet of the sixth Mamdala of the
Rig-veda, called) Bharadvaga. Therefore people
call him who is really Praza (breath), Bharadvaga.
He (breath) is likewise a Bibhradv4ga (bringer
of offspring). Offspring is vaga, and he (breath)
supports offspring. Because he supports it, therefore there is (the poet of the sixth Mamdala of the
Rig-veda, called) Bharadvaga. Therefore people
call him who is really Praza (breath), Bharadvaga.
2. The Devas (speech, &c.) said to him: ‘He it
is who chiefly causes us to dwell on earth.’ Because
the Devas said of him, that he chiefly caused them
to dwell on earth, therefore there is (the poet of the
seventh Mandala of the Rig-veda, called) Vasish¢ha.
Therefore people call him who is really Praza
(breath), Vasish//a 1}.
3. He (breath) went forth towards? all this whatsoever. Because he went forth toward all this whatsoever, therefore there are (the poets of the eighth
Mandala of the Rig-veda, called) the PragAthas.
Therefore people call him who is really Prawa
(breath), the Pragathas.
4. He (breath) purified all this whatsoever. Because he purified all this whatsoever, therefore there
1 T translate in accordance with the commentator, and probably
with the intention of the author. The same etymology is repeated
in the commentary on II, 2, 4, 2. It would be more natural to
take vasish/fa in the sense of the richest.
* This is the interpretation of the commentator, and the preposition abhi seems to show that the author too took that view
of the etymology of pragatha.
11 ARANYAKA, 2 ADHYAYA, 2 KHANDA, 8. 217
are (the hymns and also the poets! of the ninth
Mandala of the Rig-veda, called) the Pavamanis.
Therefore people called him who is really Praza
(breath), the Pavamanis.
5. He (breath) said: ‘Let me be everything
whatsoever, small (kshudra) and great (mahat), and
this became the Kshudrasiktas and MahAsiktas.’
Therefore there were (the hymns and also the poets
of the tenth Mazdala of the Rig-veda, called) the
Kshudrasiktas (and Mahasiktas). Therefore people
call him who is really Préza (breath), the Kshudrasiktas (and Mah4sdktas).
6. He (breath) said once: ‘You have said what
is well said (su-ukta) indeed. This became a Sikta
(hymn).’ Therefore there was the Sakta. Therefore people call him who is really Praza (breath),
Sdkta *,
7. He (breath) is a Az& (verse), for he did
honour® to all beings (by entering into them).
Because he did honour to all beings, therefore there
was the Azé verse. Therefore people call him who
is really Praza (breath), Rzé.
8. He (breath) is an Ardharéa (half-verse), for he
did honour to all places (ardha)*. Because he did
honour to all places, therefore there was the Ardharéa. Therefore people call him who is really
Prasa (breath), Ardharéa.
1 It seems, indeed, as if in the technical language of the
Brahmans, the poets of the ninth Mandala were sometimes called
Pavamanis, and the hymns of the tenth Mandala Kshudrasfiktas and
Mahfsfktas (masc.) Cf. Arsheya-brahmaaa, ed. Burnell, p. 42.
* The poet also is called Sikta, taddrash/pi siktanamako ’bhit.
Comm.
5 T translate according to the commentator.
Arsheya-brahmaaa, ed. Burnell, p. 42.
* The poet also is called Sikta, taddrash/pi siktanamako ’bhit.
Comm.
5 T translate according to the commentator.
* Ardha means both half and place.
218 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
9. He (breath) is a Pada (word) ', for he got into
all these beings. Because he got (padi) into all
these beings, therefore there was the Pada (word).
Therefore people call him who is really Prava
(breath), Pada.
10. He (breath) is an Akshara (syllable), for he
pours out (ksharati) gifts to all these beings, and
without him no one can pour out (atiksharati) gifts.
Therefore there was the Akshara (syllable). Therefore people call him who is really Praza (breath),
Akshara *.
11. Thus all these Azé verses, all Vedas, all
sounds* are one word, viz. Praza (breath). Let
him know that Praza is all Az&é verses.
TuirpD Kuanpa.
1. While Visv4mitra was going to repeat the
hymns of this day (the mah4vrata), Indra sat down
near him‘, Visv4mitra (guessing that Indra wanted
food) said to him, ‘ This (the verses of the hymn) is
food, and repeated the thousand Brzhatt verses °.
* It may also be intended for p4da, foot of a verse.
* The Prana (breath) is to be meditated on as all hymns, all
poets, all words, &c. Comm.
* All aspirated sonant consonants. Comm.
* Upanishasasfda, instead of upanishasfda. The mistake is
probably due to a correction, sa for sha; the commentator, however, considers it as a Vedic license. Sak4ro 'dhikas £hindasah.
5 These are meant for the Nishkevalya hymn recited at the
noon-libation of the Mahfvrata. That hymn consists of ten
parts, corresponding, as we saw, to ten parts of a bird, viz. its
body, neck, head, root of wings, right wing, left wing, tail, belly,
chest, and thighs. The verses corresponding to these ten parts,
beginning with tad id asa bhuvaneshu gyeshéham, are given in the
first Arasyaka, and more fully in the fifth Aranyaka by Saunaka.
11 ARANYAKA, 2 ADHYAYA, 3 KHANDA, 4. 219
By means of this he went to the delightful home of
Indra (Svarga).
2. Indra said to him: ‘ Rishi, thou hast come to
my delightful home. shi, repeat a second hymn}.’
Visvamitra (guessing that Indra wanted food) said
-to him, ‘ This (the verses of the hymn) is food,’ and
repeated the thousand Brvzhatt verses. By means
of this he went to the delightful home of Indra
(Svarga).
3. Indra said to him: ‘ Ashi, thou hast come to
my delightful home. Ashi, repeat a third hymn.’
Visvamitra (guessing that Indra wanted food) said
to him, ‘ This (the verses of the hymn) is food,’ and
repeated the thousand Bvzhatt verses. By means
of this he went to the delightful home of Indra
(Svarga).
Ashi, repeat a third hymn.’
Visvamitra (guessing that Indra wanted food) said
to him, ‘ This (the verses of the hymn) is food,’ and
repeated the thousand Bvzhatt verses. By means
of this he went to the delightful home of Indra
(Svarga).
4. Indra said to him: ‘ Aishi, thou hast come to
my delightful home. I grant thee a boon.’ Visvamitra said: ‘May I know thee.’ Indra said: ‘I am
Praza (breath), O Ashi, thou art Prdaa, all things
are Praza. For it is Praza who shines as the sun,
and I here pervade all regions under that form.
This food of mine (the hymn) is my friend and my
support (dakshiva). This is the food prepared by
Visvamitra. I am verily he who shines (the sun).’
Though they consist of many metres, yet, when one counts the
syllables, they give a thousand Brzhatf verses, each consisting of
thirty-six syllables.
1 Although the Nishkevalya is but one hymn, consisting of
eighty trzRas, yet as these eighty trifas were represented as three
kinds of food (see Ait. Ar. Il, 1, 2, 2~4), the hymn is represented
as three hymns, first as eighty Gayatri tri#as, then as eighty
Brehattf trikas, lastly as eighty Ushzih trzkas.
220 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
FourtuH KuHawpa.
1. This then becomes perfect as a thousand of
Brzhatt verses. Its consonants! form its body, its
voice* (vowels) the soul’, its sibilants‘ the air of
the breath.
2. He who knew this became Vasish¢fa, he took
this name from thence.
3. Indra verily declared this to Visvamitra, and
Indra verily declared this to Bharadvaga. Therefore Indra is invoked by him as a friend °.
4. This becomes perfect as a thousand of Brzhatt
verses’, and of that hymn perfect with a thousand
Brzhatt verses, there are 36,000 syllables®. So
many are also the thousands of days of a hundred
years (36,000). With the consonants they fill the
nights, with the vowels the days.
5. This becomes perfect as a thousand of Brzhatt
verses. He who knows this, after this thousand of
Brzhatits thus accomplished, becomes full of knowledge, full of the gods, full of Brahman, full of the
immortal, and then goes also to the gods.
6. What I am (the worshipper), that is he (sun) ;
what he is, that am I.
1 Vyafiganani, explained by k4dini.
* Ghosha, explained by aspirated sonant consonants.
Atmé, explained by madhyasarfram.
* Sashasahaz. Comm.
5 He became Prana, and because PrAma causes all to dwell, or
covers all (vasayati), therefore the Azshi was called Vasish/ha.
Comm. Cf. Ait. Ar. II, 2, 2, 2.
¢ At the Subrahmanya ceremony in the Soma sacrifices, the
invocations are, Indra 4 gakkha, hariva 4 gakkha.
7 cf. Ait. Ar. IL, 3, 8, 8.
® Each Brzhatt has thirty-six syllables.
Ir ARANYAKA, 3 ADHYAYA, I KHANDA, 4. 221
7. This has been said by a Azshi (Rv. I, 115, 1):
‘ The sun is the self of all that moves and rests.’
8. Let him look to that, let him look to that!
THIRD ADHYAYA}!
First Kuaypa.
7 cf. Ait. Ar. IL, 3, 8, 8.
® Each Brzhatt has thirty-six syllables.
Ir ARANYAKA, 3 ADHYAYA, I KHANDA, 4. 221
7. This has been said by a Azshi (Rv. I, 115, 1):
‘ The sun is the self of all that moves and rests.’
8. Let him look to that, let him look to that!
THIRD ADHYAYA}!
First Kuaypa.
1. He who knows himself as the fivefold hymn
(uktha), the emblem of Praa (breath), from whence
all this springs *, he is clever. These five are the
earth, air, ether, water, and fire (gyotis). This is
- the self, the fivefold uktha. For from him all this
springs, and into him it enters again (at the dissolution of the world). He who knows this, becomes
the refuge of his friends.
2. And to him who knows the food (object) and
the feeder (subject) in that uktha, a strong son is
born, and food is never wanting. Water and earth
are food, for all food consists of these two. Fire
and air are the feeder, for by means of them? man
eats all food. Ether is the bowl, for all this is
poured into the ether. He who knows this, becomes the bowl or support of his friends.
3. To him who knows the food and the feeder
in that uktha, a strong son is born, and food is
never wanting. Herbs and trees are food, animals
the feeder, for animals eat herbs and trees.
4. Of them again those who have teeth above
1 In this adhy4ya some more qualities are explained belonging
to the Mah4vrata ceremonial and the hymns employed at it, which
can be meditated on as referring to PrAza, life.
* Because the world is the result or reward for performing a
meditation on the uktha. Comm.
5 The digestive fire is lighted by the air of the breath. Comm.
222 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA,
and below, shaped after the likeness of man, are
feeders, the other animals are food. Therefore
these overcome the other animals, for the eater is
over the food.
5. He who knows this is over his friends,
Seconp Kuanpa},
1. He who knows the gradual development of
the self in him (the man conceived as the uktha),
obtains himself more development.
2. There are herbs and trees and all that is animated, and he knows the self gradually developing
in them. For in herbs and trees sap only is seen’,
but thought (Aitta) in animated beings.
3. Among animated beings again the self develops gradually, for in some sap (blood) is seen
(as well as thought), but in others thought is not
seen.
4. And in man again the self develops gradually,
for he is most endowed with knowledge. He says
what he’ has known, he sees what he has known.
He knows what is to happen to-morrow, he knows
heaven and hell. By means of the mortal he desires
the immortal—thus is he endowed.
5. With regard to the other animals hunger and
thirst only are a kind of understanding. But they
do not say what they have known, nor do they see
1 This treats of the gradual development of life in man, particularly of the development of a thinking soul (4aitanya).
3 In stones there is not even sap, but only being, satta. Comm.
But they
do not say what they have known, nor do they see
1 This treats of the gradual development of life in man, particularly of the development of a thinking soul (4aitanya).
3 In stones there is not even sap, but only being, satta. Comm.
® What he has known yesterday he remembers, and is able
to say before men, I know this. And when he has known a
thing he remembers it, and goes to the same place to see it again.
Comm.
11 ARANYAKA, 3 ADHYAYA, 3 KHANDA, 5. 223
what they have known. They do not know what
is to happen to-morrow, nor heaven and hell. They
go so far and no further, for they are born according
to their knowledge (in a former life).
Tuirp Kuawpa.
1. That man (conceived as uktha) is the sea,
rising beyond the whole world’. Whatever he
reaches, he wishes to go beyond *. If he reaches the
sky, he wishes to go beyond.
2. If he should reach that (heavenly) world, he
would wish to go beyond.
3. That man is fivefold. The heat in him is fire;
the apertures (of the senses) are ether; blood, mucus,
and seed are water ; the body is earth; breath is air.
4. That air is fivefold, viz. up-breathing, downbreathing, back-breathing, out-breathing, on-breathing. The other powers (devatas), viz. sight, hearing,
mind, and speech, are comprised under up-breathing
and down-breathing. For when breath departs, they
also depart with it.
5. That man (conceived as uktha) is the sacrifice,
which is a succession now of speech and now of
thought. That sacrifice is fivefold, viz. the Agnihotra, the new and full moon sacrifices, the fourmonthly sacrifices, the animal sacrifice, the Soma
sacrifice. The Soma sacrifice is the most perfect of
sacrifices, for in it these five kinds of ceremonies
are seen: the first which precedes the libations (the
Diksha, &c.), then three libations, and what follows
(the Avabhzztha, &c.) is the fifth.
1 Bhiloka. Comm.
* Should it not be aty enan manyate?
224 AITAREYA-ARANY AKA.
Fourtuy Kuanpa.
1. He who knows one sacrifice above another,
one day above another, one deity above the others,
he is clever. Now this great uktha (the nishkevalya-sastra) is the sacrifice above another, the day
above another, the deity above others’.
2. This uktha is fivefold. With regard to its
being performed as a Stoma (chorus), it is Trivrct,
Panadasa, Saptadasa, Ekavimsa, and Pajfi#avimesa.
With regard to its being performed as a Séman
(song), it is G4yatra, Rathantara, Bvzhat, Bhadra,
and Ragana. With regard to metre, it is Gayatri,
Ushzih, Brzhatt, Trish¢ubh, and Dvipad&. And the
explanation (given before in the Arazyaka) is that it
is the head, the right wing, the left wing, the tail,
and the body of the bird”.
1 The uktha is to be conceived as pr4ma, breath or life, and
this priza was shown to be above the other powers (devatas),
speech, hearing, seeing, mind. The uktha belongs to the Mahavrata day, and that is the most important day of the Soma
sacrifice. The Soma sacrifice, lastly, is above all other sacrifices.
The uktha belongs to the Mahavrata day, and that is the most important day of the Soma
sacrifice. The Soma sacrifice, lastly, is above all other sacrifices.
3 All these are technicalities connected with the singing and
reciting of the uktha. The commentator says: The stoma is
a collection of single Rzé verses occurring in the tré#as which
have to be sung. The Trivrct stoma, as explained in the Samabréhmaaa, is as follows: There are three Siktas, each consisting
of three verses, the first being up&smai g4yata, S. V. Uttarartika
I, 1,1=Rv. IX, 11. The Udgatr? first sings the first three verses ®
in each hymn. This is the first round. He then sings the three
middle verses in each hymn. This is the second round. He
lastly sings the last three verses in each hymn. This is the third
round. This song is called Udyatt.
The Pafitadasa stoma is formed out of one Sfkta only, consisting of three verses. In the first round he sings the first verse
® Hinkv? with dative is explained as gai with accusative.
11 ARANYAKA, 3 ADHYAYA, 4 KHANDA, 3. 225
3. He performs the Prastava in five ways, he
performs the Udgitha in five ways, he performs the
three times, the second and third once. In the second round he
sings the middle verse three times, in the third round he sings
the last verse three times. This song is called Vishéuti.
The Saptadasa stoma is formed in the same manner, only that
in the first round he sings the first verse three times, in the second
the middle verse three times, in the third round the middle and last
verses three times. This song is called Dasasapta.
The Ekavimsa stoma is formed in the same manner, only that in
the first round he sings the last verse once, in the second the
first verse once, in the third the middle verse once, while the
other verses are each repeated three times. This song is called
Saptasaptinf.
The Paftkavimsa stoma is formed in the same manner, only
that in the first round he sings the first verse three times, the
second four times, the last once; in the second round the first
once, the second three times, the third four times; in the third
round the first five times, the second once, the last three times;
or he sings in the third round the first verse four times, the
second twice, the last three times.
S4yana in his commentary on the Ait. Ar. takes the Trivrit
stoma to be formed out of three hymns, each consisting of three
verses, while he says that the other stomas are formed out of
one hymn only. B. and R., s.v. trivrit, state that this stoma
consists of verses 1, 4, 7; 2, 5, 8; and 3, 6, 9 of the Rig-veda
hymn IX, 11, but, according to Sayama, the stoma consists (1) of
the first verses of the three Sfktas, upasmai g4yata, davidyutatya,
and pavamfnasya at the beginning of the SAma-veda-Uttar4réika,
(2) of the second, (3) of the third verses of the same three hymns.
Mahfdh4ra (Yv. X, 9) takes the same view, though the MSS. seem
to have left out the description of the second pary4aya, while
Séyanza in his commentary to the T4Adya-bréahmana seems to
support the opinion of B. and R. There is an omission, however,
in the printed text of the commentary, which makes it difficult
to see the exact meaning of Sfyama.
The Pafitadasa stoma is well described by Sdyana, Tandya Br.
II, 4. Taking the Sfkta agna 4 y4hi (Uttararfika I, 1, 4=Rv. VI,
16, 10-12), he shows the stoma to consist of (1) verse 1 x 3, 2, 33
(2) verse 1, 2X 3, 33 (3) verse 1, 2, 3X3.
The five Samans are explained by the commentator. The
[3] Q
226 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
Pratihara in five ways, he performs the Upadrava in
five ways, he performs the Nidhana in five ways?.
All this together forms one thousand Stobhas, or
musical syllables 2,
4. Thus also are the Rzé verses, contained in the
Nishkevalya, recited (by the Hotv) in five orders.
What precedes the eighty tvzéas, that is one order,
then follow the three sets of eighty trzéas each, and
what comes after is the fifth order’.
GAyatra is formed out of the Re (III, 62, ro) tat savitur varenyam.
The Rathantara is formed out of the Rr& (VII, 32, 22) abhi tv
sira nonuma. The Brihat is formed out of the Rré (VI, 46, 1)
tvam id dhi havamahe. The Bhadra is formed out of the Rié
(X, 157, 1) ima nu kam. The R4gana is formed out of the
Rek (VII, 27, 1) indram naro nemadhit&.
The metres require no explanation.
In identifying certain portions of the Nishkevalya hymn with a
bird, the head of the bird corresponds to the hymns indram id
githinah, &c.; the right wing to the hymns abhi tv4 sfira, &c.;
the left wing to the hymns tv4m id dhi, &c.; the tail to the hymns
im& nu kam, &c.; the body to the hymns tad id dsa, &c. All
this was explained in the first Aranyaka.
1 The Samagas sing the Ragana at the Mah4vrata, and in that
S4man there are, as usual, five parts, the Prastéva, Udgitha,
Pratihara, Upadrava, and Nidhana. The Prastotr:, when singing
the Prastéva portions, sings them five times. The Udgdtr? and
Pratihartr? sing their portions, the Udgitha and Pratihara, five
times. The Udgatri again sings the Upadrava five times. And
all the Udg4tr7s together sing the Nidhana five times.
The Prastotr:, when singing
the Prastéva portions, sings them five times. The Udgdtr? and
Pratihartr? sing their portions, the Udgitha and Pratihara, five
times. The Udgatri again sings the Upadrava five times. And
all the Udg4tr7s together sing the Nidhana five times.
2 The Stobha syllables are syllables without any meaning, added
when verses have to be sung, in order to have a support for the
music. See XA’. Up. 1,13. In singing the five S&mans, each five
times, one thousand of such Stobha syllables are required.
® There are in the Nishkevalya hymn, which the Hotr? has to
recite, three sets of eighty tr#as each. The first, consisting of
GAyatrts, begins with mah4# indro ya ogasa. The second, consisting of Brzhatis, begins with ma 4id anyad. The third, consisting of
Ushnihs, begins with ya indra somap&tama. These three sets form
the food of the bird, as the emblem of the sastra. The hymns
11 ARANYAKA, 3 ADHYAYA, 5 KHANDA, 5. 227
5. This (the hymns of this Sastra) as a whole (if
properly counted with the Stobha syllables) comes to
one thousand (of Brzhatf verses). That (thousand)
is the whole, and ten, ten is called the whole. For
number is such (measured by ten). Ten tens are a
hundred, ten huridreds are a thousand, and that is
the whole. These are the three metres (the tens,
pervading everything). And this food also (the
three sets of hymns being represented as food) is
threefold, eating, drinking, and chewing. He obtains
that food by those (three numbers, ten, hundred, and
thousand, or by the three sets of eighty tvzkas).
e
FirtH Kuawpa.
1. This (nishkevalya-sastra) becomes perfect as a
thousand of Brzhatt verses.
2. Some teachers (belonging to a different Sakh4)
recognise a thousand of different metres (not of Bvehatts only). They say: ‘Is another thousand (a
thousand of other verses) good? Let us say it is
good.’
3. Some say, a thousand of Trish¢ubh verses,
others a thousand of Gagatt verses, others a thousand of Anush¢ubh verses.
4. This has been said by a Rzshi (Rv. X,124,9):—
5. ‘ Poets through their understanding discovered
Indra dancing an Anushtubh.’ This is meant to say: They discovered (and meditated) in speech
(called Anush¢ubh)—at that time (when they wor-
which precede these, form the body, head, and wings of the bird.
This is one order. Then follow the three sets of eighty tritas
each; and lastly, the fifth order, consisting of the hymns which
form the belly and the legs of the bird.
Q2
228 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA,
shipped the uktha)—the Préwa (breath) connected
with Indra.
6. He (who takes the recited verses as Anushtubhs) is able to become celebrated and of good
report.
7. No! he says; rather is such a man liable to
die before his time. For that self (consisting of
Anushtéubhs) is incomplete. For if a man confines
himself to speech, not to breath, then driven by his
mind, he does not succeed with speech ?.
8. Let him work towards the Byvzhatt, for the
Brzhatt (breath) is the complete self.
For that self (consisting of
Anushtéubhs) is incomplete. For if a man confines
himself to speech, not to breath, then driven by his
mind, he does not succeed with speech ?.
8. Let him work towards the Byvzhatt, for the
Brzhatt (breath) is the complete self.
9. That self (gtvatman) is surrounded on all sides
by members. And as that self is on all sides surrounded by members, the Bvzhatt also is on all sides
surrounded by metres *.
10. For the self (in the heart) is the middle of
these members, and the Brvzhatt is the middle of the
metres.
11. ‘Heis able to become celebrated and of good
1 This passage is obscure, and probably corrupt. I have
followed the commentator as much as possible. He says: ‘If
the Hotri priest proceeds with reciting the sastra, looking to the
Anush/subh, which is speech, and not to the thousand of Brthatts
which are breath, then, neglecting the Brzshatf (breath), and
driven by his mind to the Anushfubh (speech), he does not by his
speech obtain that sastra. For in speech without breath the Hotrt
cannot, through the mere wish of the mind, say the sastra, the
. activity of all the senses being dependent on breath.’ The commentator therefore takes vagabhi for vasam abhi, or for some old
locative case formed by abhi. He also would seem to have read
prize na. One might attempt another construction, though it is
very doubtful. One might translate, ‘For that self, which is speech,
is incomplete, because he understands if driven to the mind by
breath, not (if driven) by speech.’
* Either in the sastra, or in the list of metres, there being some
that have more, others that have less syllables.
11 ARANYAKA, 3 ADHYAYA, 6 KHANDA, 7. 229
report, but (the other) able to die before his time,’
thus he said. For the Brzhatt is the complete self,
therefore let him work towards the Brzhatt (let him
reckon the sastra recitation as a thousand Brzhatts).
SixtH Kuawpa.
1. This (nishkevalya-sastra) becomes perfect as
a thousand of Byzhatt verses. In this thousand of
Brzhatis there are one thousand one hundred and
twenty-five Anushéubhs. For the smaller is contained in the larger.
2. This has been said by a A’shi (Rv. VIII, 76,
12):—
3. ‘A speech of eight feet ;’—because there are
eight feet of four syllables each in the Anush¢ubh.
4. ‘Of nine corners ;’—because the Brzhatt becomes nine-cornered (having nine feet of four syllables each).
5. ‘Touching the truth ;’—because speech (Anushtubh) is truth, touched by the verse (Brzhatt) }.
6. ‘He (the Hotvz) makes the body out of Indra ;’—
for out of this thousand of Brvzhatt verses turned
into Anush¢ubhs, and therefore out of Praza as
connected with Indra?, and out of the Brzhati (which
is Praza), he makes speech, that is Anush¢ubh, as a
body *. .
7. This Mahaduktha is the highest development
1 Vk, speech, taking the form of Anush/ubh, and being joined
with the Az, or the Brzhati, touches the true, i.e. Prana, breath,
which is to be meditated on under the form of the Brzhatf. Comm.
.
7. This Mahaduktha is the highest development
1 Vk, speech, taking the form of Anush/ubh, and being joined
with the Az, or the Brzhati, touches the true, i.e. Prana, breath,
which is to be meditated on under the form of the Brzhatf. Comm.
2 Cf, Ait. Ar. II, 2, 3, 4.
8 Because the Anush/ubh is made out of the Brzhat?, the Brzhatt
being breath, therefore the Anush/ubh is called its body.
230 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
of speech, and it is fivefold, viz. measured, not measured, music, true, and untrue.
8. A zk verse, a gatha!, a kumby4? are measured (metrical). A Yagus line, an invocation, and
general remarks 5, these are not measured (they are
in prose). A Saman, or any portion (parvan) of it, is
music. Om is true, Na is untrue.
9. What is true (Om) is the flower and fruit of
speech. He is able to become celebrated and of
good report, for he speaks the true (Om), the flower
and fruit of speech.
10. Now the untrue is the root‘ of speech, and as
a tree whose root is exposed dries up and perishes,
thus a man who says what is untrue exposes his
root, dries up and perishes. Therefore one should
not say what is untrue, but guard oneself from it.
11. That syllable Om (yes) goes forward (to the
first cause of the world) and is empty. Therefore if
a man says Om (yes) to everything, then that (which
he gives away) is wanting to him here®. If he says
Om (yes) to everything, then he would empty himself, and would not be capable of any enjoyments.
12, That syllable Na (no) is full for oneself*. If
a man says No to everything, then his reputation
’ A gf&tha is likewise in verse, for instance, pratah pr&tar
anritam te vadanti.
* A kumby4 is a metrical precept, such as, brahmaédryasy4posanam karma kuru, diva m4 sv4psif, &c.
* Such as arthav4das, explanatory passages, also gossip, such as
is common in the king’s palace, laughing at people, &c.
* As diametrically opposed to the flowers and fruits which
represent the true. Comm.
® Then that man is left empty here on earth for that enjoyment.
Comm.
* He who always says No, keeps everything to himself.
11 ARANYAKA, 3 ADHYAYA, 7 KHANDA, I. 231
would become evil, and that would ruin him even
here.
13. Therefore let a man give at the proper time
only, not at the wrong time. Thus he unites the
true and the untrue, and from the union of those
two he grows, and becomes greater and greater.
14. He who knows this speech of which this (the
mahaduktha) is a development, he is clever. A is the
whole of speech, and manifested through different
kinds of contact (mutes) and of wind (sibilants), it
becomes manifold and different.
15. Speech if uttered in a whisper is breath, if
spoken aloud, it is body. Therefore (if whispered)
it is almost hidden, for what is incorporeal is almost
hidden, and breath is incorporeal. But if spoken
aloud, it is body, and therefore it is perceptible, for
body is perceptible.
SEVENTH KHAwpa.
15. Speech if uttered in a whisper is breath, if
spoken aloud, it is body. Therefore (if whispered)
it is almost hidden, for what is incorporeal is almost
hidden, and breath is incorporeal. But if spoken
aloud, it is body, and therefore it is perceptible, for
body is perceptible.
SEVENTH KHAwpa.
1. This (nishkevalya-sastra) becomes perfect as
a thousand of Brzhatts. It is glory (the glorious
Brahman, not the absolute Brahman), it is Indra.
Indra is the lord of all beings. He who thus knows
Indra as the lord of all beings, departs from this
world by loosening the bonds of life!—so said Mahidasa Aitareya. Having departed he becomes Indra
(or Hirazyagarbha) and shines in those worlds *.
1 The commentator explains visrasé by ‘merging his manhood
in the identity with all,’ and doing this while still alive. Visras
is the gradual loosening of the body, the decay of old age, but
here it has the meaning of vairagya rather, the shaking off of all
that ties the Self to this body-or this life.
* The fourteen worlds in the egg of Brahman. Comm. Some
hold that he who enters on this path, and becomes deity, does not
232 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
2. And with regard to this they say: ‘If a man
obtains the other world in this form (by meditating
on the prdza, breath, which is the uktha, the hymn
of the mahavrata), then in what form does he obtain
this world! ?’ .
3. Here the blood of the woman is a form of
Agni (fire); therefore no one should despise it. And
the seed of the man is a form of Aditya (sun);
therefore no one should despise it. This self (the
woman) gives her self (skin, blood, and flesh) to
that self (fat, bone, and marrow), and that self
(man) gives his self (fat, bone, and marrow) to this
self (skin, blood, and flesh). Thus * these two grow
together. In this form (belonging to the woman
and to fire) he goes to that world (belonging to the
man and the sun), and in that form (belonging to
man and the sun) he goes to this world (belonging
to the woman and to fire’),
EicHtH KuHawpa.
1. Here (with regard to obtaining Hiranyagarbha)
there are these Slokas :
arrive at final liberation. Others, however, show that this identification with the uktha, and through it with the prama (breath) and
Hiranyagarbha, is provisional only, and intended to prepare the
mind of the worshipper for the reception of the highest knowledge
of Brahman.
' The last line on page 246 should, I think, be the penultimate
line of page 247.
* The body consists of six elements, and is hence called sh&skausika, Of these, three having a white appearance (fat, bone,
and marrow), come from the sun and from man; three having
a red appearance, come from fire and from the woman.
* It is well therefore to shake off this body, and by meditating
on the uktha to obtain identity with Hiranyagarbha. Comm.
11 ARANYAKA, 3 ADHYAYA, 8 KHANDA, 6. 233
* It is well therefore to shake off this body, and by meditating
on the uktha to obtain identity with Hiranyagarbha. Comm.
11 ARANYAKA, 3 ADHYAYA, 8 KHANDA, 6. 233
2. The fivefold body into which the indestructible
(praza, breath) enters, that body which the harnessed
horses (the senses) draw about, that body where the
true of the true (the highest Brahman) follows after,
in that body (of the worshipper) all gods! become
one. ;
3. That body into which goes the indestructible
(the breath) which we have joined (in meditation),
proceeding from the indestructible (the highest
Brahman), that body which the harnessed horses
(the senses) draw about, that body where the
true of the true follows after, in that body all gods
become one.
4. After separating themselves from the Yes and
No of language, and of all that is hard and cruel,
poets have discovered (what they sought for); dependent on names they rejoiced in what had been
revealed *,
5. That in which the poets rejoiced (the revealed
nature of praza, breath), in it the gods exist all
joined together. Having driven away evil by means
of that Brahman (which is hidden in prama), the
enlightened man goes to the Svarga world (becomes
one with Hirazyagarbha 8, the universal spirit).
6. No one wishing to describe him (praza, breath)
by speech, describes him by calling him ‘woman,’
‘neither woman nor man,’ or ‘man’ (all such names
applying only to the material body, and not to praza
or breath).
1 The worshipper identifies himself by meditation with praza,
breath, which comprehends all gods. These gods (Agni and the
rest) appear in the forms of speech, &c. Comm.
* The pr4va, breath, and their identity with it through meditation
or worship. Comm.
* Sarvahamménf hiranyagarbha iti srutek. Comm.
234 —C«(«W AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
7. Brahman (as hidden beneath prama) is called
the A; and the I (ego) is gone there (the worshipper
should know that he is uktha and prdma).
8. This becomes perfect as a thousand of Brzhatt
verses, and of that hymn, perfect with a thousand
Brzhatt verses, there are 36,000 syllables. So many
are also the thousands of days of human life. By
means of the syllable of life (the a) alone (which is
contained in that thousand of hymns) does a man
obtain the day of life (the mah4vrata day, which completes the number of the days in the Gavamayana
sacrifice), and by means of the day of life (he
obtains) the syllable of life.
9. Now there is a chariot of the god (prama)
destroying all desires (for the worlds of Indra, the
moon, the earth, all of which lie below the place of
Hirasyagarbha). Its front part (the point of the
two shafts of the carriage where the yoke is fastened)
is speech, its wheels the ears, the horses the eyes,
the driver the mind. Praza (breath) mounts that
chariot (and on it, i.e. by means of meditating on
Praza, he reaches Hiranyagarbha).
10. This has been said by a Atshi(Rv. X, 39,12):—
Praza (breath) mounts that
chariot (and on it, i.e. by means of meditating on
Praza, he reaches Hiranyagarbha).
10. This has been said by a Atshi(Rv. X, 39,12):—
11. ‘Come hither on that which is quicker than
mind,’ and (Rv. VIII, 73, 2) ‘Come hither on that
which is quicker than the twinkling of an eye,’ yea,
the twinkling of an eye?*.
1 Cf. II, 2, 4, 4. .
? The commentator remarks that the worship and meditation on
the uktha as pr4za, as here taught, is different from the pramavidy4,
the knowledge of pr4za, taught in the KA4ndogya, the Brhad4ranyaka, &c., where pravza or life is represented as the object of
meditation, without any reference to the uktha or other portions
of the Mah&vrata ceremony. He enjoins that the meditation on
11 ARANYAKA, 3 ADHYAYA, 8 KHANDA.“ 235
the uktha as praza should be continued till the desired result, the
identification of the worshipper with pr4a, is realised, and that
it should afterwards be repeated until death, because otherwise the
impression might vanish, and the reward of becoming a god, and
going to the gods, be lost. Nor is the worship to be confined to the
time of the sacrifice, the Mah4vrata, only, but it has to be repeated
mentally during life. There are neither certain postures required for
it, nor certain times and places. At the time of death, however, he
who has become perfect in this meditation on uktha, as the emblem
of praza, will have his reward. Up to a certain point his fate will be
the same as that of other people. The activity of the senses will
be absorbed in the mind, the activity of the mind in breath, breath
- in the activity of life, life with breath in the five elements, fire, &c.,
and these five elements will be absorbed up to their seed in the
Paramatman or Highest Self. This ends the old birth. But then
the subtile body, having been absorbed in the Highest Self, rises
again in the lotus of the heart, and passing out by the channel of
the head, reaches a ray of the sun, whether by day or by night,
and goes at the northern or southern course of the sun to the
road of Arfis or light. That Aréis, light, and other powers carry
him on, and led by these he reaches the Brahma-loka, where he
creates to himself every kind of enjoyment, according to his wish.
He may create for himself a material body and enjoy all sorts
of pleasures, as if in a state of waking, or he may, without ‘such
a body, enjoy all pleasures in mind only, as if in a dream. And as
he creates these various bodies according to his wish, he creates
also living souls in each, endowed with the internal organs of
mind, and moves about in them, as he pleases, In fact this world
is the same for the devotee (yogin) and for the Highest Self,
except that creative power belongs truly to the latter only. At
last the devotee gains the highest knowledge, that of the Highest
Self in himself, and then, at the dissolution of the Brahma-loka,
he obtains complete freedom with Brahman.
236 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
FOURTH ADHYAYA.
At
last the devotee gains the highest knowledge, that of the Highest
Self in himself, and then, at the dissolution of the Brahma-loka,
he obtains complete freedom with Brahman.
236 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
FOURTH ADHYAYA.
First KHawpa.
With this adhy4ya begins the real Upanishad, best known under
the name of the Aitareya-upanishad, and often separately edited,
commented on, and translated. If treated separately, what we
call the fourth adhy4ya of the second Aranyaka, becomes the first
adhy4ya of the Upanishad, sometimes also, by counting all adhy4yas
from the beginning of the Aitareya-4ramyaka, the ninth. The
divisions adopted by Sayama, who explains the Upanishad as part
of the Aranyaka, and by Sankara, who explains it independently,
vary, though Sayana states that he follows in his commentary on
the Upanishad the earlier commentary of Sankara. I have given
the divisions adopted by Séyana, and have marked those of Sankara’s
by figures in parentheses, placed at the end of each paragraph.
The difference between this Upanishad and thé three preceding
adhy4yas is easily perceived. Hitherto the answer to the question,
Whence this world? had been, From Prfaa, priza meaning breath
and life, which was looked upon for a time as a sufficient explanation of all that is. From a psychological point of view this praza
is the conscious self (pragfftman); in a more mythological form it
appears as Hiranyagarbha, ‘ the golden germ,’ sometimes even as
Indra. It is one of the chief objects of the prasavidy4, or lifeknowledge, to show that the living principle in us is the same as
the living principle in the sun, and that by a recognition of their
identity and of the true nature of prisa, the devotee, or he who has
rightly meditated on praza during his life, enters after death into
the world of Hiranyagarbha.
This is well expressed in the Kaushftaki-upanishad III, 2, where
Indra says to Pratardana: ‘I am Prana; meditate on me as the
conscious self (pragf4tman), as life, as immortality. Life is praza,
prana is life. Immortality is pr&za, prfza is immortality. By
prana he obtains immortality in the other world, by knowledge
(pragfia) true conception. Préza is consciousness (pragfia), consciousness is prana.’
This, however, though it may have satisfied the mind of the
Brahmans for a time, was not a final solution. That final solution
of the problem not simply of life, but of existence, is given in the
Upanishad which teaches that Atman, the Self, and not Prama,
Life, is the last and only cause of everything. In some places this
11 ARANYAKA, 4 ADHYAYA, I KHANDA, 4. 237
That final solution
of the problem not simply of life, but of existence, is given in the
Upanishad which teaches that Atman, the Self, and not Prama,
Life, is the last and only cause of everything. In some places this
11 ARANYAKA, 4 ADHYAYA, I KHANDA, 4. 237
doctrine is laid down in all its simplicity. Our true self, it is said,
has its true being in the Highest Self only. In other passages,
however, and nearly in the whole of this Upanishad, this simple
doctrine is mixed up with much that is mythological, fanciful, and
absurd, arthavada, as the commentators call it, but as it might
often be more truly called, anarthavada, and it is only towards the
end that the identity of the self-conscious self with the Highest
Self or Brahman is clearly enuntiated.
Adoration to the Highest Self. Hari, Om!
1. Verily, in the beginning ? all this was Self, one
only; there was nothing else blinking * whatsoever.
2. He thought: ‘Shall I send forth worlds?’ (1)
He sent forth these worlds,
3. Ambhas (water), Marti (light), Mara (mortal),
and Ap (water).
4. That Ambhas (water) is above the heaven, and
it is heaven, the support. The Martéis (the lights) are
the sky. The Mara (mortal) is the earth, and the
waters under the earth are the Ap world *. (2)
1 Before the creation. Comm.
* Blinking, mishat, i.e. living ; cf. Rv. X, 190, 2, visvasya mishato
vast, the lord of all living. S&yaza seems to take mishat as a
3rd pers. sing.
* The names of the four worlds are peculiar. Ambhas means
water, and is the name given to the highest world, the waters above
the heaven, and heaven itself. Marf#is are rays, here used as a
name of the sky, antariksha. Mara means dying, and the earth
is called so, because all creatures living there must die. Ap is
water, here explained as the waters under the earth. The usual
division of the world is threefold, earth, sky, and heaven. Here it
is fourfold, the fourth division being the water round the earth, or,
as the commentator says, under the earth. Ambhas was probably
intended for the highest heaven (dyaus), and was then explained
both as what is above the heaven and as heaven itself, the support.
If we translate, like Sankara and Colebrooke, ‘the water is the
region above the heaven which heaven upholds,’ we should lose
heaven altogether, yet heaven, as the third with sky and earth, is
essential in the Indian view of the world.
238 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
5. He thought: ‘There are these worlds; shall I
send forth guardians of the worlds ?’
He then formed the Purusha (the person)?, taking
him forth from the water *, (3)
6. He brooded on him 8, and when that person had
thus been brooded on, a mouth burst forth‘ like an
egg. From the mouth proceeded speech, from
speech Agni (fire) *
Nostrils burst forth, From the nostrils proceeded scent (praza)*, from scent VAyu (air).
Eyes burst forth, From the eyes proceeded
sight, from sight Aditya (sun).
From the mouth proceeded speech, from
speech Agni (fire) *
Nostrils burst forth, From the nostrils proceeded scent (praza)*, from scent VAyu (air).
Eyes burst forth, From the eyes proceeded
sight, from sight Aditya (sun).
Ears burst forth. From the ears proceeded hearing, from hearing the Dis (quarters of the world).
Skin burst forth. From the skin proceeded hairs
(sense of touch), from the hairs shrubs and trees.
The heart burst forth. From the heart proceeded
mind, from mind Kandramas (moon).
The navel burst forth. From the navel proceeded
the Apana (the down-breathing)’, from Apna death.
1 Purusha ; an embodied being, Colebrooke; a being of human
shape, Réer ; purushék4ram virf‘pindam, Sfyana.
* According to the commentator, from the five elements, beginning with water. That person is meant for the Virdg.
® Tap, as the commentator observes, does not mean here and in
similar passages to perform austerities (tapas), such as the Kritéfra,
the KAndrayana, &c., but to conceive and to will and to create by
mere will. I have translated it by brooding, though this expresses
a part only of the meaning expressed by tap.
* Literally, was opened.
® Three things are always distinguished here—the place of each
sense, the instrument of the sense, and the presiding deity of the
sense.
* Prana, i.e. ghrazendriya, must be distinguished from the
prana, the up-breathing, one of the five prazas, and likewise from
the prfsa as the principle of life.
” The Apana, down-breathing, is generally one of the five vital airs
11 ARANYAKA, 4 ADHYAYA, 2 KHANDA, 4. 239
The generative organ burst forth. From the
organ proceeded seed, from seed water. (4)
Sreconp Kuawpa.
1. Those deities (devat4), Agni and the rest, after
they had been sent forth, fell into this great ocean’. ~:
Then he (the Self) besieged him, (the person) ©
with hunger and thirst.
2. The deities then (tormented by hunger and
thirst) spoke to him (the Self): ‘Allow us a place
in which we may rest and eat food %’ (1)
He led a cow towards them (the deities). They
said : ‘ This is not enough.’ He led a horse towards
them. They said: ‘ This is not enough.’ (2)
He led man* towards them. Then they said: ‘Well
done‘, indeed.’ Therefore man is well done.
3. He said to them: ‘Enter, each according to
his place.’ (3)
4. Then Agni (fire), having become speech, entered the mouth. V4yu (air), having become scent,
entered the nostrils. Aditya (sun), having become
sight, entered the eyes. The Dis (regions), having
become hearing, entered the ears. The shrubs and
trees, having become hairs, entered the skin. Kandramas (the moon), having become mind, entered
which are supposed to keep the body alive. In our place, however,
ap4na is deglutition and digestion, as we shall see in II, 4, 3, 10.
1 They fell back into that universal being from whence they had
sprung, the first created person, the Virag. Or they fell into the
world, the last cause of which is ignorance.
In our place, however,
ap4na is deglutition and digestion, as we shall see in II, 4, 3, 10.
1 They fell back into that universal being from whence they had
sprung, the first created person, the Virag. Or they fell into the
world, the last cause of which is ignorance.
2 To eat food is explained to mean to perceive the objects which
correspond to the senses, presided over by the various deities.
* Here purusha is different from the first purusha, the universal
person. It can only be intended for intelligent man.
4 Sukrita, well done, virtue; or, if taken for svakrita, self-made.
240 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA,
the heart. Death, having become down-breathing,
entered the navel. The waters, having become
seed, entered the generative organ. (4)
5. Then Hunger and Thirst spoke to him (the
Self ): ‘Allow us two (a place).’ He said to them :
‘I assign you to those very deities there, I make
you co-partners with them.’ Therefore to whatever
deity an oblation is offered, hunger and thirst are
co-partners in it. (5)
Tuirp Kuawopa.
1. He thought: ‘ There are these worlds and the
guardians of the worlds. Let me send forth food
for them.’ (1)
He brooded over. the water’. From the water
thus brooded on, matter* (marti) was born. And
that matter which was born, that verily was
food *. (2)
2. When this food (the object matter) had thus
been sent forth, it wished to flee‘, crying and turning away. He (the subject) tried to grasp it by
speech. He could not grasp it by speech. If he
had grasped it by speech, man would be satisfied by
naming food. (3)
He tried to grasp it by scent (breath). He could
not grasp it by scent. If he had grasped it by scent,
man would be satisfied by smelling food. (4)
He tried to grasp it by the eye. He could not
1 The water, as mentioned before, or the five elements.
* Marti, for mfirtti, form, Colebrooke; a being of organised form,
Réer ; vrihiyavadiripa mfishak4diripa 4a mfirtiA, i.e. vegetable food
for men, animal food for cats, &c.
* Offered food, i.e. objects for the Devat&és and the senses in
the body.
* Atyagigh4msat, atisayena hantum gantum aifkhat. S&yama,
11 ARANYAKA, 4 ADHYAYA, 3 KHANDA, 6. 241
grasp it by the eye. If he had grasped it by the
eye, man would be satisfied by seeing food. (5)
He tried to grasp it by the ear. He could not
grasp it by the ear. If he had grasped it by the ear,
man would be satisfied by hearing food. (6)
He tried to grasp it by the skin. He could not
grasp it by the skin. If he had grasped it by the
skin, man would be satisfied by touching food. (7)
He tried to grasp it by the mind. He could not
grasp it by the mind. If he had grasped it by the
mind, man would be satisfied by thinking food. (8)
He tried to grasp it by the generative organ.
He could not grasp it by the organ. If he had
grasped it by the organ, man would be satisfied by
sending forth food. (9) .
He could not
grasp it by the mind. If he had grasped it by the
mind, man would be satisfied by thinking food. (8)
He tried to grasp it by the generative organ.
He could not grasp it by the organ. If he had
grasped it by the organ, man would be satisfied by
sending forth food. (9) .
He tried to grasp it by the down-breathing (the
breath which helps to swallow food through the
mouth and to carry it off through the rectum, the
payvindriya). He got it.
‘3. Thus it is Vayu (the getter ') who lays hold of
food, and the V4yu is verily Annayu (he who gives
life or who lives by food). (10)
4. He thought : ‘Howcan all this be without me ?’
5. And then he thought: ‘ By what way shall I
get there ? ?’
6. And then he thought: ‘If speech names, if
scent smells, if the eye sees, if the ear hears, if the
skin feels, if the mind thinks, if the off-breathing
digests, if the organ sends forth, then what
am I?’ (11)
1 An attempt to derive v4yu from vi, to get.
* Or, by which of the two ways shall I get in, the one way being
from the top of the foot (cf. Ait. Ar. II, 1, 4, 1), the other from
the skull? Comm.
[3] R
242 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
7. Then opening the suture of the skull, he got
in by that door.
8. That door is called the Vidrit (tearing asunder), the NAndana (the place of bliss).
9. There are three dwelling-places for him, three
dreams; this dwelling-place (the eye), this dwelling-place (the throat), this dwelling-place (the
heart)?. (12)
10. When born (when the Highest Self had entered the body) he looked through all things, in
order to see whether anything wished to proclaim
here another (Self). He saw this person only (himself) as the widely spread Brahman. ‘I saw it,’ thus
he said?; (13)
Therefore he was Idam-dra (seeing this).
11. Being Idamdra by name, they call him Indra
mysteriously. For the Devas love mystery, yea,
they love mystery. (14)
1 Passages like this must always have required an oral interpretation, but it is by no means certain that the explanation given in
the commentaries represents really the old traditional interpretation.
Sdyana explains the three dwelling-places as the right eye, in a state
of waking ; as the throat, in a state of dreaming ; as the heart, in a
state of profound sleep. Sankara explains them as the right eye;
the inner mind, and the ether in the heart. Séyaza allows another
interpretation of the three dwelling-places being the body of the
father, the body of the mother, and one’s own body. The three
dreams or sleeps he explains by waking, dreaming, and profound
sleep, and he remarks that waking too is called a dream as compared with the true awakening, which is the knowledge of Brahman. ~
In the last sentence the speaker, when repeating three times ‘this
dwelling-place,’ is supposed to point to his right eye, the throat,
and the heart. This interpretation is supported by a passage in
the Brahma-upanishad, Netre gagaritam vidy&t kan/he svapnam
samAdiset, sushuptam hrdayasya tu.
~
In the last sentence the speaker, when repeating three times ‘this
dwelling-place,’ is supposed to point to his right eye, the throat,
and the heart. This interpretation is supported by a passage in
the Brahma-upanishad, Netre gagaritam vidy&t kan/he svapnam
samAdiset, sushuptam hrdayasya tu.
? In this passage, which is very obscure, Sankara fails us, either
because, as Anandagfi4na says, he thought the text was too easy to
require any explanation, or because the writers of the MSS. left out
11 ARAWYAKA, 5 ADHYAYA, I KHANDA, 4. 243
FIFTH ADHYAYA.
First Kuawpa.
1. Let the women who are with child move away’!
2. Verily, from the beginning he (the self) is in
man as a germ, which is called seed.
3. This (seed), which is strength gathered from
all the limbs of the body, he (the man) bears as self
in his self (body). When he commits the seed to
the woman, then he (the father) causes it to be
born. That is his first birth. (1)
4. That seed becomes the self of the woman, as
the passage. Anandagfiana explains: ‘He looked through all
creatures, he identified himself with them, and thought he was
a man, blind, happy, &c.; or, as it is elsewhere expressed, he
developed forms and names. And how did this mistake arise?
Because he did not see the other, the true Self;’ or literally, ‘Did
he see the other Self?’ which is only a figure of speech to convey
the meaning that he did not see it. The particle iti is then to
be taken in a causal sense, (i.e. he did so, because what else could
he have wished to proclaim?) But he allows another explanation,
viz. ‘He considered all beings, whether they existed by themselves
or not, and after having considered, he arrived at the conclusion,
What shall I call different from the true Self?’ The real difficulties,
however, are not removed by these explanations. First of all, we
expect vavadisham before iti, and secondly, unless anyam refers to
4tmAnam, we expect anyad. My own translation is literal, but
I am not certain that it conveys the true meaning. One might
understand it as implying that the Self looked about through all
things, in order to find out, ‘What does wish to proclaim here
another Self?’ And when he saw there was nothing which did
not come from himself, then he recognised that the Purusha, the
person he had sent forth, or, as we should say, the person he had
created, was the developed Brahman, was the Atman, was himself. SAyana explains vavadishat by vadishy4mi, but before iti the
third person cannot well refer to the subject of vyaikshat.
1 Some MSS. begin this adhy&ya with the sentence apakr4mantu garbhizyak, may the women who are with child walk away |
It is counted as a paragraph.
R2
244 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
if one of her own limbs. Therefore it does not
injure her. ,
5. She nourishes: his (her husband's) self (the
son) within her. (2) She who nourishes, is to be
nourished.
6. The woman bears the germ. He (the father)
elevates the child even before the birth, and immediately after’.
if one of her own limbs. Therefore it does not
injure her. ,
5. She nourishes: his (her husband's) self (the
son) within her. (2) She who nourishes, is to be
nourished.
6. The woman bears the germ. He (the father)
elevates the child even before the birth, and immediately after’.
7. When he thus elevates the child both before
and after his birth, he really elevates his own self,
8. For the continuation of these worlds (men).
For thus are these worlds continued.
9. This is his second birth. (3)
10. He (the son), being his self, is then placed in
his stead for (the performance of) all good works.
11. But his other self (the father), having done
all he has to do, and having reached the full
measure of his life, departs.
12. And departing from hence he is born again.
That is his third birth.
13. And this has been declared by a Réshi (Rv.
IV, 27, 1): (4)
14. ‘While dwelling in the womb, I discovered
all the births of these Devas. A hundred iron
strongholds kept me, but I escaped quickly down
like a falcon.’ ;
15. Vdmadeva, lying in the womb, has thus declared this. (5)
And having this knowledge he stepped forth,
after this dissolution of the body, and having obtained all his desires in that heavenly world, became
immortal, yea, he became immortal. (6)
1 By nourishing the mother, and by performing certain ceremonies both before and after the birth of a child.
11 ARANYAKA, 6 ADHYAYA, I KHANDA, 6. 245
SIXTH ADHYAYA.
First Kuawpa.
1, Let the women go back to their place.
2. Who is he whom! we meditate on as the Self?
Which ? is the Self?
3. That by which we see (form), that by which
we hear (sound), that by which we perceive smells,
that by which we utter speech, that by which we
distinguish sweet and not sweet, (1) and what comes
from the heart and the mind, namely, perception,
command, understanding, knowledge, wisdom, seeing,
- holding, thinking, considering, readiness (or suf-
fering), remembering, conceiving, willing, breathing, ©
loving, desiring ?
4. No, all these are various names only of knowledge (the true Self). (2)
5. And that Self, consisting of (knowledge), is
Brahman (m.)%, it is Indra, it is Pragapati‘. All
these Devas, these five great elements, earth, air,
ether, water, fire, these and those which are, as
it were, small and mixed, and seeds of this kind
and that kind, born from eggs, born from the womb,
born from heat, born from germs‘, horses, cows,
men, elephants, and whatsoever breathes, whether
walking or flying, and what is immoveable—all that
is led (produced) by knowledge (the Self).
6. It rests on knowledge (the Self). The world
1 T read ko yam instead of ko’yam.
3 Or, Which of the two, the real or the phenomenal, the nirupédhika or sopadhika ?
* Hirazyagarbha. Comm. ‘ Virag. Comm.
5 Serpents, &c., says the commentary.
* Cf. Kh. Up. VI, 3,1, where the svedaga, born from heat or.
perspiration, are not mentioned.
246 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
3 Or, Which of the two, the real or the phenomenal, the nirupédhika or sopadhika ?
* Hirazyagarbha. Comm. ‘ Virag. Comm.
5 Serpents, &c., says the commentary.
* Cf. Kh. Up. VI, 3,1, where the svedaga, born from heat or.
perspiration, are not mentioned.
246 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
is led (produced) by knowledge (the Self). Knowledge is its cause’.
7. Knowledge is Brahman. (3)
8. He (VAmadeva), having by this conscious self
stepped forth from this world, and having obtained
all desires in that heavenly world, became immortal,
yea, he became immortal. Thus it is, Om. (4)
SEVENTH ADHYAYA:
First Kuawpa.
1. My speech rests in the mind, my mind rests in
speech *. Appear to me (thou, the Highest Self)!
You (speech and mind) are the two pins‘ (that hold
the wheels) of the Veda. May what I have learnt
not forsake me. I join day and night with what I
have learnt *. I shall speak of the real, I shall speak
the true. May this protect me, may this protect
the teacher! May it protect me, may it protect the
teacher, yea, the teacher!
* We have no words to distinguish between pragi4, state of
knowing, and pragfiana, act of knowing. Both are names of the
Highest Brahman, which is the beginning and end (pratish/A&) of
everything that exists or seems to exist.
* This seventh adhy4ya contains a propitiatory prayer (santikaro
mantrak). It is frequently left out in the MSS. which contain the
Aitareya-upanishad with Sankara’s commentary, and Dr. Réer has
omitted it in his edition. Sayaza explains it in his commentary on
the Aitareya-4ranyaka ; and in one MS. of Sankara’s commentary
on the Aitareya-upanishad, which is in my possession, the seventh
adhyfya is added with the commentary of M4dhavamftya, the
Agnap4laka of Vtrabukka-mah4raga.
* The two depend on each other.
‘ Ant, explained by the commentator as 4nayanasamartha.
® Cf. Kh. Up. IV, 2, 5.
* I repeat it day and night so that I may not forget it.
THIRD ARANYAKAl}
FIRST ADHYAYA.
First Kuawnpa.
1. Next follows the Upanishad of the Samhita*, ©
2. The former half is the earth, the latter half
the heaven, their union the air®, thus says MAzdukeya; their union is the ether, thus did Makshavya
teach it.
3. That air is not considered‘ independent °,
therefore I do not agree with his (Mazdtka’s)
son.
4. Verily, the two are the same, therefore air is
1 This last portion of the Upanishad is found in the MS. discovered by Dr. Buhler in Kashmir, and described by him in the
Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1877,
p- 36. I have collated it, so far as it was possible to read it,
many lines being either broken off altogether, or almost entirely
obliterated. .
* Samhita is the sacred text in which all letters are closely
joined. The joining together of two letters is called their samhité ;
the first letter of a joined group the pfirvarfipa (n.), the second the
uttararfiipa. For instance, in agnim f/e the m is pfirvarfpa, the
f uttararfipa, and mf their samhita or union.
The joining together of two letters is called their samhité ;
the first letter of a joined group the pfirvarfipa (n.), the second the
uttararfiipa. For instance, in agnim f/e the m is pfirvarfpa, the
f uttararfipa, and mf their samhita or union.
* As in worshipping the S4lagrama stone, we really worship
Vishnu, so we ought to perceive the earth, the heaven, and the air
when we pronounce the first and the second letters of a group,
and that group itself.
4 Mene has here been taken as 3rd pers. sing. perf. passive. The
commentator, however, explains it as an active verb, nisitavan.
5 Because it is included in the ether, not the ether in the air.
Comm.
248 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA,
considered independent, thus says Agastya. For it
is the same, whether they say air or ether}.
5. So far with reference to deities (mythologically) ;
now with reference to the body (physiologically) :
6. The former half is speech, the latter half is
mind, their union breath (praza), thus says Sdravtra*
Mandukeya.
7. But his eldest son said: The former half is
mind, the latter half speech. For we first conceive
with the mind indeed®, and then we utter with speech.
Therefore the former half is indeed mind, the latter
half speech, but their union is really breath.
8. Verily, it is the same with both, the father
(Mazdukeya) and the son‘.
9. This (meditation as here described), joined °
with mind, speech, and breath, is (like) a chariot
drawn by two horses and one horse between them
(prash¢ivahana).
10. And he who thus knows this union, becomes
united with offspring, cattle, fame, glory of countenance, and the world of Svarga. He lives his
full age.
11. Now all this comes from the Maadukeyas.
SEconp KHAwDA.
1. Next comes the meditation as taught by
SAkalya.
1 Both views are tenable, for it is not the actual air and ether
which are meditated on, but their names, as declared and explained
in this peculiar act of worship. We should read 4k4saséeti, a reading
confirmed both by the commentary and by the Kashmir MS.
* The man among heroes. Comm.
. ® The Kashmir MS. reads manasaivagre.
* Both views are admissible. Comm,
5 Pranasamhitak, Kashmir MS,
m1 ARANYAKA, I ADHYAYA, 2 KHANDA,9. 249
2. The first half is the earth, the second half
heaven, their uniting the rain, the uniter Parganya’.
3. And so it is when he (Parganya) rains thus
strongly, without ceasing, day and night 2,
4. Then they say also (in ordinary language),
‘Heaven and earth have come together.’
5. So much with regard to the deities; now with
regard to the body:—
6. Every man is indeed like an egg*. There are
two halves‘ (of him), thus they say: ‘ This half is
the earth, that half heaven.’ And there between
them is the ether (the space of the mouth), like the
ether between heaven and earth. In this ether there
(in the mouth) the breath is fixed, as in that other
ether the air is fixed. And as there are those three
luminaries (in heaven), there are these three luminaries in man.
In this ether there
(in the mouth) the breath is fixed, as in that other
ether the air is fixed. And as there are those three
luminaries (in heaven), there are these three luminaries in man.
7. As there is that sun in heaven, there is this
eye in the head. As there is that lightning in the
sky, there is this heart in the body; as there is that
fire on earth, there is this seed in the member.
8. Having thus represented the self (body) as
the whole world, Sakalya said: This half is the
earth, that half heaven.
9. He who thus knows this union, becomes
united with offspring, cattle, fame, glory of coun-
1 If i is followed by a, the i is changed to y, and both are united
as ya. Here a is the cause which changesi into y. Thus Parganya, the god of rain, is the cause which unites earth and heaven
into rain. Comm.
* When it rains incessantly, heaven and earth seem to be one in
rain.
* Andam, andasadrisam. Comm.
* The one half from the feet to the lower jaw, the other half
from the upper jaw to the skull. Comm.
250 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA,
tenance, and the world of Svarga. He lives his full
age.
Turrp Kuawpa!.
1. Next come the reciters of the Nirbhuga 2.
2. Nirbhuga abides on earth, Pratrzaaa in heaven,
the Ubhayamantarema in the sky.
3. Now, if any one should chide him who recites
the Nirbhuga, let him answer : ‘ Thou art fallen from
the two lower places*®.’ If any one should chide
him who recites the Pratvzzmza, let him answer:
‘Thou art fallen from the two higher places*.’ But
he who recites the Ubhayamantarema, there is no
chiding him.
4. For when he turns out the Sandhi (the union
of words), that is the form of Nirbhuga*®; and when
he pronounces two syllables pure (without modification), that is the form of Pratrzzna*, This comes
' Cf. Rig-veda-pratisakhya, ed. Max Miller, p. iii, and Nachtrage, p. ii.
3 Nirbhuga(n) is the recitation of the Veda without intervals,
therefore the same as Samhit&. Pratrinna is the recitation of each
word by itself (pada-pasha) ; Ubhayamantarena, the between the
two, is the intertwining of Samhita and Pada-p&sha, the so-called
Krama-paéha. By reciting the Samhita inattentively, one may use
forms which belong to the Pada-text; and by reciting the Pada inattentively, one may use forms which belong to the Sambhit4-text.
But in reciting the Krama both the Samhita and Pada forms are
used together, and therefore mistakes are less likely to happen.
5 From earth and sky. Cf. KA. Up. II, 22, 3.
‘ From the sky and from heaven.
5 Nirbhuga may mean without arms, as if the arms of the
words were taken away, or with two arms stretched out, the two
words forming, as it were, two arms to one body.
* Pratrinna means cut asunder, every word being separated from
the others.
a0
mI ARANYAKA, I ADHYAYA, 3 KHANDA,10. 251
first’. By the Ubhayamantara (what is between
the two) both are fulfilled (both the sandhi and the
pada).
* Pratrinna means cut asunder, every word being separated from
the others.
a0
mI ARANYAKA, I ADHYAYA, 3 KHANDA,10. 251
first’. By the Ubhayamantara (what is between
the two) both are fulfilled (both the sandhi and the
pada).
5. Let him who wishes for proper food say the
Nirbhuga ; let him who wishes for Svarga, say the
Pratvzama; let him who wishes for both say the
Ubhayamantarena.
6. Now if another man (an enemy) should chide
him who says the Nirbhuga, let him say to him:
‘ Thou hast offended the earth, the deity; the earth,
the deity, will strike thee.’
If another man should chide him who says the
Pratvzuma, let him say to him: ‘Thou hast offended
heaven, the deity; heaven, the deity, will strike
thee.’
If another man should chide him who says the
Ubhayamantareza, let him say to him: ‘ Thou hast
offended the sky, the deity; the sky, the deity, will
strike thee.’
7. And whatever the reciter shall say to one who
speaks to him or does not speak to him, depend
upon it, it will come to pass.
8. But to a Brahmamza let him not say anything
except what is auspicious.
9. Only he may curse a Brahmama in excessive
wealth *.
10. Nay, not even in excessive wealth should he
curse a Bradhmama, but he should say, ‘I bow before
Brahmamzas,—thus says Sdravira Mazakeya.
1 The words were first each separate, before they were united
according to the laws of Sandhi.
* He may curse him, if he is exceeding rich; or he may wish
him the curse of excessive wealth; or he may curse him, if something great depends on it.
252 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
FourtH KHawpa.
1. Next follow the imprecations?.
2. Let him know that breath? is the beam (on
which the whole house of the body rests).
3. If any one (a Braéhmaza or another man)
should chide him, who by meditation has become that
breath as beam 8, then, if he thinks himself strong,
he says: ‘I grasped the breath, the beam, well ;
thou dost not prevail against me who have grasped
the breath as the beam.’ Let him say to him:
‘Breath, the beam, will forsake thee.’
4. But if he thinks himself not strong, let him
say to him: ‘Thou couldst not grasp him who
wishes to grasp the breath as the beam. Breath,
the beam, will forsake thee.’
5. And whatever the reciter shall say to one who
speaks to him or does not speak to him, depend
upon it, it will come to pass. But to a Brahmaza
let him not say anything except what is auspicious.
Only he may curse a Brahmava in excessive wealth.
Nay, not even in excessive wealth should he curse a
Brahmaza, but he should say, ‘I bow before Brahmavas, —thus says Sfiravira Mazadkeya.
* The commentator explains anuvy4h4ra, not as imprecations,
but as referring to those who teach or use the imprecations, such
imprecations being necessary to guard against the loss of the
benefits accruing from the meditation and worship here described ;
such teachers say what follows.
? Breath, the union of mind and speech, as explained before.
This is the opinion of Sthavira Sakalya, cf. III, 2, 1, 1.
? Breath, the union of mind and speech, as explained before.
This is the opinion of Sthavira Sakalya, cf. III, 2, 1, 1.
® If he should tell him that he did not meditate on breath
properly.
111 ARANYAKA, I ADHYAYA, 5 KHANDA, 6. 253
Firta Kuawnpa.
1. Now those who repeat the Nirbhuga say:
2. ‘The former half? is the first syllable, the latter
half the second syllable, and the space between the
first and second halves is the Samhita (union).’
3. He who thus knows this Samhita (union), becomes united with offspring, cattle, fame, glory of
countenance, and the world of Svarga. He lives
his full age.
4. Now Hrasva M4zdikeya says: ‘We reciters
of Nirbhuga say, “ Yes, the former half is the first
syllable, and the latter half the second syllable, but
the Samhit4 is the space between the first and
second halves in so far as by it one turns out the
union (sandhi), and knows what is the accent and
what is not?, and distinguishes what is the mora
and what is not.”’
5. He who thus knows this Samhit4 (union), becomes united with offspring, cattle, fame, glory of
countenance, and the world of Svarga. He lives
his full age.
6. Now his middle son, the child of his mother
Prattbodht *, says: ‘One pronounces these two syllables letter by letter, without entirely separating
1 As spoken of before, III, 1, 1, 1.
* In agnim fle, fle by itself has no accent, but as joined by
sandhi with agnim, its first syllable becomes svarita, its second
pragita. In tava it, the vowel i is a short mora or mtr; but
if joined with va, it vanishes, and becomes long e, tavet. -Comm.
* Pr&tibodhfputra, the son of Pratfbodhf, she being probably one
out of several wives of Hrasva. Another instance of this metronymic nomenclature occurred in Krishna Devaktputra, K4. Up.
III, 7,6. The Kashmir MS. reads Praftbodhf, but Pratibodha is
a recognised name in Gana Vidadi, and the right reading is
probably Pratibodhi. The same MS. leaves out putra ha,
254 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA,
them, and without entirely uniting them?. Then
that mora between the first and second halves, which
indicates the union, that is the Saman (evenness,
sliding). I therefore hold Saman only to be the
Samhit4 (union).
7. This has also been declared by a Rishi (Rv.
II, 23, 16) :—
8. ‘O Brzhaspati, they know nothing higher than
S4man.’
9. He who thus knows this Samhit4 (union), becomes united with offspring, cattle, fame, glory of
countenance, and the world of Svarga. He lives
his full age.
SixtH Kuawpa.
1. Térukshya? said: ‘The Samhita (union) is formed
by means of the Bvzhat and Rathantara* Samans.’
2. Verily, the Rathantara Sd4man is speech, the
Bhat Saman is breath. By both, by speech and
breath, the Samhita is formed‘.
3. For this Upanishad (for acquiring from his
teacher the knowledge of this Samhita of speech
and breath) T4rukshya guards (his teacher’s) cows
_ a whole year.
4. For it alone T4rukshya guards the cows a
whole year.
By both, by speech and
breath, the Samhita is formed‘.
3. For this Upanishad (for acquiring from his
teacher the knowledge of this Samhita of speech
and breath) T4rukshya guards (his teacher’s) cows
_ a whole year.
4. For it alone T4rukshya guards the cows a
whole year.
1 So that the é in tavet should neither be one letter e, nor two
letters a+i, but something between the two, enabling us to hear
a+i in the pronunciation of &
’ § The Kashmir MS. reads Tarkshya, a name used before as the
title of a hymn (Ait. Ar. I, 5, 2,8). Here Tarukshya seems preferable, see Paz, IV, 1, 105.
® See Ait. Ar.’I, 4, 2, 1-4.
* These two, the Brzhat and Rathantara, are required for the
Prishshastotra in the Agnish/oma, and they are to remind the worshipper that speech and breath are required for all actions.
III ARANYAKA, I ADHYAYA, 6 KHANDA, 13. 255
5. This has also been declared by a Rishi (Rv.
X, 181, 1; and Rv. X, 181, 2) :—
6. ‘ Vasish¢ha carried hither the Rathantara;
‘Bharadvaga brought hither the Brzhat of Agni.’
7. He who thus knows this Samhit4 (union), be-
‘comes united with offspring, cattle, fame, glory of
countenance, and the world of Svarga. He lives
his full age.
8. Kauztharavya said: ‘Speech is united with
breath, breath with the blowing air, the blowing air
with the Visvedevas, the Visvedevas with the heavenly world, the heavenly world with Brahman.
That Samhita is called the gradual Samhita.’
9. He who knows this gradual Samhita (union),
becomes united with offspring, cattle, fame, glory of
countenance, and the world of Svarga, in exactly the
same manner as this Samhité, i.e. gradually.
10. If that worshipper, whether for his own sake or
for that of another, recites (the Samhita), let him know
when he is going to recite, that this Samhita went up
to heaven, and that it will be even so with those who
by knowing it become Devas. May it always be so!
11. He who thus knows this Samhita (union), becomes united with offspring, cattle, fame, glory of
countenance, and the world of Svarga. He lives
his full age.
12. Pafikdlakanda said: ‘The Samhita (union,
composition) is speech.’
13. Verily, by speech the Vedas, by speech the
metres are composed. Friends unite through speech,
all beings unite through speech ; therefore speech is
everything here}.
1 Everything can be obtained by speech in this life and in the
next, Comm.
256 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
14. With regard to this (view of speech being
more than breath), it should be borne in mind that
when we thus repeat (the Veda) or speak, breath is
(absorbed) in speech; speech swallows breath. And
when we are silent or sleep, speech is (absorbed) in
breath; breath swallows speech. The two swallow
each other. Verily, speech is the mother, breath
the son.
15. This has been declared also by a Ashi (Rv.
X, 114, 4):—
And
when we are silent or sleep, speech is (absorbed) in
breath; breath swallows speech. The two swallow
each other. Verily, speech is the mother, breath
the son.
15. This has been declared also by a Ashi (Rv.
X, 114, 4):—
16. ‘ There is one bird; (as wind) he has entered
the sky; (as breath or living soul) he saw this whole
world. With my ripe mind I saw him close to me
(in the heart); the mother (licks or) absorbs him
(breath), and he absorbs the mother (speech).’
17. He who thus knows this Samhita (union),
becomes united with offspring, cattle, fame, glory of
countenance, and the world of Svarga. He lives his
full age.
18. Next follows the Pragdpati-Samhita.
19. The former half is the wife, the latter half
the man ; the result of their union the son; the act
of their union the begetting ; that Sashita is Aditi
(indestructible).
20. For Aditi (indestructible) is all this whatever
there is, father, mother, son, and begetting.
21. This has also been declared by a A’shi (Rv.
I, 189, 10) :-—
22. ‘Aditi is mother, is father, is son.’
23. He who thus knows this Samhit4 (union),
becomes united with offspring, cattle, fame, glory of
countenance, and the world of Svarga. He lives
his full age.
111 ARANYAKA, 2 ADHYAYA, I KHANDA, 5. 257
SECOND ADHYAYA}
First Kuanpa.
1. Sthavira Sakalya said that breath is the beam?,
and as the other beams rest on the house-beam, thus
the eye, the ear, the mind, the speech, the senses,
the body, the whole self rests on this® breath.
2. Of that self the breathing is like the sibilants,
the bones like the mutes, the marrow like the
vowels, and the fourth part, flesh, blood, and the
rest, like the semivowels‘*,—so said Hrasva Manakeya.
3. To us it was said to be a triad only *.
4. Of that triad, viz. bones, marrow, and joints,
there are 360 (parts) on this side (the right), and 360
on that side (the left). They make 720 together,
and 720° are the days and nights of the year. Thus
that self which consists of sight, hearing, metre,
mind, and speech is like unto the days.
5. He who thus knows this self, which consists of
sight, hearing, metre, mind, and speech, as like unto
the days, obtains union, likeness, or nearness with
the days, has sons and cattle, and lives his full age.
1 In the first adhy4ya meditations suggested by samhita, pada,
and krama have been discussed. Now follow meditations suggested by certain classes of letters.
* Ait. Ar. III, 1, 4.
> The Kashmir MS. reads etasmin pra#e. The self here is
meant for the body, and yet it seems to be different from sartra.
‘ The Kashmir MS. writes antastha without visarga, while it is
otherwise most careful in writing all sibilants.
5 Sakalya, as we saw, told his disciples that there were three
classes only, not four. Comm. The Kashmir MS. reads trayam
tv eva na ityetat proktam.
* The Kashmir MS. reads sapta vimsatis 4a satAni,
[3] s
258 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
SEconp Kuawpa.
1. Next comes Kaustharavya :
5 Sakalya, as we saw, told his disciples that there were three
classes only, not four. Comm. The Kashmir MS. reads trayam
tv eva na ityetat proktam.
* The Kashmir MS. reads sapta vimsatis 4a satAni,
[3] s
258 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
SEconp Kuawpa.
1. Next comes Kaustharavya :
2. There are 360 syllables (vowels), 360 sibilants
(consonants), 360 groups.
3. What we called syllables are the days, what
we called sibilants are the nights, what we called
groups are the junctions of days and nights. So far
with regard to the gods (the days).
4. Now with regard to the body. The syllables
which we explained mythologically, are physiologically the bones; the sibilants which we explained
mythologically, are physiologically the marrow.
5. Marrow is the real breath (life), for marrow is
seed, and without breath (life) seed is not sown. Or
when it is sown without breath (life), it will decay, it
will not grow.
6. The groups which we explained mythologically,
are physiologically the joints.
7. Of that triad; viz. bones, marrow, and joints,
there are 540 (parts) on this side (the right), and
540 on that side (the left). They make 1080 together, and 1080 are the rays of the sun. They
make the Brzhatt verses and the day (of the Mahavrata)}.
8. Thus that self which consists of sight, hearing,
metre, mind, and speech is like unto the syllables.
9. He who knows this self which consists of
sight, hearing, metre, mind, and speech, as like unto
syllables, obtains union, likeness, or nearness with
the syllables, has sons and cattle, and lives his full
age.
1 There are in the Mahfvrata eighty tristichs of Brzhatfs, and as
each Brthatf is decreed to consist of thirty-six syllables, ten would
give 360 syllables, and three times ten, ro80. Comm.
m1 ARANYAKA, 2 ADHYAYA, 3 KHANDA, IO. 259
Tuirp Kuawpa.
1. Badhva? says, there are four persons (to be
meditated on and worshipped).
2. The person of the body, the person of the
metres, the person of the Veda, and the Great
person.
3. What we call the person of the body is this
corporeal self. Its essence is the incorporeal conscious self.
4. What we call the person of the metres is this
collection of letters (the Veda). Its essence is the
vowel a.
5. What we call the person of the Veda is (the
mind) by which we know the Vedas, the Azg-veda,
Yagur-veda, and S4ma-veda. Its essence is Brahman ? (m.)
6. Therefore let one chose a Brahman-priest who
is full of Brahman (the Veda), and is able to see any
flaw in the sacrifice.
7. What we call the Great person is the year,
which causes some beings to fall together, and causes
others to grow up. Its essence is yonder sun.
8. One should know that the incorporeal conscious self and yonder sun are both one and the
same. Therefore the sun appears to every man
singly (and differently).
9. This has also been declared by a Azshi (Rv.
I, 115, 1) :—
10. ‘ The bright face of the gods arose, the eye of
Mitra, Varuma, and Agni; it filled heaven and earth
Therefore the sun appears to every man
singly (and differently).
9. This has also been declared by a Azshi (Rv.
I, 115, 1) :—
10. ‘ The bright face of the gods arose, the eye of
Mitra, Varuma, and Agni; it filled heaven and earth
1 Instead of Badhya, the commentary and the Kashmir MS. read
Badhva.
3 Hiranyagarbha, with whom he who knows the Veda becomes
identified. Comm.
S 2
260 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
and the sky,—the sun is the self of all that rests
and moves.’
11. ‘This I think to be the regular Samhita as
conceived by me,’ thus said Badhva.
12. For the Bahvvzéas consider him (the self)
in the great hymn (mahad uktha), the Adhvaryus in
the sacrificial fire, the AZandogas in the Mah4vrata
ceremony. Him they see in this earth, in heaven,
in the air, in the ether, in the water, in herbs, in
trees, in the moon, in the stars, in all beings. Him
alone they call Brahman.
13. That self which consists of sight, hearing,
metre, mind, and speech is like unto the year.
14. He who recites to another that self which
consists of sight, hearing, metre, mind, and speech,
and is like unto the year,
Fourtu KHAaAwpa.
1. To him the Vedas yield no more milk, he has
no luck in what he has learnt (from his Guru); he
does not know the path of virtue.
2. This has also been declared by a Aishi (Rv.
X, 71, 6) :—
3. ‘He who has forsaken the friend (the Veda),
that knows his friends, in his speech there is no luck.
Though he hears, he hears in vain, for he does not
know the path of virtue.’
4. Here it is clearly said that he has no luck in
what he has learnt, and that he does not know the
path of virtue.
5. Therefore let no ‘one who knows this, lay the
sacrificial fire (belonging to the Mahdavrata) for another, let him not sing the Samans of the Mah4vrata
111 ARANYAKA, 2 ADHYAYA, 4 KHANDA, IO. 261
for another, let him not recite the Sastras of that
day for. another.
6. However, let him willingly do this for a father
or for an Aéarya; for that is done really for
himself.
7. We have said that the incorporeal conscious
self and the sun are one?. When these two become
separated , the sun is seen as if it were the moon?;
no rays spring from it; the sky is red like madder ;
the patient cannot retain the wind, his head smells
bad like a raven’s nest :—let him know then that his
self (in the body) is gone, and that he will not live
very long‘.
8. Then whatever he thinks he has to do, let
him do it, and let him recite the following hymns :
Yad anti yaé da dirake (Rv. IX, 67, 21-27); Ad it
pratnasya retasad (Rv. VIII, 6, 30); Yatra brahma
pavamana (Rv. IX, 113, 6-11); Ud vayam tamasas
pari (Rv. I, 50, 10).
g. Next, when the sun is seen pierced, and seems
like the nave of a cart-wheel, when he sees his own
shadow pierced, let him know then that it is so (as
stated before, i.e. that he is going to die soon).
IX, 113, 6-11); Ud vayam tamasas
pari (Rv. I, 50, 10).
g. Next, when the sun is seen pierced, and seems
like the nave of a cart-wheel, when he sees his own
shadow pierced, let him know then that it is so (as
stated before, i.e. that he is going to die soon).
10. Next, when he sees himself in a mirror or in
the water with a crooked head, or without a head®, or
when his pupils are seen inverted® or not straight,
let him know then that it is so.
1 Ait, Ar. III, 2, 3, 8.
* This separation of the self of the sun and the conscious self
within us is taken as a sign of approaching death, and therefore
a number of premonitory symptoms are considered in this place.
3 PAtos pnvoedys, Xen. Hist. gr. 4, 3, 10.
‘ The Kashmir MS. reads givayishyati.
5 The Kashmir MS. reads gihmasirasam vasariram 4tmfinam.
* A white pupil in a black eye-ball. Comm.
262 AITAREYA-ARANYVAKA.
11. Next, let him cover his eyes and watch, then
threads are seen as if falling together’. But if he
does not see them, let him know then that it is so.
12. Next,.let him cover his ears and listen, and
there will be a sound as if of a burning fire or of a
carriage*. But if he does not hear it, let him know
then that it is so.
13. Next, -when fire looks blue like the neck of a
peacock *, or when he sees lightning in a cloudless
sky, or no lightning in a clouded sky, or when he
sees as it were bright rays in a dark cloud, let
him know then that it is so.
14. Next, when he sees the ground as if it were
burning, let him know that it is so.
15. These are the visible signs (from 7-14).
16. Next come the dreams ¢.
17. If he sees a black man with black teeth, and
that man kills him; or a boar kills him; a monkey
jumps on him; the wind carries him along quickly ;
having swallowed gold he spits it out*®; he eats
honey; he chews stalks; he carries a red lotus; he
drives with asses and boars; wearing a wreath of
red flowers (naladas) he drives a black cow with
a black calf, facing the south ’,
18. If a man sees any one of these (dreams), let
1 The Kashmir MS. reads basirakA#i sampatanttva.
_* See KA. Up. III, 13, 8. The Kashmir MS, and the commentary give the words rathasyevopabdis, which are left out in the
printed text.
* The Kashmir MS. reads mayfiragriva ameghe.
‘ The Kashmir MS. reads svapnaf.
5 The Kashmir MS. reads 4skandati.
* The Kashmir MS. reads avagirati.
* The commentator separates the last dream, so as to bring
their number to ten.
111 ARANYAKA, 2 ADHYAYA, 5 KHANDA, 4. 263
him fast, and cook a pot of milk, sacrifice it, accompanying each oblation with a verse of the Ratri
hymn (Rv. X, 127), and then, after having fed the
Brahmazas, with other food (prepared at his house)
eat himself the (rest of the) oblation.
19. Let him know that the person within all
beings, not heard here}, not reached, not thought,
not subdued, not seen, not understood, not classed,
but hearing, thinking, seeing, classing, sounding,
understanding, knowing, is his Self.
FirtH Kuawpa?.
19. Let him know that the person within all
beings, not heard here}, not reached, not thought,
not subdued, not seen, not understood, not classed,
but hearing, thinking, seeing, classing, sounding,
understanding, knowing, is his Self.
FirtH Kuawpa?.
1. Now next the Upanishad of the whole speech.
True all these are Upanishads of the whole speech,
but this they call so (chiefly).
2. The mute consonants represent the earth, the
sibilants the sky, the vowels heaven.
The mute consonants represent Agni (fire), the
sibilants air, the vowels the sun. °
The mute consonants represent the Azg-veda, the
sibilants the Yagur-veda, the vowels the Sama-veda.
The mute consonants represent the eye, the sibilants the ear, the vowels the mind.
The mute consonants represent the up-breathing,
the sibilants the down-breathing, the vowels the
back-breathing.
3. Next comes this divine lute (the human body,
made by the gods). The lute made by man is an
imitation of it.
4. As there is a head of this, so there is a head
of that (lute, made by man). As there is a stomach
1 The Kashmir MS. reads sa yatas sruto.
? After having inserted the preceding chapter on omina and
the concluding paragraph on the highest knowledge, he now
returns to the meditation on the letters.
264 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA,
of this, so there is the cavity? (in the board) of that.
As there is a tongue of this, so there is a tongue?
in that. As there are fingers of this, so there are
strings of that®, As there are vowels of this, so
there are tones of that. As there are consonants
of this, so there are touches of that. As this is
endowed with sound and firmly strung, so that is
endowed with sound and firmly strung. As this
is covered with a hairy skin, so that is covered with
a hairy skin.
5. Verily, in former times they covered a lute with
a hairy skin.
6. He who knows this lute made by the Devas
(and meditates on it), is willingly listened to, his
glory fills the earth, and wherever they speak Aryan
languages, there they know him.
7. Next follows the verse, called vagrasa, the essence of speech. When a man reciting or speaking in
an assembly does not please, let him say this verse :
8. ‘May the queen of all speech, who is covered,
as it were, by the lips, surrounded by teeth, as if
by spears, who is a thunderbolt, help me to speak
well.’ This is the vagrasa, the essence of speech.
Sixto Kuawpa,
1. Next Kyvzshua-H rita‘ confided this Brahmaza®
concerning speech to him (his pupil) :
1 The Kashmir MS. reads udara evam, &c.
* ‘Vadanam, what makes the instrument speak, hastena. Comm.
8 Here the order is inverted in the text.
* One of the sons of Harita, who was dark. Comm,
* Brahmama, in the sense of Upanishad, this secret doctrine or
explanation. It forms an appendix, like the svish/akrit at the end
of a sacrifice. ‘Iva,’ which the commentator explains as restrictive
or useless, may mean, something like a Brahmana.
111 ARANYAKA, 2 ADHYAYA, 6 KHANDA, 8. 268
Comm,
* Brahmama, in the sense of Upanishad, this secret doctrine or
explanation. It forms an appendix, like the svish/akrit at the end
of a sacrifice. ‘Iva,’ which the commentator explains as restrictive
or useless, may mean, something like a Brahmana.
111 ARANYAKA, 2 ADHYAYA, 6 KHANDA, 8. 268
2. Pragdpati, the year, after having sent forth all
creatures, burst. He put himself together again by
means of £4andas (Vedas). Because he put himself
together again by means of £/andas, therefore (the
text of the Veda) is called Samhit4 (put together).
3. Of that Samhita the letter ” is the strength,
the letter sh the breath and self (Atman).
4. He who knows the #2é verses and the letters
mand sh for every Samhita, he knows the Samhit4
with strength and breath. Let him know that this
is the life of the Samhita.
5. If the pupil asks, ‘Shall I say it with the
letter 2 or without it?’ let the teacher say, ‘With
the letter 2.’ And if he asks, ‘Shall I say it with
the letter sh or without it?’ let the teacher say,
‘With the letter sh?’
6. Hrasva Mazdikeya said: ‘If we here recite
the verses according to the Samhita (attending to
the necessary changes of n and s into and sh),
and if we say the adhy4ya of Mazddkeya (Ait. Ar.
III, 1), then the letters. 2 and sh (strength and
breath) have by this been obtained for us.’
7. Sthavira Sakalya said: ‘If we recite the verses
according to the Samhita, and if we say the adhydya
of MAzdikeya, then the letters 2 and sh have by
this been obtained for us.’
8. Here the Azshis, the K4vasheyas 3, knowing
1 The letters » and sh refer most likely to the rules of natva and
shatva, i.e. the changing of n and s into and sh.
* If we know whenever n and s should be changed to » and sh
in the Samhité.
% The K4vasheyas said that, after they had arrived at the highest
knowledge of Brahman (through the various forms of meditation
and worship that lead to it and that have been described in the
Upanishad) no further meditation and no further sacrifice could be
266 AITAREYA-ARANYAKA.
this, said: ‘Why should we repeat (the Veda),
why should we sacrifice ? We offer as a sacrifice
‘breath in speech, or speech in breath. What is
the beginning (of one), that is the end (of the
other).’
g. Let no one tell these Samhitds (Ait. Ar. 111, 1-
III, 2) to one who is not a resident pupil, who has
not been with his teacher at least one year, and who
is not himself to become an instructor’. Thus say
the teachers, yea, thus say the teachers.
required. Instead of the morning and evening stoma they offer.
breath in speech, whenever they speak, or speech in breath, when
they are silent or asleep. When speech begins, breathing ceases;
when breathing begins, speech ceases.
Thus say
the teachers, yea, thus say the teachers.
required. Instead of the morning and evening stoma they offer.
breath in speech, whenever they speak, or speech in breath, when
they are silent or asleep. When speech begins, breathing ceases;
when breathing begins, speech ceases.
1 The strict prohibition uttered at the end of the third Aranyaka,
not to divulge a knowledge of the Samhit4-upanishad (Ait. Ar.
III, 1-2), as here explained, is peculiar. It would have seemed
self-evident that, like the rest of the sruti or sacred literature, the
Aranyaka too, and-every portion of it, could have been learnt from
the mouth of a teacher only, and according to rule (niyamena), i. e.
by a pupil performing all the duties of a student (brahmaéérin *),
so that no one except a regular pupil (antevasin) could possibly
gain access to it. Nor can there be any doubt that we ought
to take the words asamvatsaravdsin and apravaktr? as limitations,
and to translate, ‘Let no one tell these Samhités to any pupil who
has not at least been a year with his master, and who does not
mean to become a teacher in turn.’ .
That this is the right view is confirmed by similar injunctions
given at the end of the fifth Aranyaka. Here we have first some
rules as to who is qualified to recite the Mahfvrata. No one is
permitted to do so, who has not passed through the Diksh4, the
initiation for the Agnishfoma. If the Mah4vrata is performed as a
Sattra, the sacrificer is a Hotrs' priest, and he naturally has passed
through that ceremony. But if the Mah4vrata is performed as an
Ekaha or Ahina ceremony, anybody might be the sacrificer, and
therefore it was necessary to say that no one who is adifkshita, uninitiated, should recite it for another person; nor should he do so,
’ Apastamba-sittras, translated by Buhler, p. 18.
m1 ARANYAKA, 2 ADHYAYA, 6 KHANDA. 267
when the Mahfvrata is performed without (or with) an altar, or if it
does not last one year. In saying, however, that one should not
recite the Mah4vrata for another person, parents and teachers are
not to be understood as included, because what is done for them,
is done for ourselves.
After these restrictions as to the recitation of the Mah4vrata,
follow other restrictions as to the teaching of it, and here we read,
as at the end of the Upanishad :
4. ‘Let no one teach this day, the Mahfvrata, to one who is
not a regular pupil (antev4sin), and has been so for one year, certainly not to one who has not been so for one year; nor to one who
is not a brahmaf4rin and does not study the same Veda’, certainly
not to one who does not study the same Veda; nor te one who
does not come to him.
5. ‘Let the teaching not be more than saying it once or twice,
twice only.
6. ‘One man should tell it to one man, so says Gatukarnya.
4. ‘Not to a child, nor to a man in his third stage of life.
8. ‘The teacher and pupil should not stand, nor walk, nor lie
down, nor sit on a couch; but they should both sit on the
ground,
6. ‘One man should tell it to one man, so says Gatukarnya.
4. ‘Not to a child, nor to a man in his third stage of life.
8. ‘The teacher and pupil should not stand, nor walk, nor lie
down, nor sit on a couch; but they should both sit on the
ground,
9. ‘The pupil should not lean backward while learning, nor —
lean forward. He should not be covered with too much clothing,
nor assume the postures of a devotee, but without using any of the
apparel of a devotee, simply elevate his knees. Nor should he
learn, when he has eaten flesh, when he has seen blood, or a
corpse, or when he has done an unlawful thing?; when he has
anointed his eyes, oiled or rubbed his body, when he has been
shaved or bathed, put colour on, or ornamented himself with flowerwreaths, when he has been writing or effacing his writing *.
10. ‘Nor should he finish the reading in one day, so says Gatukarnya, while according to Galava, he should finish it in one day.
Agnivesyayana holds that he should finish all before the Trikasitis‘,
and then rest in another place finishing it.
11, ‘And in the place where he reads this, he should not read
1 See Gautama-sfitras XIV, 21, and Bihler’s note.
2 NAvratyam 4kramya is explained by the commentator by
ukkhish/Adyakramana.
This, if rightly translated, would seem to be the earliest mention
of actual writing in Sanskrit literature.
* See Ait. Ar. I, 4) 3) I-4-
268 ‘ AITAREYA-ARANYAKA,
anything else, though he may read this (the Mah4vrata) where he
has read something else.
12. ‘No one should bathe and become a snAtaka’ who does not
read this. Even if he has read many other things, he should not
become a snftaka if he has not read this.
13. ‘Nor should he forget it, and even if he should forget anything else, he should not forget this.
14. ‘No, he should never forget this.
15. ‘If he does not forget this, it will be enough for himself (or
for acquiring a knowledge of the Self ).
16. ‘It is enough, let him know this to be true.
17. ‘Let him who knows this not communicate, nor dine, nor
amuse himself with any one who does not know it.’
Then follow some more rules as to the reading of the Veda in
general:
18. ‘When the old water that stood round the roots of trees is
dried up (after about the month of Pausha, January to February *) he
should not read; nor (at any time) in the morning or in the afternoon, when the shadows meet (he should begin at sunrise so soon
as the shadows divide, and end in the evening before they fall together). Nor should he read * when a cloud has risen; and when
there is an unseasonable rain (after the months of Sravana and Bhadrapada, August and September‘) he should stop his Vedic reading
for three nights. Nor should he at that time tell stories, not even
during the night, nor should he glory in his knowledge.
19. ‘ This (the Veda thus learnt and studied) is the name of that
Great Being ; and he who thus knows the name ef that Great Being,
he becomes Brahman, yea, he becomes Brahman.’
Nor should he at that time tell stories, not even
during the night, nor should he glory in his knowledge.
19. ‘ This (the Veda thus learnt and studied) is the name of that
Great Being ; and he who thus knows the name ef that Great Being,
he becomes Brahman, yea, he becomes Brahman.’
1 Apastamba-stitras, translated by Buhler, p. 92 (I, 2, 30, 4).
* Apastamba-sftras, translated by Buhler, p. 33 (I, 3, 9, 2).
s Apastamba-siitras, translated by Buhler, p. 44 (I, 3, t1, 31).
* Apastamba-sittras, translated by Buhler, p. 33 (I, 3, 9, 1).
KAUSHITAKL-BRAH MAWA-
UPANISHAD.
KAUSHITAKI-UPANISHAD.
First ADHYAYA.
1. Aitra Gdtigy4yani', forsooth, wishing to perform a sacrifice, chose Aruzi (Uddalaka 2, to be his
chief priest), But Aruni sent his son, Svetaketu,
and said: ‘Perform the sacrifice for him.” When
Svetaketu® had arrived, Xitra asked him: ‘Son of
Gautama‘, is there a hidden place in the worldwhere you are able to place me, or is it the other
way, and are you going to place me in the world
to which it (that other way) leads*?’
1 It is difficult to determine whether Xitra’s name was Géngy4yani or G&rgyayai. Professor Weber adopted first’ Gargyayami
(Indische Studien I, p. 395), afterwards Gangy4yani (ibid. II, 395).
Professor Cowell adopts Gangy4yani, but he tells us that the Telugu
MS. reads Gargy4yami throughout, and the other MSS. B, C do so
occasionally. The commentator explains G4angy4yani as the
descendant (yuvapatyam) of Gangya. I confess a preference for
GA&rgy&yani, because both Ganga and Gangya are names of rare
occurrence in ancient Vedic literature, but I admit that for that
very reason the transition of Gangy4yani into Gargy4yani is perhaps
more intelligible than that of Gargy4yami into Gangy4yani.
* Cf. Kh, Up. V, 11, 2; Brih. Ar. VI, 2,1. |
5 Cf. Kh. Up. V, 3; VI, 1. * Brth, Ar. VI, 2, 4.
5 The question put by Xitra to Svetaketu is very obscure, and
was probably from the first intended to be obscure in its very
wording. What Xitra wished to ask we can gather from other
passages in the Upanishads, where we see another royal sage, Pravahana Gaivali (Ks. Up. V, 3; Brzh. Ar. VI, 2), enlightening Svetaketu on the future life. That future life is reached by two roads;
272 KAUSH{TAKI-UPANISHAD.
He answered and said: ‘I do not know this.
But, let me ask the master.’ Having approached
his father, he asked: ‘Thus has Aitra asked me;
how shall I answer ?’
V, 3; Brzh. Ar. VI, 2), enlightening Svetaketu on the future life. That future life is reached by two roads;
272 KAUSH{TAKI-UPANISHAD.
He answered and said: ‘I do not know this.
But, let me ask the master.’ Having approached
his father, he asked: ‘Thus has Aitra asked me;
how shall I answer ?’
one, the Devapatha, leading to the world of Brahman (the conditioned), beyond which there lies one other stage only, represented
by knowledge of and identity with the unconditioned Brahman ;
the other leading to the world of the fathers, and from thence,
after the reward of good works has been consumed, back to a
new round of mundane existence. There is a third road for
creatures which live and die, worms, insects, and creeping things,
but they are of little consequence. Now it is quite clear that the
knowledge which king Xitra possesses, and which Svetaketu does
not possess, is that of the two roads after death, sometimes called
the right and the left, or the southern and northern roads. These
roads are fully described in the KAA&ndogya-upanishad and in the
Brthad-aranyaka, with certain variations, yet on the whole with the
same purpose. The northern or left road, called also the path of
the Devas, passes on from light and day to the bright half of the
moon; the southern or right road, called also the path of the
fathers, passes on from smoke and night to the dark half of the
moon. Both roads therefore meet in the moon, but diverge afterwards. While the northern road passes by the six months when
the sun moves towards the north, through the sun, (moon,) and the
lightning to the world of Brahman, the southern passes by the six
months when the-sun moves towards the south, to the world of the
fathers, the ether, and the moon. The great difference, however,
between the two roads is, that while those who travel on the former
do not return again to a new life on earth, but reach in the end
a true knowledge of the unconditioned Brahman, those who pass
on to the world of the fathers and the moon return to earth to be
born again and again.
The question therefore which Kitra addresses to Svetaketu can
refer to these two roads only, and though the text is very corrupt,
and was so evidently even at the time when the commentary was
written, we must try to restore it in accordance with the teaching
imparted by Xitra in what follows. I propose to read: Gautamasya
putra, asti samvritam loke yasmin m4 dhAsyasy anyatamo vadhva
tasya (or yasya) m4 loke dh&syasi, ‘Is there a hidden place in the
world where you (by your sacrificing and teaching) are able to
I ADHYAYA, 2. 273
Aruzi said: ‘1 also do not know this. Only after
having learnt the proper portion of the Veda in
Xitra’s own dwelling, shall we obtain what others
give us (knowledge). Come, we will both go.’
273
Aruzi said: ‘1 also do not know this. Only after
having learnt the proper portion of the Veda in
Xitra’s own dwelling, shall we obtain what others
give us (knowledge). Come, we will both go.’
Having said this he took fuel in his hand (like
a pupil), and approached Xitra Géngy4yani, saying: ‘May I come near to you?’ He replied:
‘You are worthy of Brahman’, O Gautama, because
you were not led away by pride. Come hither, I
shall make you know clearly.’
2. And Xitra said: All who depart from this
world (or this body) go to the moon?. In the former,
(the bright) half, the moon delights in their spirits;
in the other, (the dark) half, the moon sends them on
place me, or is it the other way, and will you place me in the
world to which it leads?’ Even thus the text is by no means
satisfactory, but it is better than anyam aho vadhva, adopted by the
commentator and explained by him: Is there a hidden place in that
world in which you will place me as another, i.e. as different from
the whole world or identical with the whole world, and, if as different, then having bound me (vadhva=baddhv4) and made me a
different person? We may read anyataro for anyatamo vadhva. The
commentator sums up the question as referring to a hidden or not
hidden place, where Xitra should be placed as another person
or not another person, as bound or not bound; or, as Professor
Cowell renders it, ‘O son of Gautama, is there any secret place in
the world where thou canst set me unconnected, having fixed me
there (as wood united with glue); or is there some other place
where thou canst set me?’ The speculations on the fate of the
soul after death seem to have been peculiar to the royal families of
India, while the Brahmans dwelt more on what may be called the
shorter cut, a knowledge of Brahman as the true Self. To know,
with them, was to be, and, after the dissolution of the body, they
looked forward to immediate emancipation, without any further
wanderings.
1 Worthy to know Brahman, or, as the commentator, who reads
brahmfrgha, thinks, to be honoured like Brahman.
* Both roads lead to the moon, and diverge afterwards.
[3] T
274 KAUSH{TAKI-UPANISHAD.
1 Worthy to know Brahman, or, as the commentator, who reads
brahmfrgha, thinks, to be honoured like Brahman.
* Both roads lead to the moon, and diverge afterwards.
[3] T
274 KAUSH{TAKI-UPANISHAD.
to be born again’. Verily, the moon is the door of
the Svarga world (the heavenly world). Now, if a
man objects to the moon (if one is not satisfied with
life there) the moon sets him free*. But if a man
does not object, then the moon sends him down as
rain upon this earth. And according to his deeds
and according to his knowledge he is born again
here as a worm, or as an insect, or as a fish, or as a
bird, or as a lion, or as a boar, or as a serpent *, or
as a tiger, or as a man, or as something else in different places‘. When he has thus returned to the
earth, some one (a sage) asks: ‘Who art thou ?’
And he should answer : ‘ From the wise moon, who
orders the seasons®, when it is born consisting of
fifteen parts, from the moon who is the home of our
ancestors, the seed was brought. This seed, even
me, they (the gods mentioned in the Pafi#4gnividy4®)
gathered up in an active man, and through an active
1 I should like to read aparapakshe praganayati, instead of
aparapaksheza, or aparapakshe na. The negative is out of the
question, for praganayati, he sends into a new life, is exactly what
the moon does to those who do not proceed on the Devapatha to
the Brahmaloka. Therefore if the reading aparapaksheza must be
retained, it should be rendered by ‘the moon with the dark half
sends them into a new life.’
* This is supposed to be the hidden place, or rather the way to
it, when the departed leave the moon, and pass on to lightning
and to the world of Brahman. This is in fact the Devay4na, as
opposed to the Pitrryaa, described in the KA4ndogya-upanishad.
* Parasva, dandasfkavisesha. There is no authority for translating it by dog; cf. Indische Studien I, 396.
‘ This might even include naraka or hell.
° If ritavahk is here the genitive of ritu, its meaning would be
the ordainer of the seasons; cf. Hibbert Lectures, p. 247. Vitakshaza is applied to the moon again, II, 9, and the throne of
Brahman also is called vitakshav4, I, 3.
* Kh. Up. V, 4-8.
I ADHYAYA, 3. 275
man they brought me toa mother. Then I, growing
up to be born, a being living by months, whether
twelve or thirteen, was together with my father, who
also lived by (years of) twelve or thirteen months,
that I might either know it (the true Brahman) or
not know it. Therefore, O ye seasons’, grant that
I may attain immortality (knowledge of Brahman).
By this my true saying, by this my toil (beginning
with the dwelling in the moon and ending with my
birth on earth) I am (like) a season, and the child
of the seasons.’ ‘Who art thou?’ the sage asks
again. ‘Iam thou, he replies. Then he sets him
free* (to proceed onward).
By this my true saying, by this my toil (beginning
with the dwelling in the moon and ending with my
birth on earth) I am (like) a season, and the child
of the seasons.’ ‘Who art thou?’ the sage asks
again. ‘Iam thou, he replies. Then he sets him
free* (to proceed onward).
3. He (at the time of death), having reached
the path of the gods, comes to the world of Agni
(fire), to the world of VAyu (air), to the world of
Varuaza, to the world of Indra, to the world of
Pragdpati (Virag), to the world of Brahman (Hiramyagarbha). In that world there is the lake Ara,
the moments called Yeshéiha‘, the river Vigara
(age-less), the tree Ilya®, the city Salagya, the palace
Aparagita (unconquerable), the door-keepers Indra
1 The commentator takes ritavahk as an accusative. I take it as
a vocative, and as used in a sense analogous to the Zend ratu, an
epithet of Ahura. Darmesteter, Ormazd, p. 12, n. 3.
3 If a person fears heaven (svarga) as much as hell, because
neither gives final liberation, then he is fit to proceed to a knowledge of Brahman.. It would seem that after this, this person is in
the same position as the other who, objecting to remain in the
moon, was set free at once.
* Consisting of ari’s, enemies, such as love, anger, &c. In the
Kh. Up. VIT, 5, 3, it is called Ara.
‘ Explained to mean, killing the sacrifice, which consists in a
desire for Brahman.
5 The same as the asvatthas somasavana in XA. Up. VIII, 5, 3.
T2
276 KAUSH{TAKI-UPANISHAD.
and Pragdpati, the hall of Brahman, called Vibhu !
(built by vibhu, egoism), the throne Vis#akshan&
(buddhi, perception), the couch Amitaugas (endless
splendour), and the beloved MAnast (mind) and her
image K4kshusht (eye), who, as if taking flowers, are
weaving the worlds, and the Apsaras, the Ambas
(sruti, sacred scriptures), and Amb4yavis (buddhi,
understanding), and the rivers Ambayds (leading
to the knowledge of Brahman). To this world he
who knows this (who knows the Paryanka-vidy4)
approaches. Brahman says to him: ‘ Run towards
him (servants) with such worship as is due to myself.
He has reached the river Vigara (age-less), he will
never age.’
4. Then five hundred Apsaras go towards him, one
hundred with garlands in their hands, one hundred
with ointments in their hands, one hundred with perfumes in their hands, one hundred with garments in
their hands, one hundred with fruit ? in their hands.
They adorn him with an adornment worthy of Brahman, and when thus adorned with the adornment of
Brahman, the knower of Brahman moves towards
Brahman (neut.)? He comes to the lake Ara, and he
crosses it by the mind, while those who come to it
without knowing the truth *, are drowned. Hecomes
to the moments called Yesh¢iha, they flee from him.
2 Vibhunémakam pramitam sabh4sthalam.
3 Some MSS. read phanahastaZ, and the commentator explains
phama by 4bharama.
* Though brahman is used here as a neuter, it refers to the
conditioned Brahman.
Hecomes
to the moments called Yesh¢iha, they flee from him.
2 Vibhunémakam pramitam sabh4sthalam.
3 Some MSS. read phanahastaZ, and the commentator explains
phama by 4bharama.
* Though brahman is used here as a neuter, it refers to the
conditioned Brahman.
* Samprativid is here explained as brahmavidy4s(nya, ignorant,
while in other places (Ait. Ar. II, 3, 1) it stands for samyagabhigfia.
If the latter is the true meaning, we might read here tam itvasamprativido.
I ADHYAYA, 5. 277
He comes to the river Vigara, and crosses it by the
mind alone, and there shakes off his good and evil
deeds. His beloved relatives obtain the good, his
unbeloved relatives the evil he has done. And asa
man, driving in a chariot, might look at the two
wheels (without being touched by them), thus he
will look at day and night, thus at good and evil
deeds, and at all pairs (at all correlative things, such
as light and darkness, heat and cold, &c.) Being
freed from good and freed from evil he, the knower
of Brahman (neut.), moves towards Brahman.
5. He approaches the tree Ilya, and the odour
of Brahman reaches him. He approaches the city
SAlagya, and the flavour of Brahman reaches him.
He approaches the palace Apardagita, and the splendour of Brahman reaches him. He approaches the
door-keepers Indra and Pragdpati, and they run
away from him. He approaches the hall Vibhu, and
the glory of Brahman reaches him (he thinks, I am
Brahman). He approaches the throne Vikakshama.
The SA4man verses, Bvzhad and Rathantara, are the
eastern feet of that throne!; the Saman verses, Syaita
and Naudhasa, its western feet; the SAman verses,
Vairdpa and Vairaga, its sides lengthways (south
and north); the Saman verses, Sakvara and Raivata,
its sides crossways (east and west). That throne is Pragii4, knowledge, for by knowledge (self-knowledge) he
sees clearly. He approaches the couch Amitaugas.
That is Praza (speech). The past and the future are
its eastern feet; prosperity and earth its western feet ;
the SAman verses, Byzhad and Rathantara, are the
two sides lengthways of the couch (south and north);
1 Cf. Atharva-veda XV; Aufrecht, in Indische Studien I, p. 122.
.278 KAUSHITAKI-UPANISHAD.
the Saman verses, Bhadra and Yagfiayagiitya, are
its cross-sides at the head and feet (east and west) ;
the Azé and Sd4man are the long sheets? (east and
west); the Yagus the cross-sheets (south and north);
the moon-beam the cushion ; the Udgitha the (white)
coverlet; prosperity the pillow*, On this couch sits
Brahman, and he who knows this (who knows himself one with Brahman sitting on the couch) mounts
it first with one foot only. Then Brahman says to
him: ‘Who art thou ?’ and he shall answer :
Then Brahman says to
him: ‘Who art thou ?’ and he shall answer :
6. ‘I am (like) a season, and the child of the
seasons, sprung from the womb of endless space,
from the light (from the luminous Brahman). The
light, the origin of the year, which is the past, which
is the present, which is all living things, and all elements, is the Self*. Thou art the Self. What thou
art, that am I,’
Brahman says to him: ‘Who am I?’ He shall
answer : ‘ That which is, the true’ (Sat-tyam).
Brahman asks: ‘ What is the true?’ He says to
him: ‘What is different from the gods and from
the senses (praza) that is Sat, but the gods and the
1 Sheets or coverings seem more applicable here than mere
threads forming the woof and warp; cf. Aufrecht, Indische Studien
I, p. 131.
* I read udgftha upasrfA, srir upabarhazam. The Atharva text
has udgitho ’pasrayas.
* This passage is corrupt, and the various readings and various
interpretations of the commentators do not help us much. One
view, which I have followed, as far as possible, is that it had to be
explained how the same being could be the child of the seasons,
or living from year to year, and, at the same time, born of the
light. The answer is, Because light is the seed or cause of the
year, and the year the cause of everything else. I take no responsibility for this view, and I see no way of discovering the original
reading and the original meaning of these sentences.
I ADHYAYA, 7. 279
senses are Tyam. Therefore by that name Sattya (true) is called all this whatever there is. All
this thou art.’
7. This is also declared by a verse: ‘ This great
Rishi, whose belly is the Yagus, the head the SAman,
the form the Azz, is to be known as being imperishable, as being Brahman.’
Brahman says to him: ‘How dost thou obtain
my male names?’ He should answer: ‘ By breath
(praxah).’
Brahman asks: ‘ How my female names?’ He
should answer : ‘ By speech (v4é).’
Brahman asks: ‘How my neuter names?’ He
should answer : ‘ By mind (manas),’
‘How smells?’ ‘By the nose.’ ‘How forms ?’
‘By the eye.’ ‘How sounds?’ ‘By the ear.’
‘ How flavours of food?’ ‘By the tongue.’ ‘How
actions?’ ‘By the hands.’ ‘ How pleasures and
pain?’ ‘By the body.’ ‘How joy, delight, and
offspring ?’ ‘ By the organ.’ ‘ How journeyings ?’
‘ By the feet.’ ‘How thoughts, and what is to be
known and desired ?’ ‘ By knowledge (pragii4) alone.’
Brahman says to him: ‘ Water indeed is this my
world!, the whole Brahman world, and it is thine.’
Whatever victory, whatever might belongs to
Brahman, that victory and that might he obtains
who knows this, yea, who knows this?*.
1 It sprang from water and the other elements. Comm. Professor Weber proposes to translate 4pak by Erlangungen, acquisitions, with reference to apnoshi, ‘how dost thou acquire my
names?’ in what precedes.
* Who knows the conditioned and mythological form of Brahman as here described, sitting on the couch.
280 KAUSH{TAKI-UPANISHAD.
SEeconp ADHYAYA.
* Who knows the conditioned and mythological form of Brahman as here described, sitting on the couch.
280 KAUSH{TAKI-UPANISHAD.
SEeconp ADHYAYA.
1. Prasa (breath)! is Brahman, thus says Kaushitaki. Of this praza, which is Brahman, the mind
(manas) is the messenger, speech the housekeeper,
the eye the guard, the ear the informant. He who
knows mind as the messenger of praza, which is
Brahman, becomes possessed of the messenger. He
who knows speech as the housekeeper, becomes
possessed of the housekeeper. He who knows the
eye as the guard, becomes possessed of the guard.
He who knows the ear as the informant, becomes
possessed of the informant.
Now to that praza, which is Brahman, all these
deities (mind, speech, eye, ear) bring an offering,
though he asks not for it, and thus to him who
knows this all creatures bring an offering, though he
asks not for it. For him who knows this, there is
this Upanishad (secret vow), ‘ Beg not!’ Asa man
who has begged through a village and got nothing
sits down and says, ‘I shall never eat anything
given by those people,’ and as then those who formerly refused him press him (to accept their alms),
thus is the rule for him who begs not, but the
charitable will press him and say, ‘Let us give to
thee.’
2. Prdvza (breath) is Brahman, thus says Paingya.
And in that préza, which is Brahman, the eye
1 In the first chapter it was said, ‘He approaches the couch
Amitaugas, that is préza, breath, spirit, life. Therefore having
explained in the first adhydya the knowledge of the couch (of
Brahman), the next subject to be explained is the knowledge of
praza, the living spirit, taken for a time as Brahman, or the last
cause of everything,’
II ADHYAYA, 3. 281
stands firm behind speech, the ear stands firm
behind the eye, the mind stands firm behind the
ear, and the spirit stands firm behind the mind}.
To that praza, which is Brahman, all these deities
bring an offering, though he asks not for it, and
thus to him who knows this, all creatures bring an
offering, though he asks not for it. For him who
knows this, there is this Upanishad (secret vow),
‘Beg not!’ As a man who has begged through a
village and got nothing sits down and says, ‘I shall
never eat anything given by those people,’ and as
then those who formerly refused him press him
(to accept their alms), thus is the rule for him who
begs not, but the charitable will press him and say,
‘Let us give to thee.’
3. Now follows the attainment of the highest
treasure (scil. praza, spirit”). If a man meditates
on that highest treasure, let him on a full moon or
a new moon, or in the bright fortnight, under an
auspicious Nakshatra, at one of these proper times,
bending his right knee, offer oblations of ghee with
a ladle (sruva), after having placed the fire, swept
the ground °, strewn the sacred grass, and sprinkled
water. Let him say: ‘The deity called Speech is
Let him say: ‘The deity called Speech is
1 I translate vakparastét, Aakshu/parast&t, mana/parastét as
compounds, and read srotraparastét. The commentator requires
this. He says that speech is uncertain, and has to be checked
by the eye. The eye is uncertain, taking mother of pearl for
silver, and must be checked by the ear. The ear is uncertain, and
must be checked by the mind, for unless the mind is attentive,
the ear hears not. The mind, lastly, depends on the spirit, for
without spirit there is no mind. The commentator is right in
reading rundhe or runddhe instead of rundhate.
* The vital spirits are called the highest treasure, because a man
surrenders everything to preserve his vital spirits or his life,
3 Cf. Brih. Ar. VI, 3, 1.
282 KAUSHITAKI-UPANISHAD.
the attainer, may it attain this for me from him (who
possesses and can bestow what I wish for). Svaha
to it!’
‘The deity called préza (breath) is the attainer,
may it attain this for me from him. Sv4ha to it!’
‘The deity called the eye is the attainer, may it
attain this for me from him. Sv4hé to it!’
‘The deity called the ear is the attainer, may it
attain this for me from him. Svd4ha to it!’
‘The deity called mind (manas) is the attainer of it,
may it attain this for me from him. Svd&hé to it.’
‘The deity called pragiié (knowledge) is the
attainer of it, may it attain this for me from him.
Svaha to it!’
Then having inhaled the smell of the smoke, and
having rubbed his limbs with the ointment of ghee,
walking on in silence, let him declare his wish, or
let him send a messenger. He will surely obtain
his wish.
4. Now follows the Daiva Smara, the desire to
be accomplished by the gods. If a man desires to
become dear! to any man or woman, or to any men
or women, then at one of the (fore-mentioned)
proper times he offers, in exactly the same manner
(as before), oblations of ghee, saying: ‘I offer thy
speech in myself, I (this one here *), Svaha.’ ‘I offer
thy ear in myself, I (this one here), Svaha.’” ‘I offer thy
1 As dear as praaa or life.
* The commentator explains these mysterious utterances by:
‘I offer, I throw, in the fire, which is lit by the fuel of thy indifference or dislike, in myself, being the object of thy love, speech,
the organ of speech, of thee, who art going to love me. This
one, i.e. I myself, or my love, may prosper. Sv4h4, my speech,
may grant approval to the oblation of me, the lover.’
11 ADHYAYa, 6. 283
mind in myself, I (this one here), Svah4.’ ‘I offer thy
pragiia (knowledge) in myself, I (this one here), Svaha.’
Then having inhaled the smell of the smoke, and
having rubbed his limbs with the ointment of ghee,
walking on in silence, let him try to come in contact
or let him stand speaking in the wind, (so that the
wind may carry his words to the person by whom he
desires to be loved). Surely he becomes dear, and
they think of him.
Surely he becomes dear, and
they think of him.
5. Now follows the restraint (sa#zyamana) instituted by Pratardana (the son of Divod4sa): they
call it the inner Agni-hotra. So long as a man
speaks, he cannot breathe, he offers all the while
his praza (breath) in his speech. And so long asa
man breathes, he cannot speak, he offers all the
while his speech in his breath. These two endless
and immortal oblations he offers always, whether
waking or sleeping. Whatever other oblations
there are (those, e.g. of the ordinary Agnihotra,
consisting of milk and other things), they have an
end, for they consist of works (which, like all works,
have an end). The ancients, knowing this (the best
Agnihotra), did not offer the (ordinary) Agnihotra.
6. Uktha! is Brahman, thus said Sushkabhvzngara. Let him meditate on it (the uktha) as the
same with the Azé, and all beings will praise him
as the best. Let him meditate on it as the same
with the Yagus, and all beings will join before him
1 Uktha, a Vedic hymn, has been identified with pr4za, breath, in
the Kanva and other Sakh4s (Brsh. Ar. V, 13, 1; Ait. Ar. II, 1, 2).
Here uktha, i.e. the praaa of the uktha, is further identified with
Brahman. As uktha (the hymn) is praza, and as the sacrifice is
performed with hymns, the sacrifice, too, is uktha, and therefore
praza, and therefore Brahman. Comm.
284 KAUSH{TAKI-UPANISHAD.
as the best. Let him meditate on it as the same
with the Saman, and all beings will bow before
him as the best?. Let him meditate on it as the
same with might, let him meditate on it as the same
with glory, let him meditate on it as the same with
splendour. For as the bow is among weapons the
mightiest, the most glorious, the most splendid, thus
is he who knows this among all beings the mightiest,
the most glorious, the most splendid. The Adhvaryu
conceives the fire of the altar, which is used for the
sacrifice, to be himself. In it he (the Adhvaryu)
weaves the Yagus portion of the sacrifice. And in
the Yagus portion the Hotzz weaves the Az& portion
of the sacrifice. And in the Azé portion the Udgatrz weaves the SAman portion of the sacrifice.
He (the Adhvaryu or praza) is the self of the
threefold knowledge; he indeed is the self of it
(of praza). He who knows this is the self of it
(becomes pr4za *).
' The verbs ark, yug, and sannam are not used idiomatically,
but with reference to the words rk, yagus, and sAman.
He (the Adhvaryu or praza) is the self of the
threefold knowledge; he indeed is the self of it
(of praza). He who knows this is the self of it
(becomes pr4za *).
' The verbs ark, yug, and sannam are not used idiomatically,
but with reference to the words rk, yagus, and sAman.
? The commentator explains this somewhat differently. He
takes it to be the object of the last paragraph to show that the
Prana-vidya can ultimately produce final liberation, and not only
temporal rewards. The Adhvaryu priest, he says, takes what is
called uktha, and has been identified with Ark, Yagus, and Saman
hymns, all contained in the mouth, as being outwardly the sacrificial fire of the altar, because that fire cannot be lighted without
such hymns. Thus the self of the Adhvaryu priest becomes identified, not only with the uktha, the hymns, but also with the sacrificial
fire, and he meditates on himself as fire, as hymn (uktha), and as
breath (préna). I read sa esha sarvasyai trayyai vidy4ya 4tmé,
esha u evasydtm4. Etadatm4 bhavati ya evam veda. But if we
read asydtm4, we cannot with the commentator explain it by asya
uktéyas trayya Atma, but must refer asya to pr4za, breath, life,
which is here to be identified with Brahman.
11 ADHYAYA, 8. 285
7. Next follow the three kinds of meditation of
the all-conquering (sarvagit) Kaushitaki. The allconquering Kaushttaki adores the sun when rising,
having put on the sacrificial cord}, having brought
water, and having thrice sprinkled the water-cup,
saying: ‘Thou art the deliverer, deliver me from
sin.” In the same manner he adores the sun when
in the zenith, saying: ‘Thou art the highest deliverer, deliver me highly from sin.’ In the same
manner he adores the sun when setting, saying:
‘Thou art the full deliverer, deliver me fully from
sin. Thus he fully removes whatever sin he committed by day and by night. And in the same
manner he who knows this, likewise adores the sun,
and fully removes whatever sin he committed by day
and by night.
8. Then (secondly) let him worship every month
(in the year) at the time of the new moon, the moon
as it is seen in the west in the same manner (as
before described with regard to the sun), or let him
send forth his speech toward the moon with two
green blades of grass, saying: ‘O thou who art
mistress of immortal joy, through that gentle heart
of mine which abides in the moon, may I never
weep for misfortune concerning my children.’
The children of him (who thus adores the moon)
do not indeed die before him. Thus it is with a man
to whom a son is already born.
Now for one to whom no son is born as yet. He
mutters the three Azé verses. ‘ Increase, O Soma!
may vigour come to thee’ (Rv. I, 91, 16; IX, 31, 4).
1 This is one of the earliest, if not the earliest mention of the
yagtiopavita, the sacred cord as worn over the left shoulder for
sacrificial purposes ; cf. Taitt. Brahm. III, 10, 19, 12.
286 KAUSH{fTAKI-UPANISHAD.
‘ Increase, O Soma!
may vigour come to thee’ (Rv. I, 91, 16; IX, 31, 4).
1 This is one of the earliest, if not the earliest mention of the
yagtiopavita, the sacred cord as worn over the left shoulder for
sacrificial purposes ; cf. Taitt. Brahm. III, 10, 19, 12.
286 KAUSH{fTAKI-UPANISHAD.
‘May milk, may food go to thee’ (Rv. I, 91, 18);
‘That ray which the Adityas gladden.’
Having muttered these three /tzé verses, he says :
‘Do not increase by our breath (praaa), by our offspring, by our cattle; he who hates us and whom we
hate, increase by his breath, by his offspring, by his
cattle. Thus I turn the turn of the god, I return
the turn of Aditya.’ After these words, having
raised the right arm (toward Soma), he lets it go
again ?,
1 This refers to movements of the arm, following the moon and
the sun.
* It is extremely difficult to translate the Vedic verses which are quoted in the Upanishads. They are sometimes slightly changed
on purpose (see § 11), frequently turned from their original purport
by the authors of the Upanishads themselves, and then again subjected to the most fanciful interpretations by the various commentators on the Upanishads. In our paragraph (§ 8) the text followed
by the commentator differs from the printed text. The commentator seems to have read: Yat te susimam hridayam adhi éandramasi sritam, tenamritatvasyesine m&ham pautram agham rudam.
I have translated according to the commentator, at least up to
a certain point, for, as Professor Cowell remarks, there is an undercurrent in the commentator’s explanation, implying a comparison
between the husband as the sun or fire, and the wife as the moon,
which it would be difficult to render in an English translation.
The same or a very similar verse occurs in § 10, while other modifications of it may be seen in Asval. Grihya-sitras I, 13, 7, and elsewhere. The trahslation of the verses in full, of three of which the
Upanishad gives the beginnings only, would be according to the
commentator : ‘(O goddess of the moon) who hast obtained immortal joy through that which is a beautiful (portion of the sun)
placed in the moon, and filling thy heart (with pleasure), may
I never weep for misfortune concerning my children.’
Rv. I, 91, 16; IX, 31, 4. ‘O goddess of the moon, increase !
may the vigour from everywhere (from every limb of the fire or the
sun) go to thee! Help us in the attainment of food.’ Rv. I, g1,
18. ‘O goddess of the moon, may the streams of thy milk go
well to our sons, those streams of milk which are invigorating, and
II ADHYAYA, 10. 287
may the vigour from everywhere (from every limb of the fire or the
sun) go to thee! Help us in the attainment of food.’ Rv. I, g1,
18. ‘O goddess of the moon, may the streams of thy milk go
well to our sons, those streams of milk which are invigorating, and
II ADHYAYA, 10. 287
g. Then (thirdly) let him worship on the day of
the full moon the moon as it is seen in the east in
the same manner, saying: ‘Thou art Soma, the
king, the wise, the five-mouthed, the lord of creatures. The Brahmama is one of thy mouths; with
that mouth thou eatest the kings (Kshatriyas) ;
make me an eater of food by that mouth! The
king is one of thy mouths; with that mouth thou
eatest the people (Vaisyas); make me an eater of
food by that mouth! The hawk is one of thy
mouths; with that mouth thou eatest the birds;
make me an eater of food by that mouth! Fire is
one of thy mouths; with that mouth thou eatest this
world; make me an eater of food by that mouth!
In thee there is the fifth mouth; with that mouth
thou eatest all beings; make me an eater of food by
that mouth! Do not decrease by our life, by our
offspring, by our cattle; he who hates us and whom
we hate, decrease by his life, by his offspring, by his
cattle. Thus I turn the turn of the god, I return
the turn of Aditya.’ After these words, having
raised the right arm, he lets it go again.
10. Next (having addressed these prayers to
Soma) when being with his wife, let him stroke her
help to conquer the enemy. O Soma-goddess, increasing for immortal happiness (for the birth of a son), do thou place the highest
glory (the streams of thy milk) in the sky.’ ‘That ray (sushuma4)
which (as a woman) the Adityas gladden, that Soma which as imperishable the imperishable Adityas drink, may the guardian of
the world (Prag4pati), Brthaspati, and king Varuna gladden us
by it.’
The translations are made by the commentator regardless of
grammar and sense: yet they command a certain authority, and
must be taken into account as throwing light on the latest development of Indian mysticism.
288 KAUSHfTAKI-UPANISHAD.
heart, saying: ‘O fair one, who hast obtained
immortal joy by that which has entered thy heart
through Pragapati, mayest thou never fall into sorrow about thy children.’ Her children then do not
die before her.
288 KAUSHfTAKI-UPANISHAD.
heart, saying: ‘O fair one, who hast obtained
immortal joy by that which has entered thy heart
through Pragapati, mayest thou never fall into sorrow about thy children.’ Her children then do not
die before her.
11. Next, if a man has been absent and returns
home, let him smell (kiss) his son’s head, saying :
‘Thou springest from every limb, thou art born from
the heart, thou, my son, art my self indeed, live thou
a hundred harvests. He gives him his name,
saying: ‘Be thou a stone, be thou an axe, be thou
solid? gold; thou, my son, art light indeed, live thou
a hundred harvests.’ He pronounces his name.
Then he embraces him, saying: ‘As PragApati (the
lord of creatures) embraced his creatures for their
welfare, thus I embrace thee,’ (pronouncing his name.)
Then he mutters into his right ear, saying: ‘O thou,
quick Maghavan, give to him’ (Rv. III, .36, 10°).
‘O Indra, bestow the best wishes’ (Rv. II, 21, 6),
thus he whispers into his left ear. Let him then
thrice smell (kiss) his head, saying: ‘ Do not cut off
(the line of our race), do not suffer. Live a hundred harvests of life; I kiss thy head, O son, with
thy name. He then thrice makes a lowing sound
over his head, saying: ‘I low over thee with the
lowing sound of cows.’
12. Next follows the Daiva Parimara ‘, the dying
around of the gods (the absorption of the two
1 Cf. Asvalayana Grthya-sfitras I, 13, 7.
* Widely scattered, everywhere desired. Comm. Professor
Cowell proposes unscattered, hoarded, or unconcealed.
3 The original has asme, to us, not asmai, to him.
* Cf. Taitt. Up. III, 10, 4; Ait. Brahm. V, 28; Colebrooke,
Miscellaneous Essays (1873), II, p. 39.
Il ADHYAYA, 13. 289
classes of gods, mentioned before, into praza or
Brahman). This Brahman shines forth indeed
when the fire burns, and it dies when it burns not.
Its splendour goes to the sun alone, the life (praza,
the moving principle) to the air.
This Brahman shines forth indeed when the sun
is seen, and it dies when it is not seen. Its splendour:
goes to the moon alone, the life (praza) to the air.
This Brahman shines forth indeed when the moon
is seen, and it dies when it is not seen. Its splendour goes to the lightning alone, its life (praza) to
the air.
This Brahman shines forth indeed when the
lightning flashes, and it dies when it flashes not.
Its splendour goes to the air, and the life (praza)
to the air.
Thus all these deities (i.e. fire, sun, moon, lightning), having entered the air, though dead, do not
vanish ; and out of the very air they rise again. So
much with reference to the deities (mythological).
Now then with reference to the body (physiolo
gical).
13. This Brahman shines forth indeed when one
speaks with speech, and it dies when one does not
speak. His splendour goes to the eye alone, the life
(praza) to breath (praza).
So
much with reference to the deities (mythological).
Now then with reference to the body (physiolo
gical).
13. This Brahman shines forth indeed when one
speaks with speech, and it dies when one does not
speak. His splendour goes to the eye alone, the life
(praza) to breath (praza).
This Brahman shines forth indeed when one sees
with the eye, and it dies when one does not see. Its
splendour goes to the ear alone, the life (prasa) to
breath (prama).
This Brahman shines forth indeed when one hears
with the ear, and it dies when one does not hear.
Its splendour goes to the mind alone, the life (praza)
to breath (pra).
[3] U
290 KAUSH{TAKI-UPANISHAD.
This Brahman shines forth indeed when one
thinks with the mind, and it dies when one does
not think. Its splendour goes to the breath (praza)
alone, and the life (praza) to breath (praza).
Thus all these deities (the senses, &c.), having
- entered breath or life (praza) alone, though dead, do
not vanish ; and out of very breath (prama) they rise
again. And if two mountains, the southern and
northern, were to move forward trying to crush him
who knows this, they would not crush him. But
those who hate him and those whom he hates, they
die around him.
14. Next follows the Niksreyas4d4na! (the accepting of the pre-eminence of prada (breath or life)
by the other gods). The deities (speech, eye, ear,
mind), contending with each for who was the best,
went out of this body, and the body lay without
breathing, withered, like a log of wood. Then
speech went into it, but speaking by speech, it lay
still, Then the eye went into it, but speaking by
speech, and seeing by the eye, it lay still. Then the
ear went into it, but speaking by speech, seeing by
the eye, hearing by the ear, it lay still. Then mind
went into it, but speaking by speech, seeing by the
eye, hearing by the ear, thinking by the mind, it lay
still. Then breath (pr4va, life) went into it, and thence
it rose at once. All these deities, having recognised
the pre-eminence in praza, and having comprehended
praza alone as the conscious self (pragii4tman)*, went
out of this body with all these (five different kinds of
* For other versions of this story see KA. Up. V, 1, note 2; Ait,
Ar. Il, 1, 4, 9; Brth. Ar. VI, 1, 1-14; and Kaush. Up. IT, 3.
3 Cf. Kh. Up. VII, 15, note.
II ADHYAYA, 15. 291
praza), and resting in the air (knowing that préxza
had entered the air), and merged in the ether (4k4sa),
they went to heaven. And in the same manner he
who knows this, having recognised the pre-eminence
in praza, and having comprehended praza alone as
the conscious self (pragfidtman), goes out of thisbody with all these (does no longer believe in
this body), and resting in the air, and merged in
the ether, he goes to heaven, he goes to where those
gods (speech, &c.) are. And having reached this
he, who knows this, becomes immortal with that
immortality which those gods enjoy.
And having reached this
he, who knows this, becomes immortal with that
immortality which those gods enjoy.
15. Next follows the father’s tradition to the son,
and thus they explain it’. The father, when going
to depart, calls his son, after having strewn the
house with fresh grass, and having laid the sacrificial
fire, and having placed near it a pot of water with a
jug (full of rice), himself covered with a new cloth,
and dressed in white. He places himself above his
son, touching his organs with his own organs, or he
may deliver the tradition to him while he sits before
him. Then he delivers it tohim. The father says:
‘Let me place my speech in thee.’ The son says:
‘I take thy speech in me.’ The father says: ‘ Let
me place my scent (prama) in thee.’ The son says:
‘I take thy scent in me.’ The father says: ‘Let
me place my eye in thee.’ The son says: ‘I take
thy eye in me.’ The father says: ‘Let me place
my ear in thee.” The son says: ‘I take thy ear in me.’
The father says: ‘Let me place my tastes of food in
thee.’ The son says: ‘I take thy tastes of food
in me. The father says: ‘Let me place my actions
1 Cf. Brihad-dranyaka I, 5,17.
U2
292 KAUSHITAKI-UPANISHAD.
in thee.” The son says: ‘I take thy actions in me.’
The father says: ‘Let me place my pleasure and
pain in thee.’ The son says: ‘I take thy pleasure
and pain in me.’ The father says: ‘ Let me place
happiness, joy, and offspring in thee.’ The son says:
‘I take thy happiness, joy, and offspring in me.’ The
father says: ‘Let me place my walking in thee.’
The son says: ‘I take thy walking in me'.’ The
father says: ‘Let me place my mind in thee. The
son says: ‘I take thy mind in me.’ The father says:
‘ Let me place my knowledge (pragii) in thee. The
son says: ‘I take thy knowledge in me.’ But if the
father is very ill, he may say shortly: ‘ Let me place
my spirits (prazas) in thee,’ and the son: ‘I take
thy spirits in me.’
Then the son walks round his father keeping his
right side towards him, and goes away. The father
calls after him: ‘ May fame, glory of countenance, and
honour always follow thee.’ Then the other looks
back over his left shoulder, covering himself with his
hand or the hem of his garment, saying: ‘Obtain
the heavenly worlds (svarga) and all desires.’
If the father recovers, let him be under the
authority of his son, or let him wander about (as
an ascetic). But if he departs, then let them
despatch him, as he ought to be despatched, yea,
as he ought to be despatched 2,
But if he departs, then let them
despatch him, as he ought to be despatched, yea,
as he ought to be despatched 2,
1 Another sakh4 adds here dhiyaf, the thoughts (active), vigfiatavyam, their object, and kam&4, desires.
. ? Ihave taken samfpayati in the sense of performing the last
duties towards a dead person, though I confess I know of no
parallel passage in which sam4payati occurs in that sense. Professor Cowell translates: ‘If he dies, then let them cause the son
duly to receive the tradition, as the tradition is to be given.’ The
text itself varies, for the reading presupposed by the commentator
is enam (putram) sam4payati, instead of enam samApayeyuh.
III ADHYAYA, I. 293
Tuirp ApuyAya}l,
1. Pratardana, forsooth, the son of Divoddsa
(king of K4st), came by means of fighting and
strength to the beloved abode of Indra. Indra said
to him: ‘ Pratardana, let me give you a boon to
choose.’ And Pratardana answered: ‘Do you yourself choose that boon for me which you deem most
beneficial for a man.’ Indra said to him: ‘No one
who chooses, chooses for another; choose thyself.’
Then Pratardana replied: ‘Then that boon to
choose is no boon for me.’
Then, however, Indra did not swerve from the
truth, for Indra is truth. Indra said to him: ‘ Know
me only; that is what I deem most beneficial for man,
that he should know me. _I slew the three-headed
son of Tvashévz; I delivered the Arunmukhas, the
devotees, to the wolves (s4lavvzka) ; breaking many
treaties, I killed the people of Prahlada in heaven,
the people of Puloma in the sky, the people of K4lakafiga on earth®, And not one hair of me was
harmed there. And he who knows me thus, by no
deed of his is his life harmed, not by the murder of
1 The object now is to explain the true Brahma-vidy4, while the
first and second chapters are only introductory, treating of the
worship of the couch (paryankop4san4) and of the worship of
prina.
* This refers to heroic deeds performed by Indra, as represented
in the hymns of the Rig-veda. See Rig-veda V, 34, 4, and Sayana’s
commentary; Ait. Brahm. VII, 28. Weber, Indische Studien I,
410-418, has tried to discover an original physical meaning in the
heroic deeds ascribed to Indra. A curious remark is made by
the commentator, who says that the skulls of the Arunmukhas were
turned into the thorns of the desert (karfra) which remain to
this day,—a very common phase in popular tradition.
294 KAUSH{TAKI-UPANISHAD.
his mother, not by the murder of his father, not by
theft, not by the killing of a Brahman. If he is
going to commit a sin, the bloom! does not depart
from his face.’
294 KAUSH{TAKI-UPANISHAD.
his mother, not by the murder of his father, not by
theft, not by the killing of a Brahman. If he is
going to commit a sin, the bloom! does not depart
from his face.’
2. Indra said: ‘I am pravza, meditate on me as
the conscious self (pragiiatman), as life, as immortality. Life is préza, praza is life. Immortality is
praza, praza is immortality. As long as praza
dwells in this body, so long surely there is life. By
praza he obtains immortality in the other world, by
knowledge true conception. He who meditates on
me as life and immortality, gains his full life in this
world, and obtains in the Svarga world immortality
and indestructibility.’
(Pratardana said): ‘Some maintain here, that the
prazas become one, for (otherwise) no one could at
the same time make known a name by speech, see
a form with the eye, hear a sound with the ear,
think a thought with the mind. After having
become one, the praas perceive all these together,
one by one. While speech speaks, all prazas speak
after it. While the eye sees, all prazas see after it.
While the ear hears, all prazas hear after it. While
the mind thinks, all prazas think after it. While the
praza breathes, all prazas breathe after it.’
‘Thus it is indeed,’ said Indra, ‘but nevertheless
there is a pre-eminence among the pramas *.
3. Man lives deprived of speech, for we see dumb
people. Man lives deprived of sight, for we see
’ Professor Cowell compares Taittirtya-Samhita III, 1,1, nasya
* nitam na haro vyeti.
* Prans, in the plural, is supposed to stand for the five senses
as modifications of breath. It would be better if we could read
prazasya nidsreyasam. See before, II, 14.
III ADHYAYA, 3. 295
blind people. Man lives deprived of hearing, for
we see deaf people. Man lives deprived of mind,
for we see infants. Man lives deprived of his arms,
deprived of his legs, for we see it thus. But praza
alone is the conscious self (pragiiatman), and having
laid hold of this body, it makes it rise up. Therefore it is said, Let man worship it alone as uktha!.
What is praza, that is pragfid (self-consciousness);
what is pragiia (self-consciousness), that is praa, for
together they (pragiia and praza) live in this body,
and together they go out of it. Of that, this is the
evidence, this is the understanding. When a man,
being thus asleep, sees no dream whatever, he becomes one with that praza alone*. Then speech
goes to him (when he is absorbed in praza) with
all names, the eye with all forms, the ear with all
sounds, the mind with all thoughts. And when
he awakes, then, as from a burning fire sparks
proceed in all directions, thus from that self the
prazas (speech, &c.) proceed, each towards its place;
from the prazas the gods (Agni, &c.), from the gods
the worlds.
And when
he awakes, then, as from a burning fire sparks
proceed in all directions, thus from that self the
prazas (speech, &c.) proceed, each towards its place;
from the prazas the gods (Agni, &c.), from the gods
the worlds.
Of this, this is the proof, this is the understanding.
When a man is thus sick, going to die, falling into
weakness and faintness, they say: ‘His thought has
departed, he hears not, he sees not, he speaks not,
he thinks not.’ Then he becomes one with that
praza alone. Then speech goes to him (who is
absorbed in praza) with all names, the eye with all
1 Uktha, hymn, is artificially derived from ut-thapayati, to raise
up, and hence uktha, hymn, is to be meditated on as prasa, breath,
which likewise raises up the body. See Ait. Ar. II, 1, 1g.
* He is absorbed in prfza. Or should it be pranah as
nominative ?
296 KAUSHITAKI-UPANISHAD.
forms, the ear with all sounds, the mind with all
thoughts. And when he departs from this body, he
departs together with all these}.
4. Speech gives up to him (who is absorbed in
praza) all names, so that by speech he obtains all
names. The nose gives up to him all odours, so
that by scent he obtains all odours. The eye gives
up to him all forms, so that by the eye he obtains
all forms. The ear gives up to him all sounds, so
that by the ear he obtains all sounds. The mind
gives up to him all thoughts, so that by the mind he
obtains all thoughts. This is the complete absorption in praza. And what is prawa is pragiia (selfconsciousness), what is pragii4 (self-consciousness) is
praza. For together do these two live in the body,
and together do they depart.
Now we shall explain how all things become one
in that pragiid (self-consciousness).
5. Speech is one portion taken out ® of pragiia
(self-conscious knowledge), the word is its object,
placed outside. The nose is one portion taken out
of it, the odour is its object, placed outside. The
eye is one portion taken out of it, the form is its
object, placed outside. The ear is one portion taken
out of it, the sound is its object, placed outside. The
tongue is one portion taken out of it, the taste of
food is its object, placed outside. The two hands
? According to another reading we might translate, ‘Speech
takes away all names from that body; and pr4za, in which speech
is absorbed, thus obtains all names.’
* Tread ud@/kam or udddham, instead of adQdham, explained
by the commentator as adfiduhat. Professor Cowell translates,
‘ Speech verily milked one portion thereof,’ which may have been
the original purport of the writer.
MII ADHYAYA, 7. 297
Professor Cowell translates,
‘ Speech verily milked one portion thereof,’ which may have been
the original purport of the writer.
MII ADHYAYA, 7. 297
are one portion taken out of it, their action is their
object, placed outside. The body is one portion
taken out of it, its pleasure and pain are its
object, placed outside. The organ is one portion
taken out of it, happiness, joy, and offspring are its
object, placed outside. The two feet are one portion
taken out of it, movements are their object, placed
outside. Mind is one portion taken out of it, thoughts
and desires are its object, placed outside.
6. Having by pragiia (self-conscious knowledge)
taken possession of speech, he obtains by speech all
words. Having by pragiid takcn possession of the
nose, he obtains all odours. Having by pragfié
taken possession of the eye, he obtains all forms.
Having by pragiia taken possession of the ear, he
obtains all sounds. Having by pragiia taken possession of the tongue, he obtains all tastes of food.
Having by pragfia taken possession of the two
hands, he obtains all actions. Having by pragiia
taken possession of the body, he obtains pleasure
and pain. Having by pragfia taken possession of
the organ, he obtains happiness, joy, and offspring.
Having by pragii4 taken possession of the two feet,
he obtains all movements. Having by pragii4 taken
possession of mind, he obtains all thoughts.
7. For without pragiia (self-consciousness) speech
does not make known (to the self) any word'. ‘My
1 Professor Cowell has translated a passage from the commentary which is interesting as showing that its author and the
author of the Upanishad too had a clear conception of the
correlative nature of knowledge. ‘The organ of sense,’ he says,
‘cannot exist without pragfi4 (self-consciousness), nor the objects
of sense be obtained without the organ, therefore—on the principle, that when one thing cannot exist without another, that thing is
said to be identical with the other—as the cloth, for instance, being
298 KAUSHITAKI-UPANISHAD.
mind was absent,’ he says, ‘I did not perceive that
word. Without pragiid the nose does not make
known any odour. ‘My mind was absent,’ he says,
‘I did not perceive that odour.’ Without pragiia
the eye does not make known any form. ‘My mind
was absent,’ he says, ‘I did not perceive that form.’
Without pragiid the ear does not make known any
sound. ‘My mind was absent,’ he says, ‘I did not
perceive that sound.’ Without pragfia the tongue
does not make known any taste. ‘My mind was
absent, he says, “I did not perceive that taste.’
Without pragiia the two hands do not make known
any act. ‘Our mind was absent,’ they say, ‘we did
not perceive any act. Without pragfia the body
does not make known pleasure or pain. ‘My mind
was absent, he says, ‘I did not perceive that
pleasure or pain.’ Without pragiia the organ does
not make known happiness, joy, or offspring. ‘My
mind was absent,’ he says, ‘I did not perceive that
happiness, joy, or offspring.’ Without pragiia the
two feet do not make known any movement. ‘Our
mind was absent,’ they say, ‘we did not perceive
that movement.’ Without pragii4 no thought succeeds, nothing can be known that is to be known.
8. Let no man try to find out what speech is, let
him know the speaker. Let no man try to find out
what odour is, let him know him who smells. Let no
man try to find out what form is, let him know the
seer. Let no man try to find out what sound is, let
never perceived without the threads, is identical with them, or the
(false perception of) silver being never found without the mother of
pearl is identical with it, so the objects of sense being never found
without the organs are identical with them, and the organs being
never found without pragfid (self-consciousness) are identical with it,
mI ADHYAYA, 8. 299
299
him know the hearer. Let no man try to find out
the tastes of food, let him know the knower of
tastes. Let no man try to find out what action is,
let him know the agent. Let no man try to find
out what pleasure and pain are, let him know the
knower of pleasure and pain. Let no man try to
find out what happiness, joy, and offspring are, let
him know the knower of happiness, joy, and offspring.
Let no man try to find out what movement is, let him
know the mover. Let no man try to find out what
mind is, let him know the thinker. These ten objects
(what is spoken, smelled, seen, &c.) have reference to pragiid (self-consciousness), the ten subjects
(speech, the senses, mind) have reference to objects.
If there were no objects, there would be no subjects;
and if there were no subjects, there would be no
objects. For on either side alone nothing could be
achieved. But that (the self of pragiid, consciousness, and prawa, life) is not many, (but one.) For as
in a car the circumference of a wheel is placed on
the spokes, and the spokes on the nave, thus are
these objects (circumference) placed on the subjects
(spokes), and the subjects on the praza. And that
praza (breath, the living and breathing power) indeed is the self of pragiia (the self-conscious self),
blessed, imperishable, immortal. He does not increase by a good action, nor decrease by a bad
action. For he (the self of praza and pragiid) makes
him, whom he wishes to lead up from these worlds,
do a good deed; and the same makes him, whom
he wishes to lead down from these worlds, do a bad
deed'. And he is the guardian of the world, he is
1 The other text says, ‘whom he wishes to draw after him ; and
whom he wishes to draw away from these worlds.’ RAmatirtha, in
300 KAUSHITAKI-UPANISHAD.
the king of the world, he is the lord of the universe,—
and he is my (Indra’s) self, thus let it be known,
yea, thus let it be known!
Fourty ApnyAya},
1. There was formerly Gargya Baélaki?*, famous as
aman of great reading; for it was said of him that
he lived among the Ustnaras, among the Satvat-
Matsyas, the Kuru-Paiifdlas, the Ka4st -Videhas *.
Having gone to Agatasatru, (the king) of K4st, he
said to him: ‘Shall I tell you Brahman?’ Agatasatru said to him: ‘We give a thousand (cows) for
that speech (of yours), for verily all people run away,
saying, “ Ganaka (the king of Mithila) is our father
(patron).”’
2.4 BRIHAD-ARANYAKA- KAUSH?TAKI-BRAHMANA-
UPANISHAD. UPANISHAD.
i. Aditye purushad. i. Id.
atish¢hak sarveshdm brzhat p&m#daravasa
his commentary on the Mait. Up. 3, 2, quotes the text as translated
above.
1 Praga, breath or life, has been explained in the preceding
chapter. But this praza is not yet the highest point that has to
be reached. Praza, life, even as united with pragii4, consciousness,
is only a covering of something else, viz. the Self, and this Highest
Self has now to be explained.
* The same story is told in the Brzhad-dramyaka II, 1 seq., but
with important variations.
Praza, life, even as united with pragii4, consciousness,
is only a covering of something else, viz. the Self, and this Highest
Self has now to be explained.
* The same story is told in the Brzhad-dramyaka II, 1 seq., but
with important variations.
® | take iti to depend on samspashéa, and read satvanmatsyeshu,
though the commentary seems to have read so ’vasan, or sa vasan,
for savasan. See Introduction, p. Ixxvii.
* The second paragraph forms a kind of table of contents for
the discussion which is to follow. Ihave given instead a fuller
table of contents, taken from the Bréhad-dramyaka II, as compared
with the Kaushitaki-upanishad in its two texts. The variations of
text A are given in small letters. In text B, the table of contents
is given at the end of the discussion, in § 18,
me
me
ill.
iv.
Vi.
Vil.
Viil.
1X
IV ADHYAYA, 2. 301
bhditéanam mirdha ( pdnduravdsd) atishraga. thih — sarvesham
. Kandre purushad.
brzhat pazdaravasih
somo raga. (N4syannam kshtyate,
is the reward.)
Vidyuti purushaZ.
tegasvi.
Ak4se purushad.
pirzam apravarti.
Vayau purushad.
indro vaikuntho ’paragita send.
Agnau purushaf.
vishasahif.
Apsu purushad.
pratirdpat,
Adarse purushas.
rokishzuh.
ix. Yantam paskak £hab-
dah.
asuh,
iii.
iiib
iv.
vi.
Vii.
Vili.
. Stanayitnau
bhdt4nam mirdhé.
i. Aandramasi.
somo raga, annasy4tm. Only annasydtmd.
Id.
tegasy atmé.
sydima.
satya-
purusha.
sabdasyatmé.
Id. (5)
parzam = apravarti
brahma. apravritti.
Id. (4)
Id.
Id.
Id.
Id.
naémnasyatmé. tegasa
dtmd.
Id.
pratiripa.
viii, pratisrutkéya4m pu-
ix.
rushak. (9)
dvittyo ’napagah. asuh.
Yah sabdak purusham anveti. (10) sabde.
Id. mrityuh.
302 KAUSH{TAKI-UPANISHAD.
x. Dikshu purusha/. x. Deest.
dvitiyo napagaf.
xi, KAayamaya& puru- x. AA#Ay4purusha. (8°)
shad. khdydydm.
mretyuh. Id. dvittyo ’napagah.
xii. Atmani purushad. xi, Sartrak purushad.
atmanvl. (12) sarfre purushah.
pragapatih.
xii, Yak pragiia 4tmé,
yenaitat § suptak
svapnayé4 £arati.
Yamo raga. (11) pursshah svapnayd karaté
yamo rdgd.
xiii. Dakshize ’kshan purushad.
nadmna (véka) Atma,
agner 4tm4, gyoti- sha 4tmé.
xiv. Savye ’kshan purusha.
satyasy4tma,vidyuta
atm4, tegasa atma.
3. Balaki said; ‘ The person that is in the sun,
on him I meditate (as Brahman).’
Agatasatru said to him: ‘No, no! do not challenge me (to a disputation) on this’. I meditate on
him who is called great, clad in white raiment *, the
supreme, the head of all beings. Whoso meditates
' The king means to say that he knows this already, and that he
can mention not only the predicates of the person in the sun thus
meditated on as Brahman, but also the rewards of such meditation.
* This is properly a predicate of the moon, and used as such in
the Brthad-4ranzyaka-upanishad, in the second paragraph of the
dialogue.
Iv ADHYAYA, 8. 303
on him thus, becomes supreme, and the head of all
beings.’
4. Baélaki said: ‘The person that is in the moon,
on him I meditate.’
* This is properly a predicate of the moon, and used as such in
the Brthad-4ranzyaka-upanishad, in the second paragraph of the
dialogue.
Iv ADHYAYA, 8. 303
on him thus, becomes supreme, and the head of all
beings.’
4. Baélaki said: ‘The person that is in the moon,
on him I meditate.’
Agatasatru said to him; ‘Do not challenge me on
this. I meditate on him as Soma, the king, the self,
(source) of all food. Whoso meditates on him thus,
becomes the self, (source) of all food.’
5. Balaki said: ‘The person that is in the
lightning, on him I meditate.’
Ag§ftasatru said to him: ‘Do not challenge me on
this. I meditate on him as the self in light. Whoso
meditates on him thus, becomes the self in light.’
6. Balaki said: ‘The person that is in the
thunder, on him I meditate.’
Agftasatru said to him: ‘Do not challenge me
on this. I meditate on him as the self of sound’.
Whoso meditates on him thus, becomes the self of
sound.’
7. Balaki said: ‘ The person that is in the ether,
on him I meditate.’
Agatasatru said to him: ‘Do not challenge me
on this. I meditate on him as the full, quiescent
Brahman, Whoso meditates on him thus, is filled
with offspring and cattle. Neither he himself nor
his offspring dies before the time.’
8. Balaki said: ‘The person that is in the air,
on him I meditate.’
Agatasatru said to him: ‘Do not challenge me
on this. I meditate on him as Indra Vaikuzdéha, as
the unconquerable army. Whoso meditates on him
thus, becomes victorious, unconquerable, conquering
his enemies.’
1 This is not mentioned in the Brzhad-4ranyaka,
304 KAUSH{TAKI-UPANISHAD.
9. Balaki said: ‘The person that is in the fire,
on him I meditate.’
Agatasatru said to him: ‘Do not challenge me
on this. I meditate on him as powerful. Whoso
meditates on him thus, becomes powerful among
others?.’
10. Balaéki said: ‘The person that is in the
water, on him I meditate.’
AgAtasatru said tohim : ‘ Do not challenge me on
this. I meditate on him as the self of the name.
Whoso meditates on him thus, becomes the self
of the name.’ So far with regard to deities (mythological) ; now with regard to the body (physiological).
11. Balaki said: ‘The person that is in the
mirror, on him I meditate.’
Agatasatru said to him: ‘Do not challenge me on
this. I meditate on him as the likeness. Whoso
meditates on him thus, to him a son is born in his
family who is his likeness, not one who is not his
likeness,’
12, Balaki said: ‘The person that is in the
echo, on him I meditate.’
Agatasatru said to him: ‘Do not challenge me on
this. I meditate on him as the second, who never
goes away. Whoso meditates on him thus, he gets
a second from his second (his wife), he becomes
doubled 2.
13. Balaki said: ‘The sound that follows a
man, on that I meditate.
Agatasatru said to him: ‘Do not challenge me on
1 Instead of anyeshu, the second text, as printed by Professor
Cowell, has anv esha.
* This paragraph does not occur in the Brzhad-Aranyaka.
IV ADHYAYA, 18. 305
13. Balaki said: ‘The sound that follows a
man, on that I meditate.
Agatasatru said to him: ‘Do not challenge me on
1 Instead of anyeshu, the second text, as printed by Professor
Cowell, has anv esha.
* This paragraph does not occur in the Brzhad-Aranyaka.
IV ADHYAYA, 18. 305
this. I meditate on him as life. Whoso meditates
on him thus, neither he himself nor his offspring
will faint before the time.’
14. Balaki said: ‘The person that is in the
shadow, on him I meditate.’
Ag§Atasatru said to him: ‘Do not challenge me on
this. I meditate on him as death. Whoso meditates on him thus, neither he himself nor his offspring will die before the time.’
15. Balaki said: ‘The person that is embodied, on him I meditate.’
Agatasatru said to him: ‘Do not challenge me
on this. I meditate on him as Lord of creatures.
Whoso meditates on him thus, is multiplied in offspring and cattle.’
16. Balaki said: ‘The Self which is conscious
(pragiia), and by whom he who sleeps here, walks
about in sleep, on him I meditate.’
Ag&tasatru said to him: ‘Do not challenge me on
this. I meditate on him as Yama the king. Whoso
meditates on him thus, everything is subdued for
his excellencies.’
17. Balaki said: ‘The person that is in the
right eye, on him I meditate.’
AgAtasatru said to him: ‘Do not challenge me on
this. I meditate on him as the self of the name, as
the self of fire, as the self of splendour. Whoso
meditates on him thus, he becomes the self of
these.’
18, Baélaki said: ‘The person that is in the
left eye, on him I meditate.’
Agatasatru said to him: ‘Do not challenge me
on this. I meditate on him as the self of the true,
as the self of lightning, as the self of light. Whoso
[3] x
306 KAUSH{TAKI-UPANISHAD.
meditates on him thus, he becomes the self of
these.’
19. After this Balaki became silent. Agdtasatru
said to him: ‘Thus far only (do you know), O
Balaki?’ ‘Thus far only,’ replied Balaki.
Then Agatasatru said to him: ‘Vainly did you
challenge me, saying: ‘Shall I tell you Brahman ?
O Balaki, he who is the maker of those persons
(whom you mentioned), he of whom all this is the
work, he alone is to be known,’
Thereupon Bal&ki came, carrying fuel in his hand,
saying: ‘May I come to you asa pupil?’ Agétasatru said to him: ‘I deem it improper that a
Kshatriya should initiate a Bréhmaza. Come, I
shall make you know clearly.’ Then taking him by
the hand, he went forth. And the two together
came to a person who was asleep. And Ag&tasatru
called him, saying: ‘Thou great one, clad in white
raiment, Soma, King!’ But he remained lying.
Then he pushed him with a ‘stick, and he rose at
once. Then said Agatasatru to him: ‘ Balaki,
where did this person here sleep? Where was he?
Whence came he thus back?’ Balaki did not
know. ,
Then he pushed him with a ‘stick, and he rose at
once. Then said Agatasatru to him: ‘ Balaki,
where did this person here sleep? Where was he?
Whence came he thus back?’ Balaki did not
know. ,
20. And Agatasatru said to him: ‘ Where this person here slept, where he was, whence he thus came
back, is this: The arteries of the heart called Hita
extend from the heart of the person towards the
surrounding body. Small as a hair divided a thousand times, they stand full of a thin fluid of various
colours, white, black, yellow, red. In these the
person is when sleeping he sees no dream.
1 See § 3 init.
IV ADHYAYA, 20. 307
Then he becomes one with that pravza alone.
Then speech goes to him with all names, the eye
with all forms, the ear with all sounds, the mind
with all thoughts. And when he awakes, then, as
from a burning fire, sparks proceed in all directions, thus from that self the prazas (speech, &c.) proceed,
each towards its place, from the prazas the gods,
from the gods the worlds. And as a razor might
be fitted in a razor-case, or as fire in the fire-place
(the aravi on the altar), even thus this conscious
self enters the self of the body (considers the body
as himself) to the very hairs and nails. And the
other selfs (such as speech, &c.) follow that self, as
his people follow the master of the house. And
as the master feeds with his people, nay, as his
people feed on the master, thus does this conscious
self feed with the other selfs, as a master with his
people, and the other selfs follow him, as his people
follow the master. So long as Indra did not understand that self, the Asuras conquered him. When
he understood it, he conquered the Asuras and
obtained the pre-eminence among all gods, sovereignty, supremacy. And thus also he who knows
this obtains pre-eminence among all beings, sovereignty, supremacy,—yea, he who knows this.
Digitized by Goog le
VAGASANEYI-SAWHITA-
UPANISHAD,
SOMETIMES CALLED
TSAVASYA or {fSA-
UPANISHAD.
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e//
VAGASANEYI-SAMHITA-
UPANISHAD.
1. ALL this, whatsoever moves on earth, is to
be hidden in the Lord (the Self). When thou hast
surrendered all this, then thou mayest enjoy. Do
not covet the wealth of any man!
2. Though a man may wish to live a hundred
years, performing works, it will be thus with him ;
but not in any other way: work will thus not cling
to a man. ;
3. There are the worlds of the Asuras! covered
with blind darkness. Those who have destroyed
their self (who perform works, without having arrived at a knowledge of the true Self), go after
death to those worlds.
4. That one (the Self), though never stirring, is
swifter than thought. The Devas (senses) never
reached it, it walked? before them. Though
standing still, it overtakes the others who are
running. Méatarisvan (the wind, the moving spirit)
bestows powers ® on it.
4. That one (the Self), though never stirring, is
swifter than thought. The Devas (senses) never
reached it, it walked? before them. Though
standing still, it overtakes the others who are
running. Méatarisvan (the wind, the moving spirit)
bestows powers ® on it.
1 Asury},V4g. Samhit& ; asirya, Upan. Asury’ in the Upanishads
in the sense of belonging to the Asuras, i.e. gods, is exceptional.
I should prefer asfry4, sunless, as we find as(ryé t4masi in the
Rig-veda, V, 32, 6.
2 Pfirvam arsat, Vag. Samh.; pfirvam arshat, Upan. Mahfdhara
suggests also arsat as a contraction of a-risat, not perishing.
5 Apas is explained by karmézi, acts, in which case it would be °
meant for 4pas, opus. But the V4g. Samhita accentuates apas, i.e.
312 VAGASANEYI-SAMHITA-UPANISHAD.
5. It stirs and it stirs not; it is far, and likewise
near!, It is inside of all this, and it is outside of
all this. - .
6. And he who beholds all beings in the Self, and
the Self in all beings, he never turns away from it?.
7. When to a man who understands, the Self has
become all things, what sorrow, what trouble can
there be to him who once beheld that unity?
8. He® (the Self) encircled all, bright, incorporeal, scatheless, without muscles, pure, untouched
by evil; a seer, wise, omnipresent, self-existent, he
disposed all things rightly for eternal years.
9. All who worship what is not real knowledge
(good works), enter into blind darkness: those who
delight in real knowledge, enter, as it were, into
greater darkness.
10. One thing, they say, is obtained from real
knowledge; another, they say, from what is not
knowledge. Thus we have heard from the wise
who taught us this‘.
11. He who knows at the same time both knowledge and not-knowledge, overcomes death through
not-knowledge, and obtains immortality through
knowledge.
12. All who worship what is not the true cause,
aquas, and Anandagiri explains that water stands for acts, because
most sacrificial acts are performed with water.
1 Tad v antike, Vag. Samh.; tadvad antike, Upan.
3 Vikikitsati, Vag. Samh.; vigugupsate, Upan.
® Sankara takes the subject to be the Self, and explains the
neuter adjectives as masculines. Mahfdhara takes the subject to
be the man who has acquired a knowledge of the Self, and who
reaches the bright, incorporeal Brahman, &c. Mahfdhara, however,
likewise allows the former explanation.
* Cf. Talavak. Up. I, 4; vidy4y4A, avidyay4h, Vag. Samh.; vidyay4,
avidyaya, Upan.
VAGASANEYI-SAMHITA-UPANISHAD. 343
enter into blind darkness: those who delight in the
true cause, enter, as it were, into greater darkness.
13. One thing, they say, is obtained from (knowledge of ) the cause; another, they say, from (knowledge of ) what is not the cause. Thus we have
heard from the wise who taught us this.
14. He who knows at the same time both the
cause and the destruction (the perishable body),
overcomes death by destruction (the perishable
body), and obtains immortality through (knowledge
of) the true cause.
Thus we have
heard from the wise who taught us this.
14. He who knows at the same time both the
cause and the destruction (the perishable body),
overcomes death by destruction (the perishable
body), and obtains immortality through (knowledge
of) the true cause.
15. The door of the True is covered with a
golden disk?. Open that, O Pfishan, that we may
see the nature of the True*.
16. O Péshan, only seer, Yama (judge), Sdrya
(sun), son of Pragdpati, spread thy rays and gather
them! The light which is thy fairest form, I see it.
I am what He is (viz. the person in the sun)*.
17. Breath‘ to air, and to the immortal! Then
this my body ends in ashes. Om! Mind, remember! Remember thy deeds! Mind, remember! |
Remember thy deeds 5!
18. Agni, lead us on to wealth (beatitude) by a
good path, thou, O God, who knowest all things!
1 Mahidhara on verse 17: ‘ The face of the true (purusha in the
sun) is covered by a golden disk.’
2 Cf. Maitr. Up. VI, 35.
5 Asau purushad should probably be omitted.
‘ These lines are supposed to be uttered by a man in the hour
of death.
5 The VAgasaneyi-samhita reads: Om, krato smara, k/#be smara,
kritam smara. Uvafa holds that Agni, fire, who has been worshipped in youth and manhood, is here invoked in the form of
mind, or that kratu is meant for sacrifice. ‘Agni, remember me!
Think of the world! Remember my deeds }’ -
314 VAGASANEYI-SAMHITA-UPANISHAD.
Keep far from us crooked evil, and we shall offer
thee the fullest praise! (Rv. I, 189, 1.)
This Upanishad, though apparently simple and intelligible, is in
reality one of the most difficult to understand properly. Coming
at the end of the V4gasaneyi-samhit&, in which the sacrifices and
the hymns to be used by the officiating priests have been described,
it begins by declaring that all has to be surrendered to the Lord.
The name fs, lord, is peculiar, as having a far more personal colouring than Atman, Self, or Brahman, the usual names given by the
Upanishads to what is the object of the highest knowledge.
Next follows a permission to continue the performance of sacrifices, provided that all desires have been surrendered. And here
occurs our first difficulty, which has perplexed ancient as well as
modern commentators.
Next follows a permission to continue the performance of sacrifices, provided that all desires have been surrendered. And here
occurs our first difficulty, which has perplexed ancient as well as
modern commentators.
I shall try, first of all, to justify my own translation. I hold that
the Upanishad wishes to teach the uselessness by themselves of all
good works, whether we call them sacrificial, legal, or moral, and
yet, at the same time, to recognise, if not the necessity, at least the
harmlessness of good works, provided they are performed without
any selfish motives, without any desire of reward, but simply as a
preparation for higher knowledge, as a means, in fact, of subduing
all passions, and producing that serenity of mind without which
man is incapable of receiving the highest knowledge. From that
point of view the Upanishad may well say, Let a man wish to live
here his appointed time, let him even perform all works. If only
he knows that all must be surrendered to the Lord, then the work
done by him will not cling to him. It will not work on and produce
effect after effect, nor will it involve him in a succession of new
births in which to enjoy the reward of his works, but it will leave him
free to enjoy the blessings of the highest knowledge. It will have.
served as a preparation for that higher knowledge which the Upanishad imparts, and which secures freedom from further births.
The expression ‘na karma lipyate nare’ seems to me to admit
of this one explanation only, viz. that work done does not cling to
man, provided he has acquired the highest knowledge. Similar
expressions occur again and again. Lip was, no doubt, used
originally of evil deeds which became, as it were, engrained in man;
but afterwards of all work, even of good work, if done with a
desire of reward. The doctrine of the Upanishads is throughout
that orthodoxy and sacrifice can procure a limited beatitude only,
VAGASANEYI-SAMHITA-UPANISHAD. 315
and that they are a hindrance to real salvation, which can be
obtained by knowledge alone. In our passage therefore we can
recognise one meaning only, viz. that work does not cling to man
or stain him, if only he knows, i.e. if he has been enlightened by
the Upanishad.
315
and that they are a hindrance to real salvation, which can be
obtained by knowledge alone. In our passage therefore we can
recognise one meaning only, viz. that work does not cling to man
or stain him, if only he knows, i.e. if he has been enlightened by
the Upanishad.
Sankara, in his commentary on the Ved4nta-sfitras ITI, 4, 7;
13; 14, takes the same view of this passage. The opponent of
Badarfyaza, in this case, Gaimini himself, maintains that karma,
work, is indispensable to knowledge, and among other arguments,
he says, III, 4, 7, that it is so ‘Niyamat,’ ‘Because it is so laid
down by the law.’ The passage here referred to is, according to
Sankara, our very verse, which, he thinks, should be translated as
follows: ‘Let a man wish to live a hundred years here (in this
body) performing works ; thus will an evil deed not cling to thee,
while thou art a man; there is no other way but this by which to
escape the influence of works.’ In answer to this, Badarayana says,
first of all, III, 4, 13, that this rule may refer to all men in general,
and not to one who knows; or, III, 4, 14, if it refers to a man who
knows, that then the permission to perform works is only intended
to exalt the value of knowledge, the meaning being that even to a
man who performs sacrifices all his life, work does not cling, if
only he knows ;—such being the power of knowledge.
The same Sankara, however, who here sees quite clearly that
this verse refers to a man who knows, explains it in the Upanishad
as referring to a man who does not know (itarasyanatmagfiatayatmagrahazdsaktasya). It would then mean: ‘ Let such a one, while
performing works here on earth, wish to live a hundred years. In
this manner there is no other way for him but this (the performance
of sacrifices), so that an evil deed should not be engrained, or so
that he should not be stained by such a deed.’ The first and
second verses of the Upanishad would thus represent the two paths
of life, that of knowledge and that of works, and the following verses
would explain the rewards assigned to each.
Mahidhara, in his commentary on the Vagasaneyi-samhita, steers
at first a middle course. He would translate: ‘Let one who performs the Agnihotra and other sacrifices, without any desire of
reward, wish to live here a hundred years. If thou do so, there
will be salvation for thee, not otherwise, There are many roads that
lead to heaven, but one only leading to salvation, namely, performance of good works, without any desire of reward, which produces
a pure heart. Work thus done, merely as a preparation for salvation,
does not cling to man, i.e. it produces a pure heart, but does not
316 VAGASANEYI-SAMHITA-UPANISHAD.
Work thus done, merely as a preparation for salvation,
does not cling to man, i.e. it produces a pure heart, but does not
316 VAGASANEYI-SAMHITA-UPANISHAD.
entail any further consequences.’ So far he agrees with Uvasa’s
explanation’. He allows, however, another explanation also, so
that the second line would convey the meaning: ‘ Ifa man lives thus
(performing good works), then there is no other way by which an
evil deed should not be engrained; i.e. in order to escape the
power of sin, he must all his life perform sacred acts.’
Next follows a description of the lot of those who, immersed in
works, have not arrived at the highest knowledge, and have not
recovered their true self in the Highest Self, or Brahman. That
Brahman, though the name is not used here, is then described, and
salvation is promised to the man who beholds all things in the Self
and the Self in all things.
The verses 9-14 are again full of difficulty, not so much in
themselves as in their relation to the general system of thought
which prevails in the Upanishads, and forms the foundation of the
Vedanta philosophy. The commentators vary considerably in their
interpretations. Sankara explains avidy4, not-knowledge, by good
works, particularly sacrifice, performed with a hope of reward ;
vidya, or knowledge, by a knowledge of the gods, but not, as yet,
of the highest Brahman. The former is generally supposed to lead
the sacrificer to the pitr:loka, the world of the fathers, from whence
he returns to a series of new births; the latter to the devaloka, the
world of the gods, from whence he may either proceed to Brahman,
or enter upon a new round of existences. The question then
arises, how in our passage the former could be said to lead to
blind darkness, the latter to still greater darkness. But for that
statement, I have no doubt that all the commentators would, as
usual, have taken vidy4 for the knowledge of the Highest Brahman,
and avidy4 for orthodox belief in the gods and good works, the
former securing immortality in the sense of freedom from new
births, while the reward of the latter is blessedness in heaven for
a limited period, but without freedom from new births.
This antithesis between vidya and avidy4 seems to me so firmly
established that I cannot bring myself to surrender it here. Though
this Upanishad has its own very peculiar character, yet its object is,
after all, to impart a knowledge of the Highest Self, and not to
inculcate merely a difference between faith in the ordinary gods
and good works. It was distinctly said before (ver. 3), that those
who have destroyed their self, i.e. who perform works only,
’ Uvata explains gigtshivisheA for gigivishet as a purushavyatayak,
VA@ASANEYI-SAMHiTA-UPANISHAD, 347
It was distinctly said before (ver. 3), that those
who have destroyed their self, i.e. who perform works only,
’ Uvata explains gigtshivisheA for gigivishet as a purushavyatayak,
VA@ASANEYI-SAMHiTA-UPANISHAD, 347
and have not arrived at a knowledge of the true Self, go to the
worlds of the Asuras, which are covered with blind darkness. If
then the same blind darkness is said in verse g to be the lot of those
who worship not-knowledge, this can only mean those who have
not discovered the true Self, but are satisfied with the performance
of good works. And if those who perform good works are opposed
to others who delight in true knowledge, that knowledge can be
the knowledge of the true Self only.
The difficulty therefore which has perplexed Sankara is this,
how, while the orthodox believer is said to enter into blind darkness, the true disciple, who has acquired a knowledge of the true
Self, could be said to enter into still greater darkness. While
Sankara in this case seems hardly to have caught the drift of the
Upanishad, Uvasa and Mahfdhara propose an explanation which is
far more satisfactory. They perceive that the chief stress must be
laid on the words ubhayam saha, ‘both together,’ in verses 11 and
14. The doctrine of certain Vedanta philosophers was that works,
though they cannot by themselves lead to salvation, are useful as a
preparation for the highest knowledge, and that those who imagine
that they can attain the highest knowledge without such previous
preparation, are utterly mistaken. From this point of view therefore the author of the Upanishad might well say that those who
give themselves to what is not knowledge, i.e. to sacrificial and
other good works, enter into darkness, but that those who delight
altogether in knowledge, despising the previous discipline of works,
deceive themselves and enter into still greater darkness.
Then follows the next verse, simply stating that, according to
the teaching of wise people, the reward of knowledge is one thing,
the reward of ignorance, i,e. trust in sacrifice, another. Here
Mahfdhara is right again by assigning the pitr7loka, the world of
the fathers, as the reward of the ignorant; the devaloka, the
world of the gods, as the reward of the enlightened, provided that
from the world of the gods they pass on to the knowledge of the
Highest Self or Brahman.
The third verse contains the strongest confirmation of Mahfdhara’s view. Here it is laid down distinctly that he only who
knows both together, both what is called ignorance and what is
called knowledge, can be saved, because by good works he overcomes death, here explained by natural works, and by knowledge
he obtains the Immortal, here explained by oneness with the gods,
the last step that leads on to oneness with Brahman.
Uvasa, who takes the same view of these verses, explains at once,
318 VAGASANEYI-SAMHITA-UPANISHAD,
Uvasa, who takes the same view of these verses, explains at once,
318 VAGASANEYI-SAMHITA-UPANISHAD,
and even more boldly than Mahidhara’, vidya, or knowledge, by
brahmavigfiana, knowledge of Brahman, which by itself, and if not
preceded by works, leads to even greater darkness than what is
called ignorance, i.e. sacrifice and orthodoxy without knowledge.
The three corresponding verses, treating of sambhfiti and asambhfiti instead of vidya and avidy4, stand first in the V4gasaneyisamhita. They must necessarily be explained in accordance with
our explanation of the former verses, i.e. sambhfiti must correspond
- to vidya, it must be meant for the true cause, i.e. for Brahman,
while asambhfiti must correspond with avidy4, as a name of what
is not real, but phenomenal only and perishable.
Mahidhara thinks that these verses refer to the Bauddhas, which
can hardly be admitted, unless we take Buddhist in a very general
sense. Uvasa puts the Lok4yatas in their place*. It is curious
also to observe that Mahfdhara, following Uvasa, explains
asambhiti at first by the denial of the resurrection of the body,
while he takes sambhfti rightly for Brahman. I have chiefly followed Uvasa’s commentary, except in his first explanation of
asambhiti, resurrection *®. In what follows Uvasa explains sambhfiti rightly by the only cause of the origin of the whole world,
i.e. Brahman‘, while he takes vindsa, destruction, as a name of
the perishable body °.
Sankara sees much more in these three verses than Uvasa. He
takes asambhfti as a name of Prakriti, the undeveloped cause, sambhfiti as a name of the phenomenal Brahman or Hiramyagarbha.
From a worship of the latter a man obtains supernatural powers,
from devotion to the former, absorption in Prakriti.
Mahfdhara also takes a similar view, and he allows, like Sankara,
another reading, viz. sambhfitim avinasam a, and avindsena mrttyum tirtva. In this case the sense would be: ‘He who knows
the worship both of the developed and the undeveloped, overcomes
1 Mahidhara decides in the end that vidya and amrttam must
here be taken in a limited or relative sense, tasmA4d vidyopdsanamritam kipekshikam iti dik, and so agrees on the whole with
Sankara, pp. 25-27.
2 Shad anushfubhaf, lokayatika# prasthyante yesham etad
darsanam.
* Mritasya satak puna# sambhavo nésti, ata# sariragrahan4d
asmakam muktir eva.
* Samastasya gagatat sambhavaikahetu brahma.
® Vinasam vindsi 4a vapu’ sariram.
VAGASANEYI-SAMHITA-UPANISHAD. 319
death, i.e. such evil as sin, passion, &c., through worship of the
undeveloped, while he obtains through worship of the developed,
i.e. of Hiranyagarbha, immortality, absorption in Prakriti.’
® Vinasam vindsi 4a vapu’ sariram.
VAGASANEYI-SAMHITA-UPANISHAD. 319
death, i.e. such evil as sin, passion, &c., through worship of the
undeveloped, while he obtains through worship of the developed,
i.e. of Hiranyagarbha, immortality, absorption in Prakriti.’
All these forced explanations to which the commentators have
recourse, arise from the shifting views held by various authorities
with regard to the value of works. Our Upanishad seems to
me to propound the doctrine that works, though in themselves
useless, or even mischievous, if performed with a view to any
present or future rewards, are necessary as a preparatory discipline.
This is or was for a long time the orthodox view. Each man was
required to pass through the 4sramas, or stages of student and
householder, before he was admitted to the freedom of a Sanny4sin.
As on a ladder, no step was to be skipped. Those who attempted
to do so, were considered to have broken the old law, and in some
respects they may indeed be looked upon as the true precursors
of the Buddhists.
Nevertheless the opposite doctrine, that a man whose mind had
become enlightened, might at once drop the fetters of the law,
without performing all the tedious duties of student and householder, had strong supporters too among orthodox philosophers.
Cases of such rapid conversion occur in the ancient traditions, and
Badar4yana himself was obliged to admit the possibility of freedom
and salvation without works, though maintaining the superiority of
the usual course, which led on gradually from works to enlightenment and salvation’. It was from an unwillingness to assent to
the decided teaching of the fs4-upanishad that Sankara attempted
to explain vidya, knowledge, in a limited sense, as knowledge of the
gods, and not yet knowledge of Brahman. He would not admit
that knowledge without works could lead to darkness, and even to
greater darkness than works without knowledge. Our Upanishad
seems to have dreaded libertinism, knowledge without works, more
even than ritualism, works without knowledge, and its true object was
to show that orthodoxy and sacrifice, though useless in themselves,
must always form the preparation for higher enlightenment.
How misleading Sankara’s explanation may prove, we can see
from the translation of this Upanishad by Rammohun Roy. He
followed Sankara implicitly, and this is the sense which he drew
from the text :—
‘g. Those observers of religious rites that perform only the
worship of the sacred fire, and oblations to sages, to ancestors,
1 Vedanta-sitras III, 4, 36-39.
320 vAGASANEYI-SAMHITA-UPANISHAD.
to men, and to other creatures, without regarding the worship of
celestial gods, shall enter into the dark region : and those practisers
of religious ceremonies who habitually worship the celestial gods
only, disregarding the wership of the sacred ‘fire, and oblations to
sages, to ancestors, to men, and to other creatures, shall enter into
a region still darker than the former.
‘ro. It is said that adoration of the celestial gods produces one
consequence ; and that the performance of the worship of sacred
fire, and oblations to sages, to ancestors, to men, and to other
creatures, produce another: thus have we heard from learned men,
who have distinctly explained the subject to us.
‘11. Of those observers of ceremonies whosoever, knowing that
adoration of -celestial gods, as well as the worship of the sacred
fire, and oblation to sages, to ancestors, to men, and to other
creatures, should be observed alike by the same individual, performs them both, will, by means of the latter, surmount the
obstacles presented by natural temptations, and will attain the state
of the celestial gods through the practice of the former.
‘12. Those observers of religious rites who worship Prakriti
alone (Prakriti or-nature, who, though insensible, influenced by the
Supreme Spirit, operates throughout the universe) shall enter into the
dark region: and those practisers of religious ceremonies that are
devoted to worship solely the prior operating sensitive particle,
allegorically called Brahm4, shall enter into a region much more
dark than the former.
‘13. It is said that one consequence may be attained by the
worship of Brahm4, and another by the adoration of Prakriti.
Thus have we heard from learned men, who have distinctly explained the subject to us.
‘14. Of those observers of ceremonies, whatever person, knowing that the adoration of Prakriti and that of Brahm4 should be
together observed by the same individual, performs them both,
will by means of the latter overcome indigence, and will attain the
state of Prakriti, through the practice of the former.’
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Digitized by G O08 le
THE
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST
(2)
HENRY FROWDE, M.A,
PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD
LONDON, EDINBURGH, AND NEW YORK
THE
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST
TRANSLATED
BY VARIOUS ORIENTAL SCHOLARS
AND EDITED BY
F. MAX MULLER
VOL. II
@rford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1897
(AM rights reserved]
1 Brion Theological Sossinary |
NEW YORK CITv
Gift in Memor of lhe Lare—
elson Smith, Ess,
Masxicwn wrd_ nne_ EF. SmilfL
OCT 7 1936
Orford
PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
BY HORACE HART, M.A.
PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
THE
SACRED LAWS OF THE ARYAS
AS TAUGHT IN THE SCIIOOLS OF
APASTAMBA, GAUTAMA, VASISHTHA,
AND BAUDHAYANA
SmilfL
OCT 7 1936
Orford
PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
BY HORACE HART, M.A.
PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
THE
SACRED LAWS OF THE ARYAS
AS TAUGHT IN THE SCIIOOLS OF
APASTAMBA, GAUTAMA, VASISHTHA,
AND BAUDHAYANA
TRANSLATED BY
GEORG BUHLER
PART I
APASTAMBA AND GAUTAMA
SECOND EDITION, REVISED
@rford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1897
[Ad rights reserved}
Digitized by G O08 le
DAY
$12.6 142197
CONTENTS.
a BAGE
INTRODUCTION TO APASTAMBA . . : . . . ix
InTROpUCTION TO GAUTAMA . . . . . . Xxilix
APASTAMBA’S Apuorisms on THE SACRED Law.
General Rules . . . . : . : . . 1
Initiation . . . . . .
Studentship. : . . .
A Student who has returned Home. . . . - 29
The Study of the Veda . . . . . . - 32
A Student who has returned Home. . . . . 48
Saluting . . . . . . . . : - 51
Purification . . . . . . : 54
Eating, and Forbidden Food . . . . . - 59
Lawful Livelihood . . . . . . . » 90
Penance . . . . . : . : : - 75
Rules for a Snataka. . . . . . . . 92
The Duties of a Householder . . . . . » 99
Inheritance . . . . . . . . . 130
Funeral Oblations . . . . . . . - 137
The Four Orders. . . . . . . . 153
The King . . . . . . . : . 161
GAUTAMA’S InstTITUTES OF THE SacRED Law.
Initiation . . . : . . . . : - 175
Purification . . . . . : . . . 179
Studentship. . . . . : . . . 182
The Ascetic . . . . : . . . . 192
The Hermit. . . . . . . . . 195
The Householder. . . . . . . . 196
viii CONTENTS.
PAGE
Saluting . . . . . . . . . . 207
Times of Distress. . . . . . . . 2mr
A King and Braéhmama versed in the Vedas. . . 204
The Duties of a Snataka . . . . . . . 218
Lawful Occupations and Livelihood . .¢ 4+ ---s: os + _227__
The Duties of a King. : . . . . . 234
Civil and Criminal Law . . . . . . . 238
Witnesses . . . . . . . . . . 246
Impurity... : . . . . . . »_ 249°
Funeral Oblations . . . . . . . . 255
The Study of the Veda . . . . . . . 259
Eating, and Forbidden Food . . . . . . 265
Women . . . . . . . . . . 270
Penances . . . . . . . . . . 274
Inheritance . . . . . . . . - 302
Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Translations of the Sacred Books of the East . . . - git
INTRODUCTION
TO
APASTAMBA.
For all students of Sanskrit philology and Indian history
Apastamba’s aphorisms on the sacred law of the Aryan
Hindus possess a special interest beyond that attaching to
other works of the same class. Their discovery enabled
Professor Max Miller, forty-seven years ago, to dispose
finally of the Brahmanical legend according to which
Hindu society was supposed to be governed by the codes
of ancient sages, compiled for the express purpose of tying
down each individual to his station, and of strictly regulating even the smallest acts of his daily life’. It enabled
' Max Miiller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 133 seq.
The following letter, addressed to the late W. H. Morley, and published
by him in his Digest of Indian Cases, 1850, may be of interest as connected
with the first discovery of the Apastamba-siitras :—
It enabled
' Max Miiller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 133 seq.
The following letter, addressed to the late W. H. Morley, and published
by him in his Digest of Indian Cases, 1850, may be of interest as connected
with the first discovery of the Apastamba-siitras :—
9, Park Place, Oxford, July 29, 1849.
My DEAR Mortey,—I have been looking again at the law literature, in
order to write you a note on the sources of Manu. I have treated the subject
fully in my introduction to the Veda, where I have given an outline of the different periods of Vaidik literature, and analysed the peculiarities in the style
and language of each class of Vaidik works. What I congider to be the sources
of the Manava-dharma-sdstra, the so-called Laws of Manu, are the Sfttras.
These are works which presuppose the development of the prose literature of
the Brahmamas (like the Aitareya-brahmama, Taittirtya-brahmasa, &c.) These
Br&éhmaaas, again, presuppose, not only the existence, but the collection and
arrangement of the old hymns of the four Samhitas. The Sitras are therefore
later than both these classes of Vaidik works, but they must be considered as
belonging to the Vaidik period of literatnre, not only on account of their
intimate connection with Vaidik subjects, but also because they still exhibit the
irregularities of the old Vaidik language. They form indeed the last branch
of Vaidik literature ; and it will perhaps be possible to fix some of these works
chronologically, as they are contemporary with the first spreading of Buddhism
in India.
Again, in the whole of Vaidik literature there is no work written (like the
Manava-dharma-sastra) in the regular epic Sloka, and the continuous employment of this metre is a characteristic mark of post-Vaidik writings.
One of the principal classes of Sfitras is known by the name of Kalpa-s(tras,
x APASTAMBA.
him not only to arrive at this negative result, but also to
substitute a sounder theory the truth of which subsequent
investigations have further confirmed, and to show that the
sacred law of the Hindus has its source in the teaching of
the Vedic schools, and that the so-called revealed law codes
are, in most cases, but improved metrical editions of older
or rules of ceremonies. These are avowedly composed by human authors,
while, according to Indian orthodox theology, both the hymns and Brahmasas
are to be considered as revelation. The Sfitras generally bear the name of
their authors, like the Satras of Asvalayana, Katyayana, &c., or the name of the
family to which the Sftras belonged. The great number of these writings is to
be accounted for by the fact that there was not one body of Kalpa-sfitras binding on all Brahmanic families, but that different old families had each their own
Kalpa-sitras. These works are still very frequent in our libraries, yet there is
no doubt that many of them have been lost. Sfitras are quoted which do not
exist in Europe, and the loss of some is acknowledged by the Brahmans themselves, There are, however, lists of the old Brahmanic families which were in
possession of their own redaction of Vaidik hymns (Samhitas), of Brahmamas,
and of Sitras. Some of these families followed the Rig-veda, some the Yagurveda, the SAma-veda, and Atharva-veda; and thus the whole Vaidik literature
becomes divided into four great classes of Brahmazas and Sfitras, belonging to
one or the other of the four principal Vedas,
Some of these families followed the Rig-veda, some the Yagurveda, the SAma-veda, and Atharva-veda; and thus the whole Vaidik literature
becomes divided into four great classes of Brahmazas and Sfitras, belonging to
one or the other of the four principal Vedas,
Now one of the families following the Yagur-veda was that of the Manavas
(cf. Karazavyiha). There can be no doubt that that family, too, had its own
Sftras. Quotations from M4nava-sitras are to be met with in commentaries on
other Sfitras; and I have found, not long ago, a MS. which contains the text of
the Manava-srauta-sfitras, though in a very fragmentary state. But these Sitras,
the Srauta-sfitras, treat only of a certain branch of ceremonies connected with
the great sacrifices. Complete Sftra works are divided into three parts: 1. the
first (Srauta), treating on the great sacrifices; 2. the second (Grzhya), treating
on the Samsk4ras, or the purificatory sacraments; 3. the third (SAmayd#arika
or Dharma-sitras), treating on temporal duties, customs, and punishments.
The last two classes of Sftras seem to be lost in the MAnava-sitra. This loss is,
however, not so great with regard to tracing the sources of the Manava-dharmasastra, because whenever we have an opportunity of comparing Sfitras belonging
to different families, but following the same Veda, and treating on the same
subjects, the differences appear to be very slight, and only refer to less important
niceties of the ceremonial, In the absence, therefore, of the MAanava-simay4karika-sfitras, I have taken another collection of Sfitras, equally belonging to
the Yagur-veda, the Sitras of Apastamba. In his family we have not only
a Brahmama, but also Apastamba Srauta, Griéhya, and Samay4édrika-sfitras.
Now it is, of course, the third class of Sftras, on temporal duties, which are
most likely to contain the sources of the later metrical Codes of Law, written
in the classical Sloka. On a comparison of different subjects, such as the
duties of a Brahmadrin, a Grthastha, laws of inheritance, duties of a king,
forbidden fruit, &c., I find that the Sftras contain generally almost the same
words which have been brought into verse by the compiler of the MAanava-
INTRODUCTION. « x1
prose works which latter, in the first instance, were destined
to be committed to memory by the young Aryan students,
and to teach them their duties. This circumstance, as well
as the fact that Apastamba’s work is free from any suspicion
of having been tampered with by sectarians or modern
editors, and that its intimate connection with the manuals
teaching the performance of the great and small sacrifices,
the Srauta and Grthya-sitras, which are attributed to the
same author, is perfectly clear and indisputable, entitle it,
in spite of its comparatively late origin, to the first place in
a collection of Dharma-sitras.
The Apastambiya Dharma-sfitra forms part of an enormous Kalpa-sitra or body of aphorisms, which digests the
teaching of the Veda and of the ancient Rishis regarding
the performance of sacrifices and the duties of twice-born
men, Brahmazas, Kshatriyas, and Vaisyas, and which, being
chiefly based on the second of the four Vedas, the Yagurveda in the Taittiriya recension, is primarily intended for
the benefit of the Adhvaryu priests in whose families the
study of the Yagur-veda is hereditary.
The entire Kalpa-sdtra of Apastamba is divided into
dharma-sAstra. I consider, therefore, the S{itras as the principal source of the
metrical Smrstis, such as the Manava-dharma-sastra, Yagf#avalkya-dharmasastra, &c., though there are also many other verses in these works which may
be traced to different sources. They are paraphrases of verses of the Samzhitas,
or of passages of the Brahmawas, often retaining the same old words and
archaic constructions which were in the original. This is indeed acknowledged
by the author of the M4nava-dharma-sastra, when he says (B. II, v. 6), ‘The
roots of the Law are the whole Veda (Samhitas and Brahmamas), the customs
and traditions of those who knew the Veda (as laid down in the Sfitras), the
conduct of good men, and one’s own satisfaction.’ The Manava-dharmasastra may thus be considered as the last redaction of the laws of the MAnavas.
Quite different is the question as to the old Manu from whom the family
probably derived its origin, and who is said to have been the author of some
very characteristic hymns in the Rig-veda-samhité. He certainly cannot be
considered as the author of a Manava-dharma-sastra, nor is there even any
reason to suppose the author of this work to have had the same name. It is
evident that the author of the metrical Code of Laws speaks of the old Manu
as of a person different from himself, when he says (B. X, v. 63), ‘Not to kill,
not to lie, not to steal, to keep the body clean, and to restrain the senses,
this was the short law which Manu proclaimed a: the four castes.’—
Yours truly, M. M. (Zee RY OF
4X
ia re i JrirO™ .
THEGI fas OG Pade
{ Se NaRY
{
xil . APASTAMBA.
X, v. 63), ‘Not to kill,
not to lie, not to steal, to keep the body clean, and to restrain the senses,
this was the short law which Manu proclaimed a: the four castes.’—
Yours truly, M. M. (Zee RY OF
4X
ia re i JrirO™ .
THEGI fas OG Pade
{ Se NaRY
{
xil . APASTAMBA.
thirty sections, called Prasnas, literally questions’. The
first twenty-four of these teach the performance of the
so-called Srauta or VaitAnika sacrifices, for which several
sacred fires are required, beginning with the simplest rites,
the new and full moon offerings, and ending with the
complicated Sattras or sacrificial sessions, which last a whole
year or even longer*. The twenty-fifth Prasna contains
the Paribhdshds or general rules of interpretation *, which
are valid for the whole Kalpa-sitra, the Pravara-khanda,
the chapter enumerating the patriarchs of the various
Brahmanical tribes, and finally the Hautraka, prayers to
be recited by the Hotraka priests. The twenty-sixth
section gives the Mantras or Vedic prayers and formulas
for the Grihya rites, the ceremonies for which the sacred
domestic or Grihya fire is required, and the twenty-seventh
the rules for the performance of the latter*. The aphorisms
on the sacred law fill the next two Prasnas ; and the Sulvasitra®, teaching the geometrical principles, according to
which the altars necessary for the Srauta sacrifices must be
constructed, concludes the work with the thirtieth Prasna.
The position of the Dharma-sitra in the middle of the
collection at once raises the presumption that it originally
formed an integral portion of the body of Sitras and that
it is not a later addition. Had it been added later, it would
either stand at the end of the thirty Prasnas or altogether
outside the collection, as is the case with some other
treatises attributed to Apastamba®. The Hindus are, no
doubt, unscrupulous in adding to the works of famous
teachers. But such additions, if of considerable extent,
are usually not embodied in the works themselves which
they are intended to supplement. They are mostly given
1 Burnell, Indian Antiquary, I, 5 seq.
3 The Srauta-s(itra, Pr. I-XV, has been edited by Professor R. Garbe in the
Bibliotheca Indica, and the remainder is in the press.
3 See Professor Max Miiller’s Translation in S. B. E., vol. xxx.
* The Grshya-sitra has been edited by Dr. Winternitz, Vienna, 1887.
5 On the Sulva-sitras see G. Thibaut in ‘the Pandit,’ 1875, p. 292.
* Burnell, loc. cit.
INTRODUCTION. xiii
as seshas or parisish/as, tacked on at the end, and generally
marked as such in the MSS.
B. E., vol. xxx.
* The Grshya-sitra has been edited by Dr. Winternitz, Vienna, 1887.
5 On the Sulva-sitras see G. Thibaut in ‘the Pandit,’ 1875, p. 292.
* Burnell, loc. cit.
INTRODUCTION. xiii
as seshas or parisish/as, tacked on at the end, and generally
marked as such in the MSS.
In the case of the Apastamba Dharma-sitra it is, however, not necessary to rely on its position alone, in order
to ascertain its genuineness. There are unmistakable
indications that it is the work of the same author who
wrote the remainder of the Kalpa-sdtra. One important
argument in favour of this view is furnished by the fact
that Prasna X XVII, the section on the Grzhya ceremonies,
has evidently been made very short and concise with the
intention of saving matter for the subsequent sections on
the sacred law. The Apastambiya Grthya-sitra contains
nothing beyond a bare outline of the domestic ceremonies,
while most of the other Gvzhya-sitras, e.g. those of
Asvalayana, Sankh4yana, Gobhila, and P4raskara, include
a great many rules which bear indirectly only on the
performance of the offerings in the sacred domestic fire.
Thus on the occasion of the description of the initiation of
Aryan students, Asvalayana inserts directions regarding
the dress and girdle to be worn, the length of the studentship, the manner of begging, the disposal of the alms
collected, and other similar questions?. The exclusion of
such incidental remarks on subjects that are not immediately connected with the chief aim of the work, is almost
complete in Apastamba’s Grihya-sitra, and reduces its
size to less than one half of the extent of the shorter ones
among the works enumerated above. It seems impossible
to explain this restriction of the scope of Prasna XXVII
otherwise than by assuming that Apastamba wished to
reserve all rules bearing rather on the duties of men than
on the performance of the domestic offerings, for his
sections on the sacred law.
A second and no less important argument for the unity of
the whole Kalpa-sitra may be drawn from the cross-references which occur in several Prasnas. Inthe Dharma-s(tra
we find that on various occasions, where the performance
1 Asvalayana Grihya-sitra I, 19, ed. Stenzler.
xiv APASTAMBA.
A second and no less important argument for the unity of
the whole Kalpa-sitra may be drawn from the cross-references which occur in several Prasnas. Inthe Dharma-s(tra
we find that on various occasions, where the performance
1 Asvalayana Grihya-sitra I, 19, ed. Stenzler.
xiv APASTAMBA.
of a ceremony is prescribed, the expressions yathoktam, ‘as
has been stated,’ yathopadesam, ‘according to the injunction,’
or yatha purastat, ‘as above, are added. In four of these
passages, Dh. I, 1, 4,16; II, 2, 3,17; 2, 5,4; and 7,17,
16, the Grthya-sitra is doubtlessly referred to, and the
commentator Haradatta has pointed out this fact. On the
other hand, the Gvzhya-sitra refers to the Dharma-satra,
employing the same expressions which have been quoted
from the latter. Thus we read in the beginning of the
chapter on funeral oblations, Grzhya-sOtra VIII, 21, 1,
mAsisraddhasy4parapakshe yathopadesam kalad, ‘ the times
for the monthly funeral sacrifice (fall) in the latter (dark)
half of the month according to the injunction.’ Now as
neither the Grzhya-sitra itself nor any preceding portion
of the Kalpa-sitra contains any injunction on this point, it
follows that the long passage on this subject which occurs
in the Dharma-sitra II, 7, 16, 4-22 is referred to. The
expression yathopadesam is also found in other passages
of the Grzhya-sitra, and must be explained there in a like
manner! There are further a certain number of Sftras
which occur in the same words both in the Prasna on
domestic rites, and in that on the sacred law, e.g. Dh. I, 1,
1,18; I, 1, 2, 38; I, 1, 4,14. It seems that the author
wished to call special attention to these rules by repeating
them. Their recurrence and literal agreement may be
considered an additional proof of the intimate connection
of the two sections.
Through a similar repetition of, at least, one Sitra it is
possible to trace the connection of the Dharma-sitra with
the Srauta-sitra. The rule vitve va gay4m, ‘or (he may
have conjugal intercourse) with his wife in the proper
season,’ is given, Dh. II, 2, 5,17, with reference to a householder who teaches the Veda. In the Srauta-s(tra it
occurs twice, in the sections on the new and full moon
sacrifices III, 17, 8, and again in connection with the
Katurmasya offerings, VIII, 4, 6, and it refers both times
1 See the details, given by Dr. Winternitz in his essay, Das altindische
Hochzeitsrituell, p. 5 (Denkschr. Wiener Akademie, Bd. 40).
INTRODUCTION. XV
Winternitz in his essay, Das altindische
Hochzeitsrituell, p. 5 (Denkschr. Wiener Akademie, Bd. 40).
INTRODUCTION. XV
to the sacrificer. In the first passage the verb, upeyat, is
added, which the sense requires; in the second it has the
abbreviated form, which the best MSS. of the Dharmasdtra offer. The occurrence of the irregular word, ritve for
ritvye, in all the three passages, proves clearly that we
have to deal with a self-quotation of the same author. If
the Dharma-sitra were the production of a different person
and a later addition, the Pseudo-Apastamba would most
probably not have hit on this peculiar irregular form.
Finally, the Gvrzhya-sitra, too, contains several crossreferences to the Srauta-sitra, and the close agreement of
the Sfitras on the Vedic sacrifices, on the domestic rites,
and on the sacred, both in language and style, conclusively
prove that they are the compositions of one author ?.
Who this author really was, is a problem which cannot
be solved for the present, and which probably will always
remain unsolved, because we know his family name only.
For the form of the word itself shows that the name Apastamba, just like those of most founders of Vedic schools,
e.g. Bhdradvaga, Asvalayana, Gautama, is a patronymic.
This circumstance is, of course, fatal to all attempts at an
identification of the individual who holds so prominent
a place among the teachers of the Black Yagur-veda.
But we are placed in a somewhat better position with
respect to the history of the school which has been named
after Apastamba and of the works ascribed to him. Regarding both, some information has been preserved by
tradition, and a little more can be obtained from inscriptions and later works, while some interesting details regarding the time when, and the place where the Sitras
were composed, may be elicited from the latter themselves.
The data, obtainable from these sources, it is true, do not
enable us to determine with certainty the year when the
Apastambiya school was founded, and when its Satras
were composed. But they make it possible to ascertain
the position of the school and of its Sdtras in Vedic litera-
1 See Dr. Winternitz, loc. cit.
Xvi APASTAMBA.
ture, their relative priority or posteriority as compared
with other Vedic schools and works, to show with some
amount of probability in which part of India they had
their origin, and to venture, at least, a not altogether
unsupported conjecture as to their probable antiquity.
Xvi APASTAMBA.
ture, their relative priority or posteriority as compared
with other Vedic schools and works, to show with some
amount of probability in which part of India they had
their origin, and to venture, at least, a not altogether
unsupported conjecture as to their probable antiquity.
As regards the first point, the Karazavydha, a supplement of the White Yagur-veda which gives the lists of the
Vedic schools, informs us that the Apastambiya school
formed one of the five branches of the Khazdikiya school,
which in its turn was a subdivision of the Taittiriyas, one
of the ancient sections of Brahmazas who study the Black
Yagur-veda. Owing to the very unsatisfactory condition
of the text of the Karavzavydha it is unfortunately not
possible to ascertain what place that work really assigns
to the Apastambiyas among the five branches of the
Khazdikiyas. Some MSS. name them first, and others
last. They give either the following list, 1. K4leyas
(KAletas), 2. Satydyanins, 3. Hirazyakesins, 4. Bharadvagins, and 5. Apastambins, or, 1. Apastambins, 2. Baudhéyanins or Bodhayanins, 3. SatyAshadhins, 4. Hirazyakesins, 5. Aukheyas'. But this defect is remedied to
a certain extent by the now generally current, and probably
ancient tradition that the Apastambiyas are younger than
the school of Baudhayana, and older than that of Saty4shadha Hiranyakesin. Baudhayana, it is alleged, composed
the first set of Satras connected with the Black Yagurveda, which bore the special title ‘pravagana,’ and he
was succeeded by Bhdradvaga, Apastamba, and Satyéshadha Hirazyakesin, who all founded schools which bear
their names ?.
1 Max Miller, Hist. Anc. Sansk. Lit., p. 371. A MS. of the Xaramavyfha
with an anonymous commentary, in my possession, has the following passage :
aiizearat ca der aie | MTRet Biwraat aan? (ew agt
arent fr.
? Max Miiller, Hist. Anc. Sansk. Lit., p. 194. These statements occur in
the introduction of Mahadeva’s commentary on the Srauta-siitra of Hirasyakesin (Weber, Hist. Sansk. Lit., p. 110, and ed.) and in an interpolated
passage of Bharadvaga’s Grihya-sitra (Winternitz, op. cit., p. 8, note 1), as
well as, with the omission of Bharadv4ga’s name, in interpolated passages of
INTRODUCTION. xvii
This tradition has preserved two important pieces of
information. First, the Apastamba school is what Professor Max Miiller appropriately calls a Sdtrakaraaa, i.e.
a school whose founder did not pretend to have received
a revelation of Vedic Mantras or of a Brahmaza text, but
merely gave a new systematic arrangement of the precepts
regarding sacrifices and the sacred law. Secondly, the
Satras of Apastamba occupy an intermediate position between the works of Baudh4yana and Hiramyakesin. Both
these statements are perfectly true, and capable of being
supported by proofs, drawn from Apastamba’s own and
from other works.
Secondly, the
Satras of Apastamba occupy an intermediate position between the works of Baudh4yana and Hiramyakesin. Both
these statements are perfectly true, and capable of being
supported by proofs, drawn from Apastamba’s own and
from other works.
As regards the first point, Professor Max Miiller has
already pointed" out that, though we sometimes find a
Brahmana of the Apastambiyas mentioned, the title Apastamba-brahmava is nothing but another name of the
Taittiriya-bradhmaza, and that this Brahmaza, in reality,
is always attributed to Tittiri or to the pupils of Vaisampayana, who are said to have picked up the Black Yagurveda in the shape of partridges (tittiri). The same remark
applies to the collection of the Mantras of the Black Yagurveda, which, likewise, is sometimes named Apastambasamhita. The Karanavytha states explicitly that the five
branches of the Khazdikiya school, to which the Apastambiyas belong, possess one and the same recension of
the revealed texts, consisting of 7 Kaxdas, 44 Prasnas, 651
Anuvakas, 2198 Pannasis, 19290 Padas?, and 253,868
syllables, and indicates thereby that all these five schools
were Sitrakaramas.
If we now turn to Apastamba’s own works, we find still
BandhAyana’s Dharma-sitra (II, 5, 9, 14) and of the same author's Grthyasftra (Sicred Books of the East, vol. xiv, p. xxxvi, note 1). Adherents of
a Prava‘ana-s(tra, no doubt identical with that of Baudhayana, the Prava-
Ranakarta (Sacred Books of the East, vol. xiv, p. xxxvi), are mentioned in
a land grant, originally issued by the Pallava king Nandivarman in the beginning
of the eighth century a.p., see Hultzsch, South Indian Inscriptions, vol. ii,
p- 361 seqq.; see also Weber, Hist. Sansk. Lit., p. 110, and ed.
1 Max Miiller, op. cit., p. 195.
3 See also Weber, Ind. Lit., p. 98, and ed.
[2]
XViil APASTAMBA.
ii,
p- 361 seqq.; see also Weber, Hist. Sansk. Lit., p. 110, and ed.
1 Max Miiller, op. cit., p. 195.
3 See also Weber, Ind. Lit., p. 98, and ed.
[2]
XViil APASTAMBA.
clearer proof that he laid no claim to the title Rishi, or
inspired seer of Vedic texts. For (Dharma-sitra I, 2, 5,
4-5) he says distinctly that on account of the prevalent
transgression of the rules of studentship no Rishis are born
among the Avaras, the men of later ages or of modern
times, but that some, by virtue of a residue of the merit
which they acquired in former lives, become similar to
Rishis by their knowledge of the Veda. A man who
speaks in this manner, shows that he considers the holy
ages during which the great saints saw with their mind's
eye the uncreated and eternal texts of the Veda to be past,
and that all he claims is a thorough acquaintance with the
scriptures which had been handed down to him. The
same spirit which dictated this passage is also observable
in other portions of the Dharma-sdtra. For Apastamba
repeatedly contrasts the weakness and sinfulness of the
Avaras, the men of his own times, with the holiness of the
ancient sages, who, owing to the greatness of their ‘lustre,’
were able to commit various forbidden acts without diminishing their spiritual merit!. These utterances prove that
Apastamba considered himself a child of the Kali Yuga,
the age of sin, during which, according to Hindu notions,
no Rishis can be born. If, therefore, in spite of this
explicit disclaimer, the Saszhité and the Brahmamza of the
Black Yagur-veda are sometimes called Apastamba or
Apastambiya, i.e. belonging to Apastamba, the meaning
of this expression can only be, that they were and are
studied and handed down by the school of Apastamba, not
that its founder was their author, or, as the Hindus would
say, saw them.
The fact that Apastamba confined his activity to the
composition of Sftras is highly important for the determination of the period to which he belonged. It clearly
shows that in his time the tertiary or Sdtra period of the
Yagur-veda had begun. Whether we assume, with Professor Max Miller, that the Sftra period was one and the
same for all the four Vedas, and fix its limits with him
1 Dharma-sitra II, 6, 13, 1-10; II, 10, 27, 4.
INTRODUCTION. X1X
between 600-200 B.C., or whether we believe, as I am
inclined to do, that the date of the Sitra period differed
for each Veda, still the incontestable conclusion is that
the origin of the Apastambiya school cannot be placed
in the early times of the Vedic period, and probably falls in
the last six or seven centuries before the beginning of the
Christian era.
The correctness of the traditional statement that Apastamba is younger than Baudhayana may be made very
probable by the following considerations. First, Baudhayana’s and Apastamba’s works on Dharma have a
considerable number of Sfitras in common. Thus in the
chapter on Penances not less than seven consecutive Sitras,
prescribing the manner in which outcasts are to live and to
obtain readmission into the Brahmanical community for
their children, occur in both treatises’. Besides this passage,
there are a number of single Sftras? which agree literally.
Taken by itself this agreement does not prove much, as it
may be explained in various ways. It may show either
that Baudhdyana is older than Apastamba, and that the
latter borrowed from the former, or that the reverse was
the case. It may also indicate that both authors drew
from one common source. But if it is taken together with
two other facts, it gains a considerable importance. First,
Apastamba holds in several cases doctrines which are of
a later origin than those held by Baudhayana. With
respect to this point the puritan opinions which Apastamba
puts forward regarding the substitutes for legitimate sons
and regarding the appointment of widows (niyoga), and
his restriction of the number of marriage-rites, may be
adduced as examples. Like many other ancient teachers,
Baudhdyana permits childless Aryans to satisfy their
craving for representatives bearing their name, and to allay
their fears of falling after death into the regions of torment
through a failure of the funeral oblations, by the affiliation
1 Baudh. Dh. II, 1, 2, 18-23 =Ap. Dh. I, 10, 29, 8-14.
2 E.g. Ap. Dh. I, 1, 2, 30; I, 2, 6, 8-9; I, 5, 15, 8 correspond respectively
to Baudh. Dh. I, 2, 3, 39-40; I, 2, 3, 38; I, a, 3, 29.
b 2
XX APASTAMBA.
of eleven kinds of substitutes for a legitimate son. _Illegitimate sons, the illegitimate sons of wives, the legitimate
and illegitimate offspring of daughters, and the children of
relatives, or even of strangers who may be solemnly adopted,
or received as members of the family without any ceremony,
or be acquired by purchase, are all allowed to take the
place and the rights of legitimate sons’. Apastamba
declares his dissent from this doctrine. He allows legitimate sons alone to inherit their father’s estate and to follow
the occupations of his caste, and he explicitly forbids the
sale and gift of children *.
Apastamba
declares his dissent from this doctrine. He allows legitimate sons alone to inherit their father’s estate and to follow
the occupations of his caste, and he explicitly forbids the
sale and gift of children *.
In like manner he protests against the custom of making
over childless widows to brothers-in-law or other near
relatives in order to obtain sons who are to offer the funeral
oblations to the deceased husband’s manes, while Baudhayana has as yet no scruple on the subject*. Finally, he
omits from his list of the marriage-rites the Paisdéa vivaha,
where the bride is obtained by fraud‘; though it is reluctantly admitted by Baudhayana and other ancient
teachers. There can be no doubt that the law which
placed the regular continuance of the funeral oblations
above all other considerations, and which allowed, in order
to secure this object, even a violation of the sanctity of the
marriage-tie and other breaches of the principles of morality,
belongs to an older order of ideas than the stricter views
of Apastamba. It is true that, according to Baudhdyana’s
own statement®, before his time an ancient sage named
Aupaganghani, who is also mentioned in the Satapathabrahmaza, had opposed the old practice of taking substitutes for a legitimate son. It is also very probable that
for a long time the opinions of the Brahmaza teachers,
who lived in different parts of India and belonged to
different schools, may have been divided on this subject.
Still it seems very improbable that of two authors who
both belong to the same Veda and to the same school, the
* Baudh. Dh. II, 2, 3, 17 seqq. 2 Ap. Dh. II, 5, 13, 1-2, 11.
* Ap. Dh. II, 10, 27, 2-7. * Ap. Db. II, 5, 11 and 12.
§ Baudh. Dh. II, 2, 3, 33.
INTRODUCTION. XX1
earlier one should hold the later doctrine, and the later
one the earlier opinion. The contrary appears the more
probable assumption. The same remarks apply to the
cases of the Niyoga and of the Paisa#a marriage !.
* Ap. Db. II, 5, 11 and 12.
§ Baudh. Dh. II, 2, 3, 33.
INTRODUCTION. XX1
earlier one should hold the later doctrine, and the later
one the earlier opinion. The contrary appears the more
probable assumption. The same remarks apply to the
cases of the Niyoga and of the Paisa#a marriage !.
The second fact, which bears on the question how the
identity of so many Sitras in the two Dharma-sitras is
to be explained, affords a still stronger proof of Apastamba’s posteriority to Baudhdyana. For on several
occasions, it appears, Apastamba controverts opinions
which Baudhayana holds, or which may be defended with
the help of the latter's Sftras. The clearest case of this
kind occurs in the chapter on Inheritance, where the
treatment of the eldest son on the division of the estate by
the father is discussed. There Apastamba gives it as his
own opinion that the father should make an equal division
of his property ‘ after having gladdened the eldest son by
some (choice portion of his) wealth,’ i.e. after making him
a present which should have some value, but should not
be so valuable as to materially affect the equality of the
shares*. Further on he notices the opinions of other
teachers on this subject, and states that the practice advocated by some, of allowing the eldest alone to inherit, as
well as the custom prevailing in some countries, of allotting
to the eldest all the father’s gold, or the black cows, or the
black iron and grain, is not in accordance with the precepts of the Vedas. In order to prove the latter assertion
he quotes a passage of the Taittiriya Samhita, in which it
is declared that ‘ Manu divided his wealth among his sons,’
and no difference in the treatment of the eldest son is prescribed. He adds that a second passage occurs in the
same Veda, which declares that ‘ they distinguish the eldest
son by (a larger portion of) the heritage, and which thus
apparently countenances the partiality for the first-born.
But this second passage, he contends, appealing to the
1 For another case, the rules, referring to the composition for homicide,
regarding which Apastamba holds later views than Baudh&yana, see the Festgrass an R. von Roth, pp. 47-48.
2 Ap. Dh. II, 6, 13, 13, and II, 6, 14, 1.
Xxli APASTAMBA.
But this second passage, he contends, appealing to the
1 For another case, the rules, referring to the composition for homicide,
regarding which Apastamba holds later views than Baudh&yana, see the Festgrass an R. von Roth, pp. 47-48.
2 Ap. Dh. II, 6, 13, 13, and II, 6, 14, 1.
Xxli APASTAMBA.
opinion of the Mimamsists, is, like many similar ones,
merely a statement of a fact which has not the authority
of an injunction', If we now turn to Baudhdayana, we
find that he allows of three different methods for the
distribution of the paternal estate. According to him,
either an equal share may be given to each son, or the
eldest may receive the best part of the wealth, or, also,
a preferential share of one tenth of the whole property.
He further alleges that the cows, horses, goats, and sheep
respectively go to the eldest sons of Brahmauzas, Kshatriyas,
Vaisyas and Sfidras. As authority for the equal division
he gives the first of the two Vedic passages quoted above ;
and for the doctrine that the eldest is to receive the best
part of the estate, he quotes the second passage which
Apastamba considers to be without the force of an injunction*. The fact that the two authors’ opinions clash is
manifest, and the manner in which Apastamba tries to
show that the second Vedic passage possesses no authority,
clearly indicates that before his time it had been held to
contain an injunction. As ho other author of a Dharmastra but Baudhdyana is known to have quoted it, the conclusion is that Apastamba’s remarks are directed against
him. If Apastamba does not mention Baudhdyana by
name, the reason probably is that in olden times, just as in
the present day, the Brahmanical etiquette forbad a direct
opposition against doctrines propounded by an older teacher
who belongs to the same spiritual family (vidyavamsa) as
oneself.
A similar case occurs in the chapter on Studentship 3,
where Apastamba, again appealing to the Mimamsists,
combats the doctrine that pupils may eat forbidden food,
such as honey, meat, and pungent condiments, if it is given
to them as leavings by their teacher. Baudh4yana gives
no explicit rule on this point, but the wording of his
Satras is not opposed to the doctrine and practice, to
which Apastamba objects. Baudhayana says that students
1 Ap. Dh. II, 6, 14, 6-13. 2 Baudh. Dh. II, 2, 3, 2-7.
> Ap. Dh. I, 1, 4, 5-7.
INTRODUCTION. XXili
Baudh4yana gives
no explicit rule on this point, but the wording of his
Satras is not opposed to the doctrine and practice, to
which Apastamba objects. Baudhayana says that students
1 Ap. Dh. II, 6, 14, 6-13. 2 Baudh. Dh. II, 2, 3, 2-7.
> Ap. Dh. I, 1, 4, 5-7.
INTRODUCTION. XXili
shall avoid honey, meat, pungent condiments, &c.; he
further enjoins that pupils are to obey their teachers
except when ordered to commit crimes which cause loss
of caste (pataniya); and he finally directs them to eat the
fragments of food given to them by their teachers. As
the eating of honey and other forbidden substances is not
a crime causing loss of caste, it is possible that Baudhayana himself may have considered it the duty of a pupil
to eat any kind of food given by the teacher, even honey
and meat. At all events the practice and doctrine which
Apastamba blames, may have been defended by the
wording of Baudhayana’s rules!.
The three points which have been just discussed, viz.
the identity of a number of Sftras in the works of the two
authors, the fact that Apastamba advocates on some points
more refined or puritan opinions, and, especially, that he
labours to controvert doctrines contained in Baudhdyana’s
Sdtras, give a powerful support to the traditional statement that he is younger than that teacher. It is, however,
difficult to say how great the distance between the two
really is. Mah4deva, as stated above, places between them
only Bharadvaga, the author of a set of Sdtras, which as
yet have not been completely recovered. But it seems
to me not likely that the latter was his immediate predecessor in the vidyAvamsa or spiritual family to which
both belonged. For it cannot be expected that two
successive heads of the school should each have composed
a Sdtra and thus founded a new branch-school. It is
Cases, in which Apastamba’s Grthya-sfitra appears to refer to, or to
controvert, Baudhayana’s Grehya-siitra, have been collected by Dr. Winternitz,
op. cit., p.8. Dr. Burnell, Tanjore Catalogue, p. 34, too, considers Baudhayana
to be older than Apastamba, because his style is so much simpler. With this
remark may be compared Dr. Winternitz’s very true assertion that BaudhAyana’s
style resembles sometimes, especially in the discussion of disputed points, that
of the Brahmavas. On the other hand, Dr. R. G. Bhamdarkar, Second Report
on the Search for Sanskrit MSS., p. 34, believes Baudhayana to be later than
Apastamba and Bharadvaga, because he teaches other developments of sacrificial
rites, unknown to the other two Sfitrakaras. This may be true, but it must not
be forgotten that every portion of Bandhayana’s Sitras, which has been
subjected to a critical enquiry, has turned out to be much interpolated and
enlarged by later hands.
XXIV APASTAMBA.
This may be true, but it must not
be forgotten that every portion of Bandhayana’s Sitras, which has been
subjected to a critical enquiry, has turned out to be much interpolated and
enlarged by later hands.
XXIV APASTAMBA.
more probable that Baudh4yana and Bharadvaga, as well
as the latter and Apastamba, were separated by several
intervening generations of teachers, who contented themselves with explaining the works of their predecessors.
The distance in years between the first and the last of
the three SdtrakAras must, therefore, I think, be measured
rather by centuries than by decades}.
As regards the priority of Apastamba to the school of
Satydshadda Hiravyakesin, there can be no doubt about
the correctness of this statement. For either Hirazyakesin
himself, or, at least, his immediate successors have appropriated’ Apastamba’s Dharma-sdtra and have inserted it
with slight modifications in their own collection. The
alterations consist chiefly in some not very important
additions, and in the substitution of more intelligible and
more modern expressions for difficult and antiquated
words *. But they do not extend so far as to make the
language of the Dharma-sitra fully agree with that of
the other sections of the collection, especially with the
Grthya-sitra. Numerous discrepancies between these two
parts are observable. Thus we read in the Hirazyakesi
1 The subjoined pedigree of the Sfitrakaras of the Black Yagur-veda will
perhaps make the above remarks and my interpretation of the statements of
Mahddeva and the other authorities mentioned above more intelligible :—
Khfzdika, taught the Taittirlya recension of the Black Yagur-veda.
(Successors of Khazdika, number unknown, down to)
Baudhfyana, Pravaéanakarta, i.e. rst Siitrak4ra, and founder of Baudhé-
yana-karana.
(Successors of Baudh4yana down to fellow-pupil of Bh&radvaga, number unknown.)
(Successors of Baudhayana after the schism down to the present day.)
Bhfradvaga, and Sitrakdra, and founder of Bharadvaga-karama.
(Successors of Bharadvaga down i fellow- pupil of Apastamba, number unknown.)
rs after the down to the present day.)
Apastambe, 3rd Sfitrakara, and founder of A pastamba-Aarama.
(Successors of Apastamba down to fellow-pupil of Satyashadka Hiranyakesin, number
unknown
(Successors br Apastamba down to the present day.)
SatyAshadha Hirazyakesin, 4th Sfitrakara, and founder of Hirazyakesi-
Rarana.
(Successors of Saty4shadsa Hirasxryakesin down to the present day.)
After the schism of Satyash4da Hirazyakesin the pedigree has not been continued, though MahAdeva asserts that several other Sfitrakaras arose. But to
work it out further would be useless.
2 See Appendix II to Part I of my second edition of Apastamba’s Dharmasitra, p. 117 seqq.
INTRODUCTION. XXV
But to
work it out further would be useless.
2 See Appendix II to Part I of my second edition of Apastamba’s Dharmasitra, p. 117 seqq.
INTRODUCTION. XXV
Grihya-sitra that a Brahmava must, ordinarily, be initiated
in his seventh year, while the rule of the Dharma-siatra,
which is identical with Ap. Dh. I, 1, 1, 18, prescribes that
the ceremony shall take place in the eighth year after
conception. The commentators, Matrzdatta on the GréhyasQtra and Mahadeva on the Dharma-sitra, both state that
the rule of the Grihya-sitra refers to the seventh year
after birth, and, therefore, in substance agrees with the
Dharma-sitra. They are no doubt right. But the difference in the wording shows that the two sections do not
belong to the same author. The same inference may be
drawn from the fact that the Hirazyakesi Grzhya-sitra,
which is much longer than Apastamba’s, includes a considerable amount of matter which refers to the sacred law,
and which is repeated in the Dharma-sftra. According to
a statement which I have heard from several learned Brahmamas, the followers of Hirazyakesin, when pronouncing
the samkalpa or solemn pledge to perform a ceremony,
declare themselves to be members of the Hiramyakesi
school that forms a subdivision of Apastamba’s (4pastambantargatahirazyakesisakhadhyayi...aham). But I have
not been able to find these words in the books treating of
the ritual of the Hirazyakesins, such as the Mahesabhad/i.
If this assertion could be further corroborated, it would be
an additional strong proof of the priority of Apastamba,
which, however, even without it may be accepted as a fact '.
The distance in time between the two teachers is probably
not so great as that between Apastamba and Baudhayana,
as Mahadeva mentions no intermediate Sdtrakara between
them. Still it is probably not less than roo or 150 years.
The results of the above investigation which show that
the origin of the Apastamba school falls in the middle
of the Sftra period of the Black Yagur-veda, and that
its SQtras belong to the later, though not to the latest
products of Vedic literature, are fully confirmed by an
1 Compare also Dr. Winternitz’s remarks on the dependence of the Gréhyasfitra of the Hiranyakesins on Apastamba’s, op. cit., p. 6 seqq., and the second
edition of the Ap. Dh., Part I, p. xi.
Xxvi APASTAMBA.
Winternitz’s remarks on the dependence of the Gréhyasfitra of the Hiranyakesins on Apastamba’s, op. cit., p. 6 seqq., and the second
edition of the Ap. Dh., Part I, p. xi.
Xxvi APASTAMBA.
examination of the quotations from and references to Vedic
and other books contained in Apastamba’s Sftras, and
especially in the Dharma-sitra. We find that all the four
Vedas are quoted or referred to. The three old ones, the
Aik, Yagus, and Sdman, are mentioned both separately
and collectively by the name trayi vidya, i.e. threefold
sacred science, and the fourth is called not Atharvangirasah,
as is done in most ancient Sftras, but Atharva-veda!. The
quotations from the Rzk and SAman are not very numerous.
But a passage from the ninth Madala of the former, which
is referred to Dh. I, 1, 2, 2, is of some extent, and shows
that the recension which Apastamba knew, did not differ
from that which still exists. As Apastamba was an adherent of the Black Yagur-veda, he quotes it, especially in
the Srauta-sitra, very frequently, and he adduces not only
texts from the Mantra-samhit4, but also from the Taittiriyabrahmava and Aranyaka. The most important quotations
from the latter work occur Dh. II, 2, 3, 16-II, 2, 4, 9, where
all the Mantras to be recited during the performance of
the Bali-offerings are enumerated. Their order agrees
exactly with that in which they stand in the sixty-seventh
Anuvaka of the tenth Prapathaka of the recension of the
Aranyaka which is current among the Andhra Braéhmamas *.
This last point is of considerable importance, both for the
history of the text of that book and, as we shall see further
on, for the history of the Apastambiya school.
The White Yagur-veda, too, is quoted frequently in the
Srauta-sdtra and once in the section on Dharma by the
title Vagasaneyaka, while twice its Brahmawa, the Vagasaneyi-brahmama, is cited. The longer one of the two
passages, taken from the latter work, Dh. I, 4, 12, 3, does,
however, not fully agree with the published text of the
Madhyandina recension. Its wording possesses just sufficient resemblance to allow us to identify the passage
which Apastamba meant, but differs from the Satapatha-
1 Ap. Dh. II, 11, 29, 12.
3 The Taittirfya Aranyaka exists in three recensions, the Karna, Dravida,
and the Andhra, the first of which has been commented on by Sayama,
INTRODUCTION. XXVii
Dh. II, 11, 29, 12.
3 The Taittirfya Aranyaka exists in three recensions, the Karna, Dravida,
and the Andhra, the first of which has been commented on by Sayama,
INTRODUCTION. XXVii
brahmaza in many details'. The cause of these discrepancies
remains doubtful for the present *. As regards the Atharvaveda, Apastamba gives, besides the reference mentioned
above and a second to the Angirasa-pavitra 3, an abstract
of a long passage from Atharva-veda XV, 10-13, regarding
the treatment of a Vratya, i.e. a learned mendicant
Brahmaza, who really deserves the title of an atithi, or
guest‘. It is true that Apastamba, in the passage referred
to, does not say that his rule is based on the Atharvaveda. He merely says that a Brahmaza is his authority.
But it seems, nevertheless, certain that by the expression
a Brahmana, the Brahmana-like fifteenth book of the
Atharva-veda is meant, as the sentences to be addressed
by the host to his guest agree literally with those which
the Atharva-veda prescribes for the reception of a Vratya.
Haradatta too, in his commentary, expresses the same
opinion. Actual quotations from the Atharva-veda are not
frequent in Vedic literature, and the fact that Apastamba’s
Dharma-sitra contains one, is, therefore, of some interest.
Besides these Vedic texts*, Apastamba mentions, also,
the Angas or auxiliary works, and enumerates six classes,
viz. treatises on the ritual of the sacrifices, on grammar,
astronomy, etymology, recitation of the Veda, and metrics °.
The number is the same as that which is considered the
correct one in our days’.
As the Dharma-sdtra names no less than nine teachers
in connection with various topics of the sacred law, and
frequently appeals to the opinion of some (eke), it follows
that a great many such auxiliary treatises must have
existed in Apastamba’s time. The Afaryas mentioned
are Eka, Kanva, Kanva, Kunika, Kutsa, Kautsa, Push-
1 Compare on this point Professor Eggeling’s remarks in Sacred Books of
the East, vol. xii, p. xxxix seqq.
2 See the passage from the Xaranavy(ihabhAshya given below, ver. 10.
3 Ap. Dh. I, a, 2, 2. * Ap. Dh. I, 3, 7, 12-17.
5 Some more are quoted in the Srauta-sfitra, see Professor Garbe in the
Gurnpfgakaumudf, p. 33 seqq.
® Ap. Dh. II, 4, 8, 10.
1 See also Max Miller, Hist. Anc. Sansk. Lit., p. 111.
XXVili APASTAMBA.
10.
3 Ap. Dh. I, a, 2, 2. * Ap. Dh. I, 3, 7, 12-17.
5 Some more are quoted in the Srauta-sfitra, see Professor Garbe in the
Gurnpfgakaumudf, p. 33 seqq.
® Ap. Dh. II, 4, 8, 10.
1 See also Max Miller, Hist. Anc. Sansk. Lit., p. 111.
XXVili APASTAMBA.
karasddi, Varshydyavi, Svetaketu, and Harita!, Some of
these persons, like H4rita and Kazva, are known to have
composed Sfitras on the sacred law, and fragments or
modified versions of their works are still in existence,
while KAzva, Kautsa, PushkarasAdi or PaushkarasAdi, as
the grammatically correct form of the name is, and
Varshyayami are quoted in the Nirukta, the Pratisikhyas,
and the V4rttikas on Pazini as authorities on phonetics,
etymology, and grammar’. Kazva, finally, is considered
the author of the still existing Kalpa-sitras of the Kazva
school connected with the White Yagur-veda. It seems
not improbable that most of these teachers were authors of.
complete sets of Angas. Their position in Vedic literature,
however, except as far as Kazva, Harita, and Svetaketu are
concerned, is difficult to define, and the occurrence of their
names throws less light on the antiquity of the Apastambiya school than might be expected. Regarding
Harita it must, however, be noticed that he is one of the
oldest authors of S(tras, that he was an adherent of the
Maitrayaziya Sakha 3, and that he is quoted by Baudhayana,
Apastamba’s predecessor. The bearing of the occurrence
of Svetaketu’s name will be discussed below.
Of even greater interest than the names of the teachers
are the indications which Apastamba gives, that he knew
two of the philosophical schools which still exist in India,
viz. the Parva or Karma Mimdémsé and the Vedanta. As
regards the former, he mentions it by its ancient name,
Nyaya, which in later times and at present is usually
applied to the doctrine of Gautama Akshap4da. In two
passages * he settles contested points on the authority of
those who know the Nydya, i.e. the Parva Mimamsa, and
1 Ap. Dh. I, 6, 19, 3-8; I, 10, 28, 1-2; I, 4,13, 10; I, 6, 18, 2; I, 6, 19, 12;
I, 10, 28, 5, 16; I, 10, 29, 12-16.
3 Max Miller, loc. cit., p. 142.
5 A Dharma-siitra, ascribed to this teacher, has been recovered of late, by
Mr. Vaman Shastri Islampurkar. Though it is an ancient work, it does not
contain Apastamba’s quotations, see Grundriss d. Indo-Ar. Phil. und Altertumsk.,
II, 8, 8.
* Ap. Dh. II, 4, 8, 13; II, 6, 14, 13.
INTRODUCTION. XXiX
Vaman Shastri Islampurkar. Though it is an ancient work, it does not
contain Apastamba’s quotations, see Grundriss d. Indo-Ar. Phil. und Altertumsk.,
II, 8, 8.
* Ap. Dh. II, 4, 8, 13; II, 6, 14, 13.
INTRODUCTION. XXiX
in several other cases he adopts a line of reasoning which
fully agrees with that followed in Gaimini’s Mimss4-sdtras.
Thus the arguments !, that ‘a revealed text has greater
weight than a custom from which a revealed text may be
inferred,’ and that ‘no text can be inferred from a custom
for which a worldly motive is apparent,’ exactly correspond
with the teaching of Gaimini’s Mim4ms4-sdtras I, 3, 3-4.
The wording of the passages in the two works does not
agree so closely that the one could be called a quotation
of the other. But it is evident, that if Apastamba did not
know the Mim4msa-sitras of Gaimini, he must have possessed some other very similar work. As to the Vedanta,
Apastamba does not mention the name of the school.
But Khazdas 22, 23 of the first Pazala of the Dharma-sitra
unmistakably contain the chief tenets of the Vedantists, and
recommend the acquisition of the knowledge of the Atman
as the best means for purifying the souls of sinners.
Though these two Khazdas are chiefly filled with quotations, which, as the commentator states, are taken from an
Upanishad, still the manner of their selection, as well as
Apastamba’s own words in the introductory and concluding
Sitras, indicates that he knew not merely the unsystematic
speculations contained in the Upanishads and Aranyakas,
but a well-defined system of Vedantic philosophy identical
with that of Badarayaza’s Brahma-sitras. The fact that
Apastamba’s Dharma-s(itra contains indications of the existence of these two schools of philosophy, is significant
as the ParvA MimAmsa occurs in one other Dharma-sdtra
only, that attributed to Vasish¢sa, and as the name of the
Vedanta school is not found in any of the prose treatises
on the sacred law.
Of non-Vedic works Apastamba mentions the Purdza.
The Dharma-sitra not only several times quotes passages
from ‘a Purdza’ as authorities for its rules ?, but names in
‘one case the Bhavishyat-pur4za as the particular Puraza
from which the quotation is taken*. References to the
1 Ap. Dh. I, 1, 14, 8, 9-10. 2 Ap. Dh. I, 6, 19, 133 1, 10, 29, 7.
> Ap. Dh. II, 9, 24, 6.
XXX APASTAMBA.
Purdza in general are not unfrequent in other Sdtras on
the sacred law, and even in older Vedic works. But
Apastamba, as far as I know, is the only Sfatrakara who
specifies the title of a particular Puraza, and names one
which is nearly or quite identical with that of a work
existing in the present day, and he is the only one, whose
quotations can be shown to be, at least in part, genuine
Paurazic utterances.
Among the so-called Upa-purazas we find one of considerable extent which bears the title Bhavishya-puraza
or also Bhavishyat-purdza'. It is true that the passage
quoted in the Dharma-sitra from the Bhavishyat-purdza
is not to be found in the copy of the Bhavishya-purdva
which I have seen. It is, therefore, not possible to assert
positively that Apastamba knew the present homonymous
work. Still, considering the close resemblance of the two
titles, and taking into account the generally admitted fact
that most if not all Purdwas have been remodelled and
recast, it seems to me not unlikely that Apastamba’s
1 Aufrecht, Catalogus Catalogorum, p. 400.
2 Max Miller, Hist. Anc. Sansk. Lit., pp. 40-42. Weber, Literaturgeschichte,
pp. 206-208. Though I fully subscribe to the opinion, held by the most illustrious Sanskritists, that, in general, the existing Purdvas are not identical with
the works designated by that title in Vedic works, still I cannot believe that
they are altogether independent of the latter. Nor can I agree to the assertion
that the Purazas known to us, one and all, are not older than the tenth or
eleventh century A.D. That is inadmissible, because Bérfint (India, I, 131)
enumerates them as canonical books. And his frequent quotations from them
prove that in 1030 A.D. they did not differ materially from those known to us
(see Indian Antiquary, 19, 382 seqq.). Another important fact bearing on
this point may be mentioned here, viz. that the poet Baza, who wrote shortly
after 600 A.D., in the Srfharshaarita, orders his Paurazika to recite the
Pavanaprokta-puraaa, i.e. the Vayu-puraza (Harshakarita, p. 61, Calcutta ed.).
Dr. Hall, the discoverer of the life of Harsha, read in his copy Yavanaproktapurdaa, a title which, as he remarks, might suggest the idea that Baza knew
the Greek epic poetry. But a comparison of the excellent Ahmadabéd and
Benares Devanagari MSS. and of the Kasmir Sarada copies shows that the
correct reading is the one given above. The earlier history of the Purdsas,
which as yet is a mystery, will only be cleared up when a real history of the
orthodox Hindu sects, especially of the Sivites and Vishzuites, has been written.
It will, then, probably become apparent that the origin of these sects reaches
back far beyond the rise of Buddhism and Jainism. It will also be proved
INTRODUCTION. XXxXi
It will, then, probably become apparent that the origin of these sects reaches
back far beyond the rise of Buddhism and Jainism. It will also be proved
INTRODUCTION. XXxXi
authority was the original on which the existing Upapurana is based. And in favour of this view it may be
urged that passages, similar to Apastamba’s quotation,
actually occur in our Paurdsic texts. In the Gyotishprakéra section of several of the chief Puranas we find,
in connection with the description of the Path of the
Manes (pitrzyaza)1, the assertion that the pious sages,
who had offspring and performed the Agnihotra, reside
there until the general destruction of created things
(4 bhitasamplavat), as well as, that in the beginning of
each new creation they are the propagators of the world
(lokasya samt4nakara#) and, being re-born, re-establish
the sacred law. Though the wording differs, these passages
fully agree in sense with Apastamba’s Bhavishyat-puraza
which says, ‘ They (the ancestors) live in heaven until the
(next) general destruction of created things. At the new
creation (of the world) they become the seed.’ In other
passages of the Purdzas, which refer to the successive
creations, we find even the identical terms used in the
quotation. Thus the Vayup., Adhy. 8, 23, declares that
those beings, which have gone to the Ganaloka, ‘ become the
seed at the new creation’ (puna sarge... bigartham ta
bhavanti hi).
These facts prove at all events that Apastamba took his
quotation from a real Purdza, similar to those existing.
If it is literal and exact, it shows, also, that the Purazas of
his time contained both prose and verse.
Further, it is possible to trace yet another of Apastamba’s
quotations from ‘a Puraza.’ The three Purdzas, mentioned
above, give, immediately after the passages referred to,
enlarged versions of the two verses? regarding the sages,
who begot offspring and obtained ‘burial-grounds, and
that the orthodox sects used Purdsas as text books for popular readings, the
Puraapa¢hana of our days, and that some, at least, of the now existing Purd#as
are the latest recensions of those mentioned in Vedic books.
1 VAyup., Adhy. 50, 208 seqq.; Matsyap., Adhy. 123, 96 seqq.; Vishaup. II,
8. 86-89; H. H. Wilson, Vish#up., vol. ii, pp. 263-268 (ed. Hall).
2 Ap. Dh. IIL, 9, 23, 4-5:
XXXii APASTAMBA.
regarding those who, remaining chaste, gained immortality’.
In this case Apastamba’s quotation can be restored almost
completely, if certain interpolations are cut out. .And it
is evident that Apastamba has preserved genuine Paurdzic
verses in their ancient form. A closer study of the unfortunately much neglected Purdwzas, no doubt, will lead to
further identifications of other quotations, which will be
of considerable interest for the history of Indian literature.
A closer study of the unfortunately much neglected Purdwzas, no doubt, will lead to
further identifications of other quotations, which will be
of considerable interest for the history of Indian literature.
There is yet another point on which Apastamba shows
a remarkable agreement with a theory which is prevalent
in later Sanskrit literature. He says (Dh. II, 11, 29,
11-12), ‘The knowledge which Sddras and women possess,
is the completion of all study,’ and ‘they declare that this
knowledge is a supplement of the Atharva-veda.’ The
commentator remarks with reference to these two Sdtras,
that ‘the knowledge which Sddras and women possess,’ is
the knowledge of dancing, acting, music, and other branches
of the so-called Arthasdstra, the science of useful arts and
of trades, and that the object of the Sitras is to forbid
the study of such matters before the acquisition of sacred
learning. His interpretation is, without doubt, correct, as
similar sentiments are expressed by other teachers in parallel
passages. But, if it is accepted, Apastamba's remark that
‘the knowledge of Sdidras and women is a supplement
of the Atharva-veda, proves that he knew the division of
Hindu learning which is taught in Madhusddana Sarasvati’s
Prasthanabheda?. For Madhusidana allots to each Veda
an Upa-veda or supplementary Veda, and asserts that the
Upa-veda of the Atharva-veda is the Arthasdstra. The
agreement of Apastamba with the modern writers on this
point, furnishes, I think, an additional argument that he
belongs to the later Vedic schoolmen.
In addition to this information regarding the relative
position of the Apastambiya school in ancient Sanskrit
literature, we possess some further statements as to the
1 An abbreviated version of the same verses, ascribed to the Paurdzikas,
occurs in Sankarasarya’s Comm. on the KAandogya Up., p. 336 (Bibl. Ind.).
* Weber, Ind. Stud. I, 1-24.
INTRODUCTION, XXXili
part of India to which it belongs, and these, as it happens,
are of great importance for fixing approximately the period
in which the school arose. According to the Brahmanical
tradition, which is supported by a hint contained in the
Dharma-sitra and by information derivable from inscriptions and the actual state of things in modern India, the
Apastambiyas belong to Southern India, and their founder
probably was a native of or resided in the Andhra country.
The existence of this tradition, which to the present day
prevails among the learned Brahmans of Western India
and Benares, may be substantiated by a passage from the
above-mentioned commentary of the Karazavytha', which,
1 Karanavy(habhashya, fol. 15°, 1. 4 seqq. :—
wa wreatat aeat Sarees (?) arnetarat away fer
wafer 1 nrenetaragenferent fegrat (?) amaavatate: aay
15°, 1. 4 seqq. :—
wa wreatat aeat Sarees (?) arnetarat away fer
wafer 1 nrenetaragenferent fegrat (?) amaavatate: aay
arama: (2) 1 gacegty Aegramfhrr sat | we weTsa
Grog ater | atar aicatfita |
afqutweant yreniars [ee] vert nan
waar efqa ait (sic) WURTITTSTIAT |
Travan? footrest | aaarfetinag: wan
anaferat gren[aregt] oat atyet eterat wert
maatwornt « aTaafnniirt: wg a
OMT FONT AUT Mgr wenfefyacraty
WA Teta TETITTTTAT 8H
Nt TAL UA awit: [: wfcatfier] |
atctrat [fa] aad @ yret great feat wun
eoranteafeaurgyatmenant arate (sic) |
ayia dfaat ercergt wfafeat use
wenfeatarcentagt AqaArTATA (sic) |
fecerdyt [far] uret wyrTey (sic) afarat visu
macataTas
TATRA: |
erat anarlratary rarzat wfafear wen
wyapaoyrs arate (2) WHT (sic) |
areata [a] aren s arated? wfafea neu
afean WET Biegy fre i
arnaeta [Aa] Azer rem wer [are] drain ngqon
(2)
XXXiV APASTAMBA.
though written in barbarous Sanskrit, and of quite modern
origin, possesses great interest, because its description of
the geographical distribution of the Vedas and Vedic
schools is not mentioned elsewhere. The verses from
a work entitled Maharwava, which are quoted there, state
that the earth, i.e. India, is divided into two equal halves
by the river Narmada (Nerbudda), and that the school of
Apastamba prevails in the southern half (ver. 2). It is
further alleged (ver. 6) that the Yagur-veda of Tittiri and
the Apastambiya school are established in the Andhra
country and other parts of the south and south-east up to
the mouth of the Godavari (goddsdgara-A4vadhi). According
to the Maharzava the latter river marks, therefore. the
northern frontier of the territory occupied by the Apastambiyas, which comprises the Maratha and Kanara
districts of the Bombay Presidency, the greater part of the
Niz4m’s dominions, Berar, and the Madras Presidency,
with the exception of the northern Sirkars and the western
coast. This assertion agrees, on the whole, with the actual
facts which have fallen under my observation. A great
number of the Desastha-brahmazas in the Nasik, Puma,
Ahmadnagar, Satara, Sholapur, and Kolhapur districts,
and of the Kawara or Karv4/aka-brahmamas in the Belgam,
Dharvad, Kaladghi, and Karvdd collectorates, as well as
a smaller number among the Xittap4vanas of the Konkaza
are Apastambiyas. Of the Nizim’s dominions and the
Madras Presidency I possess no local knowledge. But
I can say that I have met many followers of Apastamba
among the Telingana-brahmazas settled in Bombay, and
that the frequent occurrence of MSS. containing the Satras
of the Apastambiya school in the Madras Presidency
proves that the Karaza there must count many adherents.
On the other hand, I have never met with any Apastambiyas among the ancient indigenous subdivisions of the
Brahmanical community dwelling north of the Marasha
country and north of the Narmada. <A few Brahmamas of
this school, no doubt, are scattered over Gugardt and
Central India, and others are found in the great places of
INTRODUCTION, XXXV
<A few Brahmamas of
this school, no doubt, are scattered over Gugardt and
Central India, and others are found in the great places of
INTRODUCTION, XXXV
pilgrimage in Hindustan proper. The former mostly have
immigrated during the last century, following the Mar4zha
chieftains who conquered large portions of those countries,
or have been imported in the present century by the
Mar47#é rulers of Gwalior, Indor,and Baroda. The settlers
in Benares, Mathurd, and other sacred cities also, have
chiefly come in modern times, and not unfrequently live on
the bounty of the Mar4¢s4 princes. But all of them
consider themselves and are considered by the Brahmazas,
who are indigenous in those districts and towns, as aliens,
with whom intermarriage and commensality are not permitted. The indigenous sections of the Brahmazas of
Gugarat, such as the Ndagaras, Khed4vals, Bhargavas,
Kapilas, and Motilas, belong, if they are adherents of the
Yagur-veda, to the MAdhyandina or KAzva schools of the
White Yagur-veda. The same is the case with the Brahmamas of Ragputana, Hindustan, and the Pag#gab. In
Central India, too, the White Yagur-veda prevails; but,
besides the two schools mentioned above, there are still
some colonies of Maitrayaxiyas or Manavas'. It seems,
also, that the restriction of the Apastambiya school to the
south of India, or rather to those subdivisions of the Brahmanical community which for a long time have been settled
in the south and are generally considered as natives of the
south, is not of recent date. For it is a significant fact that
the numerous ancient landgrants which have been found all
over India indicate exactly the same state of things. I am
not aware that in any grant issued by a king of a northern
dynasty to Brahmawas who are natives of the northern half
of India, an Apastambiya is mentioned as donee. But
among the southern landgrants there are several on which
the name of the school appears. Thus in a sAsana of king
Harihara of Vidy4nagara, dated Sakasamvat 1317 or
1395 A.D., one of the recipients of the royal bounty is
‘the learned Ananta Dikshita, son of Ramabhaféa, chief
1 See Bhatt Dagi, Journ. Bombay Br. Roy. As. Soc. X, 40. Regarding the
Maitrayafyas in Gugarat, of whom the Karamavyfha speaks, compare my
Report on the Search for Sanskrit MSS., 1879-80, p. 3.
c2
XXXVi APASTAMBA.
Bombay Br. Roy. As. Soc. X, 40. Regarding the
Maitrayafyas in Gugarat, of whom the Karamavyfha speaks, compare my
Report on the Search for Sanskrit MSS., 1879-80, p. 3.
c2
XXXVi APASTAMBA.
of the Apastambya (read Apastambiya) sakha, a scion of
the Vasish¢ha gotra!” Further, the eastern KAlukya king
Vigayaditya II?, who ruled, according to Dr. Fleet, from
A.D. 799-843, presented a village to six students of the
Hirazyakesi-sitra and to eighteen students of the Apastamba, recte the Apastamba-sitra. Again, in the abovementioned earlier grant of the Pallava king Nandivarman,
there are forty-two students of the Apastambha-sitra ®
among the 108 sharers of the village of Udayakandramangalam. Finally, on an ancient set of plates written in
the characters which usually are called cave-characters, and
issued by the Pallava king Simhavarman II, we find among
the donees five Apastambhiya Brahmawas, who, together
with a Hairazyakesa, a Vagasaneya, and a S4ma-vedi,
received the village of Mangadar, in Vengdrash¢ra*. This
inscription is, to judge from the characters, thirteen to
fourteen hundred years old, and on this account a very
important witness for the early existence of the Apastambiyas in Southern India.
Under the circumstances just mentioned, a casual remark
made by Apastamba, in describing the Sraddhas or funeral
oblations, acquires considerable importance. He says (Dh.
II, 7, 17, 17) that the custom of pouring water into the
hands of Brahmazas invited to a Sraddha prevails among
the northerners, and he indicates thereby that he himself
does not belong to the north of India. If this statement
is taken together with the above-stated facts, which tend
to show that the Apastambiyas were and are restricted to
the south of India, the most probable construction which
can be put on it is that Apastamba declares himself to be
asoutherner. There is yet another indication to the same
effect contained in the Dharma-sitra. It has been pointed
1 Colebrooke, Essays, II, p. 264, ver. 24 (Madras ed.)
2 See Hultzsch, South Indian Inscriptions, vol. i, p. 31 seqq., and Indian
Antiquary, vol. xx, p. 414 seqq.
3 Apastambha may be a mistake for Apastamba. But the form with the
aspirate occurs also in the earlier Pallava grant and in Devapala’s commentary
on the Kashaka Grihya-sftra.
* Ind. Ant. V, 135.
INTRODUCTION. XXXVii
i, p. 31 seqq., and Indian
Antiquary, vol. xx, p. 414 seqq.
3 Apastambha may be a mistake for Apastamba. But the form with the
aspirate occurs also in the earlier Pallava grant and in Devapala’s commentary
on the Kashaka Grihya-sftra.
* Ind. Ant. V, 135.
INTRODUCTION. XXXVii
out above that the recension of the Taittirtya Arazyaka
which Apastamba recognises is that called the Andhra
text or the version current in the Andhra country, by
which term the districts in the south-east of India between
the GodAvart and the Kvishz4 have to be understood '.
Now it seems exceedingly improbable that a Vedic teacher
would accept as authoritative any other version of a sacred
work except that which was current in his native country.
It would therefore follow, from the adoption of an Andhra
text by Apastamba, that he was born in that country, or,
at least, had resided there so long as to have become naturalised in it. With respect to this conclusion it must also
be kept in mind that the above-quoted passage from the
Maharaava particularly specifies the Andhra country
(Andhradi) as the seat of the Apastambiyas. It may be
that this is due to an accident. But it seems to me more
probable that the author of the Maharzava wished to mark
the Andhra territory as the chief and perhaps as the
original residence of the Apastambiyas.
This discovery has, also, a most important bearing on the
question of the antiquity of the school of Apastamba. It
fully confirms the result of the preceding enquiry, viz. that
the Apastambiyas are one of the later Karanas. For the
south of India and the nations inhabiting it, such as
Kalingas, Dravidas, Andhras, Kolas, and Pandyas, do not
play any important part in the ancient Brahmanical traditions and in the earliest history of India, the centre of
both of which lies in the north-west or at least north of the
Vindhya range. Hitherto it has not been shown that the
south and the southern nations are mentioned in any of the
Vedic Samhités. In the Brahmazas and in the Sidtras
they do occur, though they are named rarely and in a not
complimentary manner. Thus the Aitareya-brahmana
gives the names of certain degraded, barbarous tribes, and
among them that of the Andhras*, in whose country, as
1 See Cunningham, Geography, p. §27 seqq.; Burnell, South Ind. Pal., p. 14,
note 2.
2 Aitareya-brahmama VII, 18.
XXXVili APASTAMBA.
Thus the Aitareya-brahmana
gives the names of certain degraded, barbarous tribes, and
among them that of the Andhras*, in whose country, as
1 See Cunningham, Geography, p. §27 seqq.; Burnell, South Ind. Pal., p. 14,
note 2.
2 Aitareya-brahmama VII, 18.
XXXVili APASTAMBA.
has been shown, the Apastambiyas probably originated.
Again, Baudhayana, in his Dharma-sitra I, 1, quotes some
verses in which it is said that he who visits the Kalingas
must purify himself by the performance of certain sacrifices
in order to become fit for again associating with Aryans.
The same author, also, mentions distinctive forbidden practices (4#4ra) prevailing in the south (loc. cit.). Further,
Pazini’s grammatical Sdtras and KAatydyana’s VAarttikas
thereon contain rules regarding several words which presuppose an acquaintance with the south and the kingdoms
which flourished there. Thus PAzini, IV, 2, 98, teaches the
formation of dakshivatya in the sense of ‘belonging to or
living in the south or the Dekhan,’ and a VArttika of
Katyayana on Pawini, IV, 1, 175, states that the words
Kola and Pawzdya are used as names of the princes ruling
over the Kola and Pazdya countries, which, as is known
from history, were situated in the extreme south of India.
The other southern nations and a fuller description of the
south occur first in the Mahabharata’. While an acquaintance with the south can thus be proved only by a few
books belonging to the later stages of Vedic literature,
several of the southern kingdoms are named already in the
oldest historical documents. Asoka in his edicts 2, which
date from the second half of the third century B.Cc., calls
the Kolas, Pazdyas, and the Keralaputra or Ketalaputra
his pratyantas (prakanté) or neighbours. The same
monarch informs us also that he conquered the province
of Kalinga and annexed it to his kingdom’, and his.
remarks on the condition of the province show that it was
thoroughly imbued with the Aryan civilisation*. The same
fact is attested still more clearly by the annals of the Keta
king of Kalinga, whose thirteenth year fell in the 165th
year of the Maurya era. or about 150 B.c.5 The early
' Lassen, Ind. Alterthumskunde, I, 684, and ed.
? Edict II, Epigraphia Indica, vol. ii, pp. 449-450, 466.
* Edict XIII, op. cit., pp. 462-465, 470-472.
* See also Indian Antiquary, vol. xxiii, p. 246.
5 Actes du 6®me Congrés Int. d. Orient., vol. iii, 2, 135 seqq., where, however,
the beginning of the Maurya era is placed wrongly in the eighth year of Asoka.
INTRODUCTION. XXXIX
449-450, 466.
* Edict XIII, op. cit., pp. 462-465, 470-472.
* See also Indian Antiquary, vol. xxiii, p. 246.
5 Actes du 6®me Congrés Int. d. Orient., vol. iii, 2, 135 seqq., where, however,
the beginning of the Maurya era is placed wrongly in the eighth year of Asoka.
INTRODUCTION. XXXIX
spread of the Aryan civilisation to the eastern coastdistricts between the Godavari and the Krishna is proved
by the inscriptions on the Bha/tiprolu relic caskets, which
probably belong to the period of 200 B.c.1| Numerous
inscriptions in the Buddhist caves of Western India’, as
well as coins, prove the existence during the last centuries
before, and the first centuries after, the beginning of our
era of a powerful empire of the Andhras, the capital of
which was probably situated near the modern Amaravati
on the lower Kréshva. The princes of the latter kingdom,
though great patrons of the Buddhist monks, appear to
have been Brahmanists or adherents of the ancient orthodox
faith which is founded on the Vedas. For one of them is
called Vedisiri (vedisri), ‘he whose glory is the Vedi, and
another Yaaasiri (yag#asri), ‘he whose glory is the sacrifice, and a very remarkable inscription on the Nanaghat *
contains a curious catalogue of sacrificial fees paid to
priests (dakshiz4) for the performance of Srauta sacrifices.
For the third and the later centuries of our era the information regarding Southern India becomes fuller and fuller.
Very numerous inscriptions, the accounts of the Buddhist
chroniclers of Ceylon, of the Greek geographers, and of the
Chinese pilgrims, reveal the existence and give fragments,
at least, of the history of many kingdoms in the south, and
show that their civilisation was an advanced one, and did
not differ materially from that of Northern India.
There can be no doubt that the south of India has been
conquered by the Aryans, and has been brought within the
pale of Brahmanical civilisation much later than India
north of the Vindhya range. During which century precisely that conquest took place, cannot be determined for
the present. But it would seem that it happened a considerable time before the Vedic period came to an end, and
it certainly was an accomplished fact, long before the
1 Epigraphia Indica, vol. ii, p. 323 seqq.
2 See Burgess, Arch. Surv. Reports, West India, vol. iv, pp. 104-114 and
vol. v, p. 75 seqq.
3 Op. cit., vol. v, p. 39 seqq. Its date probably falls between 150-140 B.C.
xl APASTAMBA.
authentic history of India begins, about 500 B.C., with the
Persian conquest of the Pa#igaband Sindh. It may be added
that a not inconsiderable period must have elapsed after
the conquest of the south, before the Aryan civilisation had
so far taken root in the conquered territory, that, in its
turn, it could become a centre of Brahmanical activity, and
that it could produce new Vedic schools.
It may be added
that a not inconsiderable period must have elapsed after
the conquest of the south, before the Aryan civilisation had
so far taken root in the conquered territory, that, in its
turn, it could become a centre of Brahmanical activity, and
that it could produce new Vedic schools.
These remarks will suffice to show that a Vedic Karana
which had its origin in the south, cannot rival in antiquity
those whose seat is in the north, and that all southern
schools must belong to a comparatively recent period of
Vedic history. For this reason, and because the name
of Apastamba and of the Apastambiyas is not mentioned
in any Vedic work, not even in a Kalpa-sfitra, and its
occurrence in the older grammatical books, written before
the beginning of our era, is doubtful }, it might be thought
advisable to fix the terminus a quo for the composition of
the Apastambiya-s(itras about or shortly before the beginning of the era, when the Brahmanist Andhra kings held
the greater part of the south under their sway. It seems
to me, however, that such a hypothesis is not tenable, as
there are several points which indicate that the school and
its writings possess a much higher antiquity. For, first,
the Dharma-s(tra contains a remarkable passage in which
its author states that Svetaketu, one of the Vedic teachers
who is mentioned in the Satapatha-brahmama and in the
K“&dndogya Upanishad, belongs to the Avaras, to the men
of later, i.e. of his own times. The passage referred to,
Dh. I, 2, 5, 4-6, has been partly quoted above in order to
show that Apastamba laid no claim to the title Rishi, or
seer of revealed texts. It has been stated that according
to Sftra 4, ‘No Rzshis are born among the Avaras, the
men of later ages, on account of the prevailing transgression
of the rules of studentship ;’ and that according to Satra 5,
1 The name Apastamba occurs only in the gaza vidadi, which belongs to
Pazini 1V, 1, 104, and the text of this gaza is certain only for the times of
the K4sika, about 630 A.D. The Srauta-sitra of Apastamba is mentioned in
the nearly contemporaneous commentary of Bhartrzhari on the MahabhAshya,
see Zeitschr. d. Deutschen Morg. Ges., vol. xxxvi, p. 654.
INTRODUCTION. xli
‘Some in their new birth become similar to Rishis by
their knowledge of the Veda (srutarshi) through a residue
of merit acquired in former existences.’ In order to give
an illustration of the latter case, the author adds in Sdtra 6,
‘Like Svetaketu.’ The natural, and in my opinion, the
only admissible interpretation of these words is, that Apastamba considers Svetaketu to be one of the Avaras, who
by virtue of a residue of merit became a Srutarshi. This
is also the view of the commentator Haradatta, who, in
elucidation of SQtra 6, quotes the following passage from
the K#andogya Upanishad (VI, 1, 1-2):
This
is also the view of the commentator Haradatta, who, in
elucidation of SQtra 6, quotes the following passage from
the K#andogya Upanishad (VI, 1, 1-2):
‘1. Verily, there lived Svetaketu, a descendant of Aruma.
His father spake unto him, “O Svetaketu, dwell as a
student (with a teacher); for, verily, dear child, no one
in our family must neglect the study of the Veda and
become, as it were, a Brahmaza in name only.”
‘Verily, he (Svetaketu) was initiated at the age of
twelve years, and when twenty-four years old he had
learned all the Vedas; he thought highly of himself and
was vain of his learning and arrogant.’
There can be no doubt that this is the person and the
story referred to in the Dharma-sftra. For the fact which
the Upanishad mentions, that Svetaketu learned all the
Vedas in twelve years, while the Smritis declare fortyeight years to be necessary for the accomplishment of
that task, makes Apastamba’s illustration intelligible and
appropriate. A good deal more is told in the K/andogya
Upanishad about this Svetaketu, who is said to have been
the son of Udd4laka and the grandson of Aruma (4rumeya).
The same person is also frequently mentioned in the
Satapatha-brahmama. In one passage of the latter work,
which has been translated by Professor Max Miller}, it
is alleged that he was a contemporary of Yag#avalkya, the
promulgator of the White Yagur-veda, and of the learned
king Ganaka of Videha, who asked him about the meaning
of the Agnihotra sacrifice. Now, as has been shown above,
Apastamba knew and quotes the White Yagur-veda and
1 Hist. Anc. Sansk. Lit., p. 421 seq.
xlii APASTAMBA,
Now, as has been shown above,
Apastamba knew and quotes the White Yagur-veda and
1 Hist. Anc. Sansk. Lit., p. 421 seq.
xlii APASTAMBA,
the Satapatha-brahmamza. The passage of the latter work,
which he quotes, is even taken from the same book in
which the story about Svetaketu and Ganaka occurs.
The fact, therefore, that Apastamba places a teacher whom
he must have considered as a contemporary of the promulgator of the White Yagur-veda among the Avaras, is
highly interesting and of some importance for the history
of Vedic literature. On the one hand it indicates that
Apastamba cannot have considered the White Yagur-veda,
such as it has been handed down in the schools of the
Kanvas and Madhyandinas, to belong to a remote antiquity.
On the other hand it makes the inference which otherwise
might be drawn from the southern origin of the Apastambiya school and from the non-occurrence of its name
in the early grammatical writings, viz. that its founder
lived not long before the beginning of our era, extremely
improbable. For even if the term Avara is not interpreted
very strictly and allowed to mean not exactly a contemporary, but a person of comparatively recent times, it will
not be possible to place between Svetaketu and Apastamba a longer interval than, at the utmost, two or three
hundred years. Svetaketu and YA4gé#avalkya would
accordingly, at the best, find their places in the fourth
or fifth century B.C., and the Satapatha-brahmama as well
as all other Vedic works, which narrate incidents from
their lives, must have been composed or at least edited
still later. Though little is known régarding the history
of the Vedic texts, still it happens that we possess some
information regarding the texts in question. For we know
from a statement made by KAatydyana in a V4rttika on
Pazini IV, 3, 105, and from Pata#gali’s commentary on
his words that the Brahmawa proclaimed by Yag#avalkya,
i.e. the Satapatha-brahmaza of the White Yagur-veda, was
considered to have been promulgated by one of the
Ancients, in the times of these two writers, i.e. probably
in the fourth and second centuries B.C.?
1 This famous Varttika has been interpreted in various ways; see Max Miiller,
Hist. Anc. Sansk. Lit., pp. 360-364; Goldstiicker, Pazini, pp. 132-140; Weber,
INTRODUCTION. xlili
These considerations will show that it is necessary to
allow for Apastamba a much higher antiquity than the
first century B.C.
Anc. Sansk. Lit., pp. 360-364; Goldstiicker, Pazini, pp. 132-140; Weber,
INTRODUCTION. xlili
These considerations will show that it is necessary to
allow for Apastamba a much higher antiquity than the
first century B.C.
The same inference may also be drawn from another
series of facts, viz. the peculiarities of the language of his
Sitras. The latter are very considerable and very remarkable. They may be classed under four heads. In the
Apastambiya Dharma-s@tra we have, first, archaic words
and forms either occurring in other Vedic writings or
formed according to the analogy of Vedic usage; secondly,
‘ancient forms and words specially prescribed by Paziai,
which: have not been traced except in Apastamba’s Sdtras;
thirdly, words and forms which are both against Vedic
usage and against Pazini’s rules, and which sometimes
find their analogies in the ancient Prakrits; and fourthly,
anomalies in the construction of sentences. To the first
class belong, kravyddas, I, 7, 21, 15, carnivorous, formed
according to the analogy of rzsidas; the frequent use
of the singular dara, e.g. II, 1, 1, 17-18, a wife, instead of
the plural dara; salavrzki, I, 3, 10, 19, for salavrzki;
the substitution of / for ry in plenkha, I, 11, 31, 143 occa-
Ind. Stud. V, 65-74; XIII, 443, 444. As regards the explanation of Katyayana’s and Pataf@gali’s words, I side with Kaiya¢a and Professor Goldstiicker.
But I am unable to follow the latter in the inferences which he draws from the
fact, that Katyayana and Patafgali declare Yagflavalkya and other sages to be
as ancient as those whose Brahmazas and Kalpas are designated by the plural
of adjectives formed by the addition of the affix in to the names of the promulgators. Though Pamini asserts, IV, 3, 105, that only those Brahmazas which
are known by appellations like Bhallavinak, Kaushitakinak, &c., have been
proclaimed by ancient sages, and though Katya4yana and the author of the
Great Commentasty add that this rule does not hold good in the case of
the work called Yag#avalkani Bréhmamani, it does not necessarily follow, as
Professor Goldstiicker thinks, that an extraordinarily long interval lies between
Pazini and Katyayana—so long a period that what Pasini considcred to be
recent had become ancient in Katyayana’s time. Professor Weber has rightly
objected to this reasoning. The difference between the statements of the two
grammarians may have been caused Ly different traditions prevailing in different
schools, or by an oversight on the part of Pasini, which, as the scene of
Yagfavalkya’s activity seems to have been Videha in eastern India, while Pazini
belonged to the extreme north-west, is not at all improbable. As regards the
two dates, I place, following, with Professor Max Miiller, the native tradition,
K&tyayana in the fourth century B.c., and Patafgali, with Professors Goldstiicker,
Kem, and Bhamdarkar, between 178-140 B.C.
xliv APASTAMBA.
As regards the
two dates, I place, following, with Professor Max Miiller, the native tradition,
K&tyayana in the fourth century B.c., and Patafgali, with Professors Goldstiicker,
Kem, and Bhamdarkar, between 178-140 B.C.
xliv APASTAMBA.
sional offences against the rules of internal and external
Sandhi, e.g. in agrzhyamanak4razaf, I, 4, 12, 8; in
skuptv4, I, 11, 31, 22, the irregular absolutive of skubh
or of sku; in pAddna, I, 1, 2, 13; in adh4sanasayin,
I, 1, 2, 21; and in sarvatopeta, I, 6, 19, 8; the neglect
of the rule requiring vv¢ddhi in the first syllable of the
name PushkarasAdi, I, 10, 28, 1; the irregular instrumentals vidy4, I, 11, 30, 3, for vidyay4, and niksreyasa,
II, 7, 16, 2, for niksreyasena; the nominatives dual
avam, I, 7, 20, 6, for AvAm, and kru#kakrauZha, I, 5, 17,
36 for °*krau#éau; and the potentials in ita, such as prakshalayita, I, 1, 2, 28; abhiprasdrayita, I, 2, 6, 3, &c.
Among the words mentioned by Pazini, but not traced
except in the Dharma-sitra, may be enumerated the verb
strih, to do damage, I, 11, 31, 9; the verb svinkh, to
sneeze, from which srvznkhanika, I, 5, 16, 14, and niksrinkhana, II, 2, 5, 9, are derived; and the noun vedadhyaya, I, 9, 24, 6; II, 4, 8, 5, in the sense of a student
of the Veda. Words offending against rules given by Pazini,
without being either archaic or Prakritic, are e.g. sarvannin, I, 6, 18, 33, one who eats anybody’s food, which,
according to Paszini V, 2, 9, should be sarvannina;
sarpasirshin, I, 5, 17, 39; annasamskartrz, a cook, II,
3, 6,16; dharmya, righteous, for dharmya, I, 2, 7, 21,
and elsewhere; divitrz, a gambler, II, 10, 25, 13, for
devitrz, the very remarkable form pras#ati, I, 1, 4, 1, for
prasnfti, finds an analogy in the Vedic snyaptre for
snaptre? and in Pali, pa#ha from pras#a for prasna;
and the curious compounds avéngagra, I, 1, 2,38, parang4vritta, II, 5, 10,11, where the first parts show the forms
of the nominative instead of the base, and pratisdryamatsyaé, I, 3, 11, 31, which as a copulative compound is
wrong, though not without analogies in Prakrit and in later
Sanskrit. The irregular forms caused by the same tendencies as those which effected the formation of the
1 Wackernagel, Altindische Grammatik, vol. i, p. xxxiii.
® See Zeitschr. d. Deutschen Morg. Ges., vol. xl, p. 539 seq-; Epigraphia
Indica, vol. i, p. 3.
INTRODUCTION. xlv
The irregular forms caused by the same tendencies as those which effected the formation of the
1 Wackernagel, Altindische Grammatik, vol. i, p. xxxiii.
® See Zeitschr. d. Deutschen Morg. Ges., vol. xl, p. 539 seq-; Epigraphia
Indica, vol. i, p. 3.
INTRODUCTION. xlv
Prakrit languages, are, aviprakramiza, II, 2, 5, 2, for
aviprakramaaa, where an a standing in thesi has been
changed to i; sdmvrittik, II, 3, 6, 13, sAmvartete,
II, 5, £1, 20, and pary4nta, I, 3, 9, 21, and I, 3, 11, 33
(compare Mard¢hi Amt for antah), in each of which a@
standing before a nasal has been lengthened ; azika, I, 6,
19, I, the initial 2 of which stands for 72, if it really has
the meaning of rizika, as some commentators asserted ;
anulepaza, I, 3, 11, 13; I, 11, 32, 5, with the Prakritic
change of na to ma; vyupagAva, I, 2, 8, 15, with va for
pa; ritve for ritvye, wherey seems to have been absorbed
by the following ¢; apassayita, I, 11, 32, 16, for apAsrayita, and bhatrzvyatikrama, I, 10, 28, 20, where 7 has
been assimilated to the preceding, or has been lost before the
following consonant. The irregularities in the construction
are less frequent. But in two Satras, I, 3, 10, 2,and I, 3,13,
31, some words which ought to stand in the locative case
have the terminations of the nominative, and it looks as
if the author had changed his mind about the construction
which he meant to use. Ina third passage II, 10, 26, 20,
sisnakkhedanam savrishanzasya, the adjective which
is intended to qualify the noun sisna has been placed in
the genitive case, though the noun has been made the
first part of a compound.
The occurrence of so many irregularities! in so small
a treatise as the Dharma-sftra is, proves clearly that the
author did not follow Pazini’s grammar, and makes it very
unlikely that he knew it at all. If the anomalous forms
used by Apastamba all agreed with the usage of the
other Sitrakdras, known to us, it might be contended that,
though acquainted with the rules of the great grammarian,
he had elected to adopt by preference the language of the
Vedic schools. But this is by no means the case. The
majority of the irregular forms are peculiar to Apastamba.
As it is thus not probable that Apastamba employed his
peculiar expressions in obedience to the tradition of the
1 Many more may be collected from the other divisions of the body of
Sitras. See Winternitz, op. cit., p. 13 seqq.; Gurupigakaumudi, p. 34 seq.
xlvi APASTAMBA.
As it is thus not probable that Apastamba employed his
peculiar expressions in obedience to the tradition of the
1 Many more may be collected from the other divisions of the body of
Sitras. See Winternitz, op. cit., p. 13 seqq.; Gurupigakaumudi, p. 34 seq.
xlvi APASTAMBA.
Vedic schools or of his particular school, he must have
either been unacquainted with Pazini or have considered
his teachings of no great importance. In other words, he
must either have lived earlier than Pazini or before PAzini’s
grammar had acquired general fame throughout India, and
become the standard authority for Sanskrit authors. In
either case so late a date as 150 B.C. or the first century
B.C. would not fit. For Pata#gali's Mahabhashya furnishes
abundant proof that at the time of its composition, in the
second century R.C., Pazini’s grammar occupied a position
similar to that which it holds now, and has held since the
beginning of our era in the estimation of the learned of
India. On linguistic grounds it seems to me Apastamba
cannot be placed later than the third century B.C., and
if his statement regarding Svetaketu is taken into account,
the lower limit for the composition of his Satras must be
put further back by 150-200 years.
But sufficient space has already been allotted to these
attempts to assign a date to the founder of the Apastambiya
school, the result of which, in the present state of our
knowledge of the ancient history of India, must remain,
I fear, less certain and less precise than is desirable. It
now is necessary to say, in conclusion, a few words about
the history of the text of the Dharma-sitra, and about its
commentary, the Uggvala Vritti of Haradatta. The
oldest writer with a known date who quotes the Apastambiya Dharma-sitra is Sankarék4rya'!, c. 800 A.D. Even
somewhat earlier Kumirila, c. 750, refers repeatedly to
a law-book by Apastamba®. But it is improbable that he
had our Dharma-sitra before him. For he says, p. 138,
that Apastamba expressly sanctions local usages, opposed
to the teaching of the Vedas, for the natives of those districts where they had prevailed since ancient times. Now,
that is just an opinion, which our Dharma-sitra declares
to be wrong and refutes repeatedly®. As it seems
1 See Deussen, Vedanta, p. 35.
* Tantravarttika, pp. 138, 139, 142, 174, 175, 179, Benares ed.
5 Ap. Dh. I, 1, 14, 8, 9-10; II, 6, 14, 10-133 I, 6, 15, 1.
INTRODUCTION. xl vii
Now,
that is just an opinion, which our Dharma-sitra declares
to be wrong and refutes repeatedly®. As it seems
1 See Deussen, Vedanta, p. 35.
* Tantravarttika, pp. 138, 139, 142, 174, 175, 179, Benares ed.
5 Ap. Dh. I, 1, 14, 8, 9-10; II, 6, 14, 10-133 I, 6, 15, 1.
INTRODUCTION. xl vii
hazardous to impute to a man, like Kumérila, ignorance or
spite against Apastamba, I am inclined to assume that the
great Mim4zsaka refers to some other work, attributed to
Apastamba, perhaps the metrical Apastamba-smriti which
Apararka quotes very frequently'. Among the commentators on Smritis the oldest, who quote the Dharma-sitra,
are Medhatithi, the author of the Manubhdshya, and
Vig#anesvara, who composed the Mitakshard. the wellknown commentary on Yag#avalkya’s Dharma-sdstra during
the reign of the Kdlukya king Vikramaditya VI, of
Kalyaza towards the end of the eleventh century. From
that time downwards Apastamba is quoted by almost
every writer on law. But the whole text. such as it is
given in my edition’, is vouched for only by the commentator Haradatta, who wrote his Uggvalé Vritti, at the
latest, in the fifteenth century A.D. or possibly 100 years
earlier *. Haradatta was, however. not the first commentator of the Dharma-sdtra. He frequently quotes the
opinions of several predecessors whom he designates by
the general expressions anya# or aparaf, i.e. another
(writer). The fact that the Uggvalé was preceded by
earlier commentaries which protected the text from corruption, also speaks in favour of the authenticity of the
latter, which is further attested by the close agreement
of the Hiravyakesi Dharma-sdtra, mentioned above.
As regards the value of the Uggvala for the explanation
of Apastamba’s text, it certainly belongs to the best com-
1 Ap. Dh., Introd., p. x.
2 Apastambtya Dharma-s(itram, second edition, Part i, Bumbay, 1892;
Part ii, Bombay, 1894.
3 It seems not doubtful that Haradatta, the author of the Ugevala, is the
same person who wrote the Anakula Vrztti on the Apastamblya Grzhya-siitra,
an explanation of the Apastambiya Grihya-mantras (see Burnell, Ind. Ant. I, 6),
and the Mitakshara Vvitti on the Dharma-sitra of Gautama. From the
occurrence in the latter work of Tamil words, added in explanation of Sanskrit
expressions, it follows that Haradatta was a native of the south of India. Iam
not in a position to decide if our author also wrote the Padamaggari Vvitti on
the Kasika of Vamana and Gayaditya. This is Professor Aufrecht’s opinion,
Catalogus Catalogorum, p. 754 seq. See also my remarks in the Introd. to
the second ed., p. viii.
xlviii APASTAMBA.
Iam
not in a position to decide if our author also wrote the Padamaggari Vvitti on
the Kasika of Vamana and Gayaditya. This is Professor Aufrecht’s opinion,
Catalogus Catalogorum, p. 754 seq. See also my remarks in the Introd. to
the second ed., p. viii.
xlviii APASTAMBA.
mentaries existing. Haradatta possessed in the older
Vrittis abundant and good materials on which he could
draw; he himself apparently was well versed in Hindu law
and in Sanskrit grammar, and distinguished by sobriety
and freedom from that vanity which induces many Indian
commentators to load their works with endless and useless
quotations. His explanations, therefore, can mostly be
followed without hesitation, and, even when they appear
unacceptable, they deserve careful consideration.
INTRODUCTION
TO
GAUTAMA.
COMPARED with the information collected above regarding the origin and the history of Apastamba’s Dharmastra, the facts which can be brought to bear on Gautama’s
Institutes are scanty and the conclusions deducible from
them somewhat vague. There are only two points, which,
it seems to me, can be proved satisfactorily, viz. the connection of the work with the S4ma-veda and a Gautama
Karana, and its priority to the other four Dharma-sitras
which we still possess. To go further appears for the
present impossible, because very little is known regarding the history of the schools studying the Sdma-veda,
and because the Dharmasdstra not only furnishes very few
data regarding the works on which it is based, but seems
also, though not to any great extent, to have been tampered
with by interpolators.
As regards its origin, it was again Professor Max Miller,
who, in the place of the fantastic statements of a fabricated tradition, according to which the author of the
Dharmasdstra is the son or grandson of the sage Utathya,
and the grandson or great-grandson of Usanas or Sukra, the
regent of the planet Venus, and the book possessed generally
binding force in the second or Treta Yuga 4, first put forward
a rational explanation which, since, has been adopted by
all other writers on Sanskrit literature. He says, Hist.
Anc. Sansk. Lit. p. 134, ‘Another collection of Dharmasitras, which, however, is liable to critical doubts, belongs
Manu III, 19; Colebrooke, Digest of Hindu Law, Preface, p. xvii
Madras ed.); Anantayagvan in Dr. Burnell’s Catalogue of Sanskrit MSS.,
(p. 57; Parasara, Dharmasastra I, 22 (Calcutta ed.)
(2]
| GAUTAMA.
to the Gautamas, a Karaza of the Sama-veda.’ This
assertion agrees with Kumirila’s statement, that the
Dharmasdstra of Gautama and the Grthya-sitra of
Gobhila were (originally) accepted (as authoritative) by
the A/andogas or SAmavedins alone!. Kumirila certainly
refers to the work known to us. For he quotes in other
passages several of its Satras*.
Kumirila certainly
refers to the work known to us. For he quotes in other
passages several of its Satras*.
That Kuméarila and Professor Max Miller are right, may
also be proved by the following independent arguments.
Gautama’s work, though called Dharmasdstra or Institutes
of the Sacred Law, closely resembles, both in form and
contents, the Dharma-sdtras or Aphorisms on the Sacred
Law, which form part of the Kalpa-sitras of the Vedic
schools of Baudhayana, Apastamba, and Hirazyakesin.
As we know from the Karazavytha, from the writings of
the ancient grammarians, and from the numerous quotations
in the Kalpa-sftras and other works on the Vedic ritual,
that in ancient times the number of Vedic schools, most of
which possessed Srauta, Grzhya, and Dharma-sitras, was
exceedingly great, and that the books of many of them
have either been lost or been disintegrated, the several
parts being torn out of their original connection, it is not
unreasonable to assume that the aphoristic law-book,
usually attributed to the Rzshi Gautama, is in reality a
manual belonging to a Gautama Karava. This conjecture
gains considerably in probability, if the fact is taken into
account that formerly a school of SAma-vedis, which bore
the name of Gautama, actually existed. It is mentioned
in one of the redactions of the Karazavyiha® as a subdivision of the Razayaniya school. The Vamsa-brahmana
of the Sama-veda, also, enumerates four members of the
Gautama family among the teachers who handed down
the third Veda, viz. Gatrz Gautama, Sumantra Babhrava
1 Tantravarttika, p. 179 (Benares ed.), WUT mata irate Wat
w afcqett
? Viz. Gautama I, 2 on p. 143; II, 45-46 on p. 112, and XIV, 45-46 on
. 109,
5 Max Miiller, Hist. Anc. Sansk. Lit., p. 374.
INTRODUCTION. li
Gautama, Samkara Gautama, and Radha Gautama}, and
the existing Srauta and Grzhya-sitras frequently appeal to
the opinions of a Gautama and of a Sthavira Gautama’.
It follows, therefore, that at least one, if not several Gautama Karazas, studied the SAma-veda, and that, at the
time when the existing Satras of Laty4yana and Gobhila
were composed, Gautama Srauta and Grthya-sdtras formed
part of the literature of the Sama-veda. The correctness
of the latter inference is further proved by Dr. Burnell’s
discovery of a Pitvzmedha-sdtra, which is ascribed to a
teacher of the SAma-veda, called Gautama °.
The correctness
of the latter inference is further proved by Dr. Burnell’s
discovery of a Pitvzmedha-sdtra, which is ascribed to a
teacher of the SAma-veda, called Gautama °.
The only link, therefore, which is wanting in order to
complete the chain of evidence regarding Gautama’s
Aphorisms on the sacred law, and to make their connection
with the SAma-veda perfectly clear, is the proof that they
contain special references to the latter. This proof is not
difficult to furnish. For Gautama has borrowed one entire
chapter, the twenty-sixth, which contains the description of
the Kvzk&hras or difficult penances from the SAamavidhana,
one of the eight Brahmavas of the SAma-veda*. The
agreement of the two texts is complete except in the
Mantras (Sdtra 12) where invocations of several deities,
which are not usually found in Vedic writings, have been
introduced. Secondly, in the enumeration of the purificatory texts, XIX, 12, Gautama shows a marked partiality
for the SAma-veda. Among the eighteen special texts
mentioned, we find not less than nine SAmans. Some of
the latter, like the Brzhat, Rathantara, Gyeshtka, and
Mahadivakirtya chants, are mentioned also in works
belonging to the Rig-veda and the Yagur-veda, and are
considered by Brahmawas of all schools to possess great
efficacy. But others, such as the Purushagati, Rauhiza,
and Mahavairaga SAmans, have hitherto not been met with
anywhere but in books belonging to the SAma-veda, and
1 See Burnell, Vamsa-brahmama, pp. 7, 9, 11, and 12.
2 See the Petersburg Dictionary, s.v. Gautama; Weber, Hist. Ind. Lit.,
Pp. 77 (English ed.) ; Gobhila Grzhya-s(tra III, 10, 6.
> Weber, Hist. Ind. Lit., p. 84, note 89 (English ed.)
* See below, pp. 292-296.
d2
li - GAUTAMA.
do not seem to have stood in general repute. Thirdly, in
two passages, I, 50 and XXV, 8, the Dharmasdstra prescribes the employment of five Vydhritis, and mentions in
the former Sitra, that the last Vyahrzti is satyam, truth.
Now in most Vedic works, three Vy4hrztis only, bhd4,
bhuvad, svak, are mentioned; sometimes, but rarely, four
or seven occur. But in the Vy4hvzti Saman, as Haradatta
points out 3, five such interjections are used, and satyam is
found among them. It is, therefore, not doubtful, that
Gautama in the above-mentioned passages directly borrows
from the Sama-veda. These three facts, taken together,
furnish, it seems to me, convincing proof that the author of
our Dharmasdstra was a SAma-vedi. If the only argument
in favour of this conclusion were, that Gautama appropriated
a portion of the SAmavidhdna, it might be met by the fact
that he has also taken some Sitras (KXV, 1-6), from the
Taittiriya Arazyaka. But his partiality for Samans as
purificatory texts and the selection of the Vyahvstis from
the Vyahv7ti Saman as part of the Mantras for the initiation (I, 50), one of the holiest and most important of the
Brahmanical sacraments, cannot be explained on any other
supposition than the one adopted above.
Though it thus appears that Professor Max Miiller is
right in declaring the Gautama Dharmasdstra to belong to
the Sama-veda, it is, for the present, not possible to positively assert, that it is the Dharma-sitra of that Gautama
Karana, which according to the Karazavytha, quoted in
the Sabdakalpadruma of RAdhdkanta, formed a subdivision
of the Ravdyaniyas. The enumeration of four A#aryas,
bearing the family-name Gautama, in the Vamsa-brahmama,
and La¢ydyana’s quotations from two Gautamas, make it
not unlikely, that several Gautama Karamas once existed
among the Sdma-vedi Brahmazas, and we ‘possess no
means for ascertaining to which our Dharmasdstra must
be attributed. Further researches into the history of the
schools of the SAma-veda must be awaited until we can do
more. Probably the living tradition of the Sama-vedis of
1 See Gautama I, 50, note,
INTRODUCTION, ‘iii
Southern India and new books from the South will clear
up what at present remains uncertain.
In concluding this subject I may state that Haradatta
seems to have been aware of the connection of Gautama’s
law-book with the SAma-veda, though he does not say it
expressly. But he repeatedly and pointedly refers in his
commentary to the practices of the K/andogas, and quotes
the Grzhya-sitra of the Gaiminiyas!, who are a school of
Sama-vedis, in explanation of several passages. Another
southern author, Govindasvamin (if I understand the somewhat corrupt passage correctly), states directly in his
commentary on Baudhdyana I, 1, 2, 6, that the Gautamiya
Dharmasdstra was originally studied by the K/andogas
alone?
In turning now to the second point, the priority of Gautama to the other existing Dharma-sftras, I must premise
that it is only necessary to take into account two of the
latter, those of Baudhdyana and Vasishtha. For, as has
been shown above in the Introduction to Apastamba, the
Satras of the latter and those of Hirazyakesin Saty4shadha
are younger than Baudhdyana’s. The arguments which
allow us to place Gautama before both Baudhayana and
Vasish¢ha are, that both those authors quote Gautama as
an authority on law, and that Baudhdyana has transferred
a whole chapter of the Dharmas4stra to his work, which
Vasish¢ka again has borrowed from him.
As regards the case of Baudhdyana, his references to
Gautama are two, one of which can be traced in our
Dharmasastra. In the discussion on the peculiar customs
prevailing in the South and in the North of India (Baudh.
Dh. I, 2, 1-8) Baudhayana expresses himself as follows :
1 A Grthya-sitra of the Gaimintyas has been discovered by Dr. Burnell with
a commentary by Srinivasa. He thinks that the Gaiminiyas are a Sitra-sékha
of the Safyayana-Talavakéras.
Dh. I, 2, 1-8) Baudhayana expresses himself as follows :
1 A Grthya-sitra of the Gaimintyas has been discovered by Dr. Burnell with
a commentary by Srinivasa. He thinks that the Gaiminiyas are a Sitra-sékha
of the Safyayana-Talavakéras.
2 My transcript has been made from the MS. presented by Dr. Burnell, the
Giscoverer of the work, to the India Office Library. The passage runs as
follows: Yatha va bodhayantyam dharmasastram kaiskid eva pathyam&nam
sarvadhikaram bhavati tath4 gautamtye gobhilfye (?) #kandogair eva pathyate |
vasish¢ham tu bahvrtkair eva ||
liv GAUTAMA.
‘1, There is a dispute regarding five (practices) both in
the South and in the North.
‘2. We shall explain those (peculiar) to the South.
‘g. They are, to eat in the company of an uninitiated
person, to eat in the company of one’s wife, to eat stale
food, to marry the daughter of a maternal uncle or of
a paternal aunt.
‘4. Now (the customs peculiar) to the North are, to
deal in wool, to drink rum, to sell animals that have teeth
in the upper and in the lower jaws, to follow the trade of
arms and to go to sea.
‘5. He who follows (these practices) in (any) other
country than the one where they prevail commits sin.
‘6. For each of these practices (the rule of) the country
should be (considered) the authority.
‘7, Gautama declares that this is false.
*8. And one should not take heed of either (set of
practices), because they are opposed to the tradition of
those learned (in the sacred law ?).’
From this passage it appears that the Gautama Dharmastra, known to Baudhayana, expressed an opinion adverse
to the authoritativeness of local customs which might be
opposed to the tradition of the Sishéas, i.e. of those who
really deserve to be called learned in the law. Our Gautama teaches the same doctrine, as he says, XI, 20, ‘The
laws of countries, castes, and families, which are not
opposed to the (sacred) records, have also authority.’
4 wa fanfrafadiquraatac: nau
arta efquaeatta area: nai
adacgita we ert fem we tet affemitert argetag-
arafafa ug
ratfercfergaquta nun
WANT TMMATTATAT VITA vet
fawtafefa mam usu
ard 9a wifgaa faveziafacturstary ute
INTRODUCTION. lv
lv
As clear as this reference, is the case in which Baudhéyana has borrowed a whole chapter of our DharmasaAstra.
The chapter in question is the nineteenth, which in Gautama’s work forms the introduction to the section on
penances and expiation. It is reproduced with a number
of various readings! in the third Prasna of Baudhayana’s
Dharma-sitra, where it forms the tenth and last Adhydya.
Its contents, and especially its first Stra which connects
the section on penances with the preceding ones on the
law of castes and orders, make it perfectly clear that its
proper position can only be at the beginning of the rules
on expiation, not in the middle of the discussion, as Baudhayana places it% This circumstance alone would be
sufficient to prove that Baudhdayana is the borrower, not
Gautama, even if the name of the latter did not occur in
Baudh4yana’s Dharma-sitra. But the character of many
of Baudhayana’s readings, especially of those in Sdtras 2,
10, 11, 13, and 15, which, though supported by all the MSS.
and Govindasvamin’s commentary, appear to have arisen
chiefly through clerical mistakes or carelessness, furnishes
1 Baudhayana’s various readings are the following: Gaut. XIX, 1=
Baudh. III, 10, 1, adaware. Gaut. XIX, 2=Baudh. III, ro, 2, FAUT
faon areca at arwaanfagreea wo oafrpeqraaryaraet
ararararacatay a activ. Gaut. XIX, 4 left out. Gaut. XIX,
6=Baudh. III, 10, 5, Fatfewa. Gaut. XIX, 7=Bandh. III, :0, 6,
yaetaa aaa; fagrat left ont. Gaut. XIX, 8 left out. Gaut.
XIX, 9=Baudh. III, 10, 7, wargeTecfer wcfa. Gaut. XIX, 1o=
Baudh. III, 10, 8, Cat aaa. Gaut. XIX, 12=Baudh. III, 10, 10,
Jereat AeA: ; AA:. Gaut. XIX, 13=Baudh. III, 10, 11,
sqaaraay Walaa. Gant. XIX, 14=Baudh. III, 10, 12, Wfafaaaatfa ; wireeaafe. Gaut. XIX, 15=Baudh. III, 10, 13, Wheat
aaa want Tey asaya.
Gaut. XIX, 17=Baudh. III, ro, 1g, SWENTAAHTS Ffa WST:. Gat.
XIX, 18=Baudh. III, 10, 16, Faget loft out. Gaut. XIX, 20=Bandh.
III, ro, 18, wanratate:.
? Baudh4yana’s treatment of the subject of penances is very unmethodical. He devotes to them the following sections: II, 1-2;
Il, 2, 3, 48-53; II, 2, 4; Ill, 5-10; and the greater part of Prasna IV.
Ivi GAUTAMA.
even an additional argument in favour of the priority of
Gautama’s text. It must, however, be admitted that the
value of this point is seriously diminished by the fact that
Baudhdyana’s third Prasna is not above suspicion and may
be a later addition 1.
As regards Baudhdyana’s second reference to Gautama,
the opinion which it attributes to the latter is directly
opposed to the teaching of our Dharmasdstra, Baudhayana gives II, 2, 4, 16 the rule that a Brahmama who is
unable to maintain himself by teaching, sacrificing, and
receiving gifts, may follow the profession of a Kshatriya,
and then goes on as follows ?:
‘17. Gautama declares that he shall not do it. For the
duties of a Kshatriya are too cruel for a Brahmazea.’
Gautama declares that he shall not do it. For the
duties of a Kshatriya are too cruel for a Brahmazea.’
As the commentator Govindasvamin also points out,
exactly the opposite doctrine is taught in our DharmasAstra, which (VII, 6) explicitly allows a Brahmaza to
follow, in times of distress, the occupations of a Kshatriya.
Govindasvamin explains this contradiction by assuming
that in this case Baudhayana cites the opinion, not of the
author of our Dharmasdstra, but of some other Gautama.
According to what has been said above %, the existence of
two or even more ancient Gautama Dharma-sitras is not
very improbable, and the commentator may possibly be
right. But it seems to me more likely that the Sitra of
Gautama (VII, 6) which causes the difficulty is an interpolation, though Haradatta takes it to be genuine. My
reason for considering it to be spurious is that the permission to follow the trade of arms is opposed to the sense
of two other rules of Gautama. For the author states at
the end of the same chapter on times of distress, VII, 25,
that ‘even a Brahmaza may take up arms when his life is
in danger. The meaning of these words can only be, that
a Brahmaza must not fight under any other circumstances.
» See Sacred Books of the East, vol. xiv, p. xxxiv seq.
? Baudh. Dh. II, 2, 4, 17.
afa maitqat fe wae areas
5 See p. lii.
INTRODUCTION. Ivii
But according to Satra 6 he is allowed to follow the occupations of a Kshatriya, who lives by fighting. Again, in
the chapter on funeral oblations, XV, 18, those Brahmazas
‘who live by the use of the bow’ are declared to defile
the company at a funeral dinner. It seems to me that
these two SAtras, taken together with Baudhayana’s assertion that Gautama does not allow Brahmamas to become
warriors, raise a strong suspicion against the genuineness,
of VII, 6, and I have the less hesitation in rejecting the
latter Sdtra, as there are several other interpolated passages
in the text received by Haradatta?. Among them I may
mention here the Mantras in the chapter taken from the
Saémavidhana, XXVI, 12, where the three invocations
addressed to Siva are certainly modern additions, as the
old Satrak4ras do not allow a place to that or any other
Paurazic deity in their works. A second interpolation will
be pointed out below.
The VAasishtha Dharma-sitra shows also two quotations
from Gautama; and it is a curious coincidence that, just
as in the case of Baudhayana’s references, one of them only
can be traced in our Dharmasdstra. Both the quotations
occur in the section on impurity, Vas. IV, where we read
as follows?:
‘33. If an infant aged less than two years, dies, or in the
case of a miscarriage, the impurity of the Sapindas (lasts)
for three (days and) nights.
‘34. Gautama declares that (they become) pure at once
(after bathing).
‘35. If (a person) dies in a foreign country and (his
Sapizdas) hear (of his death) after the lapse of ten days,
the impurity lasts for one (day and) night.
‘34. Gautama declares that (they become) pure at once
(after bathing).
‘35. If (a person) dies in a foreign country and (his
Sapizdas) hear (of his death) after the lapse of ten days,
the impurity lasts for one (day and) night.
‘36. Gautama declares that if a person who has kindled
the sacred fire dies on a journey, (his Sapizdas) shall again
‘In some MSS. a whole chapter on the results of various sins in a second
birth is inserted after Adhyaya XIX. But Haradatta does not notice it; see
Stenzler, Gautama, Preface, p. iii.
3 In quoting the Vasishtka Dh. I always refer to the Benares edition, which
is accompanied by the commentary of Krishnapandita Dharmadhikarin, called
Vidvanmodini,
lviii GAUTAMA.
celebrate his obsequies, (burning a dummy made of leaves
or straw,) and remain impure (during ten days) as (if they
had actually buried) the corpse.’
The first of these two quotations or references apparently
points to Gautama Dh. XIV, 44, where it is said, that
‘if an infant dies, the relatives shall be pure at once.’
For, though Vasishtka’s Stra 34, strictly interpreted,
would mean, that Gautama declares the relatives to be
purified instantaneously, both if an infant dies and if
a miscarriage happens, it is also possible to refer the
exception to one of the two cases only, which are mentioned
in Sdtra 33. Similar instances do occur in the Sitra style,
where brevity is estimated higher than perspicuity, and
the learned commentator of Vasish¢#a does not hesitate
to adopt the same view. But, as regards the second
quotation in Siatra 36, our Gautama contains no passage
to which it could possibly refer. Govindasvamin, in his
commentary on the second reference to Gautama in Baudhayana’s DharmasAstra II, 2, 71, expresses the opinion
that this Sftra, too, is taken from the ‘other’ Gautama
Dharma-s(tra, the former existence of which he infers
from Baudh4yana’s passage. And curiously enough the
regarding the second funeral actually is found in the
metrical Vrzddha-Gautama ! or Vaishvava Dharma-sastra,
which, according to Mr. Vaman Shastrt Islampurkar *, forms
chapters 94-115 of the Asvamedha-parvan of the Mahabharata in a Malay4lam MS. Nevertheless, it seems to
me very doubtful if Vasishtda did or could refer to this
work. As the same rule occurs sometimes in the Srautasitras 5, I think it more probable that the Srauta-sdtra of
the Gautama school is meant. And it is significant that
the Vriddha-Gautama declares its teaching to be kalpakodita ‘enjoined in the Kalpa or ritual.’
Regarding Gautama’s nineteenth chapter, which appears
in the Vasish¢za Dharmasdstra as the twenty-second, I have
? Dharmasdstra samgraha (Gibanand), p. 627, Adhy. 20, 1 seqq.
2 Pardsara Dharma Samhita (Bombay Sansk. Series, No. xlvii), vol. i, p. 9.
® See e.g. Ap. Sr. Sd.
INTRODUCTION. lix
Dharmasdstra samgraha (Gibanand), p. 627, Adhy. 20, 1 seqq.
2 Pardsara Dharma Samhita (Bombay Sansk. Series, No. xlvii), vol. i, p. 9.
® See e.g. Ap. Sr. Sd.
INTRODUCTION. lix
already stated above that it is not taken directly from
Gautama’s work, but from Baudhdyana’s. For it shows
most of the characteristic readings of the latter. Buta few
new ones also occur, and some Sitras have been left out,
while one new one, a well-known verse regarding the
efficacy of the Vaisvanara vratapati and of the Pavitreshdi,
has been added. Among the omissions peculiar to Vasish¢ha, that of the first Sdtra is the most important, as it
alters the whole character of the chapter, and removes one
of the most convincing arguments as to its original position
at the head of the section on penances. Vasish¢ha places
it in the beginning of the discussion on penances which are
generally efficacious in removing guilt, and after the rules
on the special penances for the classified offences.
These facts will, I think, suffice to show that the
Gautama Dharmasdstra may be safely declared to be the
oldest of the existing works on the sacred law!. This
assertion must, however, not be taken to mean, that every
single one of its Sdatras is older than the other four Dharmasitras. Two interpolations have already been pointed out
above’, and another one will be discussed presently. It is
also not unlikely that the wording of the Sdtras has been
changed occasionally. For it is a suspicious fact that
Gautama’s language agrees closer with Pazini’s rules than
that of Apastamba and Baudhayana. If it is borne in
mind that Gautama’s work has been torn out of its original
connection, and from a school-book has become a work of
general authority, and that for a long time it has been
studied by Pandits who were brought up in the traditions
of classical grammar, it seems hardly likely that it could
retain much of its ancient peculiarities of language. But
I do not think that the interpolations and alterations can
have affected the general character of the book very much.
It is too methodically planned and too carefully arranged
to admit of any very great changes. The fact, too, that in
1 Professor Stenzler, too, had arrived independently at this conclusion, see
Grundriss der Indo-Ar. Phil. und Altertumsk., vol. ii, Pt. 8, p. 5.
2 See p. lvii.
lx GAUTAMA.
It is too methodically planned and too carefully arranged
to admit of any very great changes. The fact, too, that in
1 Professor Stenzler, too, had arrived independently at this conclusion, see
Grundriss der Indo-Ar. Phil. und Altertumsk., vol. ii, Pt. 8, p. 5.
2 See p. lvii.
lx GAUTAMA.
the chapter borrowed by Baudhdyana the majority of the
variae lectiones are corruptions, not better readings, favours
this view. Regarding the distance in time between Gautama
on the one hand, and Baudh4yana and Vasish¢za on the
other, I prefer not to hazard any conjecture, as long as the
position of the Gautamas among the schools of the Samaveda has not been cleared up. So much only can be said
that Gautama probably was less remote from Baudhayana
than from Vasish¢##a. There are a few curious terms and
rules in which the former two agree, while they, at the
same time, differ from all other known writers on Dharma.
Thus the term bhikshu, literally a beggar, which Gautama ?
uses to denote an ascetic, instead of the more common
yati or sannyAsin, occurs once also in Baudhayana’s Siitra.
The same is the case with the rule, III, 13, which orders
the ascetic not to change his residence during the rains.
Both the name bhikshu and the rule must be very ancient,
as the Gainas and Buddhists have borrowed them, and have
founded on the latter their practice of keeping the Vasso,
or residence in monasteries during the rainy season.
As the position of the Gautamas among the Séman
schools is uncertain, it will, of course, be likewise inadvisable to make any attempt at connecting them with the
historical period of India. The necessity of caution in
this respect is so obvious that I should not point it out,
were it not that the Dharmasd4stra contains one word, the
occurrence of which is sometimes considered to indicate the
terminus a quo for the dates of Indian works. The word
to which I refer is Yavana. Gautama quotes, IV, 21, an
opinion of ‘some,’ according to which a Yavana is the offspring of a SQdra male and a Kshatriya female. Now it is
well known that this name is a corruption of the Greek
*IaFwy, an Ionian, and that in India it was applied, in ancient
times, to the Greeks, and especially to the early Seleucids
who kept up intimate relations with the first Mauryas, as
well as later to the Indo-Bactrian and Indo-Grecian kings
who from the beginning of the second century B.C. ruled
4 Gaut. Dh. III, 2, 11; see also Weber, Hist. Ind. Lit., p. 327 (English ed.)
INTRODUCTION. Ixi
ruled
4 Gaut. Dh. III, 2, 11; see also Weber, Hist. Ind. Lit., p. 327 (English ed.)
INTRODUCTION. Ixi
over portions of north-western India. And it has been
occasionally asserted that an Indian work, mentioning the
Yavanas, cannot have been composed before 300 B.C.,
because Alexander’s invasion first made the Indians acquainted with the name of the Greeks. This estimate
is certainly erroneous, as there are other facts, tending to
show that at least the inhabitants of north-western India
became acquainted with the Greeks about 200 years
earlier!. But it is not advisable to draw any chronological conclusions from Gautama’s Sftra, IV, 21. For, as
pointed out in the note to the translation of Sdtra IV, 18,
the whole section with the second enumeration of the
mixed castes, IV, 17-21, is probably spurious.
The information regarding the state of the Vedic literature, which the Dharmasdstra furnishes, is not very extensive. But some of the items are interesting, especially
the proof that Gautama knew the Taittirlya Aranyaka,
from which he took the first six Sdtras of the twenty-fifth
Adhyaya; the Samavidhana Brahmamza, from which the
twenty-sixth Adhydya has been borrowed ; and the Atharvasiras, which is mentioned XIX, 12. The latter word
denotes, according to Haradatta, one of the Upanishads of
the Atharva-veda, which usually are not considered to
belong to a high antiquity. The fact that Gautama and
Baudhayana knew it, will probably modify this opinion.
Another important fact is that Gautama, XXI, 7, quotes
Manu, and asserts that the latter declared it to be impossible
to expiate the guilt incurred by killing a Brahmaza,
drinking spirituous liquor, or violating a Guru’s bed.
From this statement it appears that Gautama knew an
ancient work on law which was attributed to Manu. It
probably was the foundation of the existing Manava
Dharmasdstra?. No other teacher on law, besides Manu,
is mentioned by name. But the numerous references to
the opinions of ‘some’ show that Gautama’s work was not
the first Dharma-sitra.
1 See my Indian Studies, No. iii, p. 26, note 1.
2 Compare also Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxv, p. xxxiv seq.
Ixii GAUTAMA.
But the numerous references to
the opinions of ‘some’ show that Gautama’s work was not
the first Dharma-sitra.
1 See my Indian Studies, No. iii, p. 26, note 1.
2 Compare also Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxv, p. xxxiv seq.
Ixii GAUTAMA.
In conclusion, I have to add a few words regarding the
materials on which the subjoined translation is based.
The text published by Professor Stenzler for the Sanskrit
Text Society has been used as the basis’, It has been
collated with a rough edition, prepared from my own
MSS. P and C,a MS. belonging to the Collection of the
Government of Bombay, bought at Belgam, and a MS.
borrowed from a Puma Sastri. But the readings given by
Professor Stenzler and his division of the Sdtras have
always been followed in the body of the translation. In
those cases, where the variae lectiones of my MSS. seemed
preferable, they have been given and translated in the
notes. The reason which induced me to adopt this
course was that I thought it more advisable to facilitate
references to the printed Sanskrit text than to insist on the
insertion of a few alterations in the translation, which would
have disturbed the order of the Sfitras. The notes have
been taken from the above-mentioned rough edition and
from my MSS. of Haradatta’s commentary, called Gautamiya Mitakshara, which are now deposited in the India
Office Library, Sansk. MSS. Buhler, Nos. 165-67.
} The Institutes of Gautama, edited with an index of words by A. F. Stenzler,
London, 1876.
APASTAMBA,
APHORISMS ON THE SACRED LAW
OF THE HINDUS.
Digitized by G 008 le
APASTAMBA,
APHORISMS ON THE SACRED LAW
OF THE HINDUS.
Prasna I, Parata 1, Kuawopa 1.
1. Now, therefore, we will declare the acts productive of merit which form part of the customs of
daily life, as they have been settled by the agreement (of those who know the law).
2. The authority (for these duties) is the agreement of those who know the law,
3. And (the authorities for the latter are) the
Vedas alone.
4. (There are) four castes—Bréhmamas, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, and Siddras.
5. Amongst these, each preceding (caste) is supetior by birth to the one following.
6. (For all these), excepting Sddras and those
who have committed bad actions, (are ordained) the
initiation, the study of the Veda, and the kindling of
1.1. Samaya, ‘agreement, decision,’ is threefold. It includes
injunction, restriction, and prohibition.
Dharma, ‘acts productive of merit,’ usually translated by ‘duty
or law,’ is more accurately explained as an act which produces
the quality of the soul called apfirva, the cause of heavenly bliss
and of final liberation.
2, Manu II, 6, 12; Y4ga. I, 7; Gautama I, 1.
6. Manu II, 35.
(?] B
2 APASTAMBA. I,m, 0
the sacred fire; and (their) works are productive of
rewards (in this world and the next). .
7. To serve the other (three) castes (is ordained)
for the Sidra.
8. The higher the caste (which he serves) the
greater is the merit.
I, 7; Gautama I, 1.
6. Manu II, 35.
(?] B
2 APASTAMBA. I,m, 0
the sacred fire; and (their) works are productive of
rewards (in this world and the next). .
7. To serve the other (three) castes (is ordained)
for the Sidra.
8. The higher the caste (which he serves) the
greater is the merit.
g. The initiation is the consecration in accordance
with the texts of the Veda, of a male who is desirous
of (and can make use of) sacred knowledge.
10. A Braéhmama declares that the Gayatrt is learnt
for the sake of all the (three) Vedas.
11. (Coming) out of darkness, he indeed enters
darkness, whom a man unlearned in the Vedas,
initiates, and (so does he) who, without being learned
in the Vedas, (performs the rite of initiation.) That
has been declared in a Brahmamza.
12. As performer of this rite of initiation he shall
seek to obtain a man in whose family sacred learning
is hereditary, who himself possesses it, and who is
devout (in following the law).
13. And under him the sacred science must be
4. Manu I, 91, VIII, 410, and IX, 334; Yag#. I, 120.
g. The use of the masculine in the text excludes women. For
though women may have occasion to use such texts as ‘O fire,
lord of the dwelling, &c. at the Agnihotra, still it is specially
ordained that they shall be taught this and similar verses only just
before the rite is to be performed.
10. The object of the Sfitra is to remove a doubt whether the
ceremony of initiation ought to be repeated for each Veda, in case
a man desires to study more than one Veda. This repetition is
declared to be unnecessary, except, as the commentator adds, in
the case of the Atharva-veda, for which, according to a passage of
a Braéhmaza, a fresh initiation is necessary. The latter rule is given
in the Vaitana-sftra I, 1, 5.
13. Haradatta: ‘But this (latter rule regarding the taking of
I, 1,1. INITIATION. 3
studied until the end, provided (the teacher) does not
fall off from the ordinances of the law.
14. He from whom (the pupil) gathers (A4inoti)
(the knowledge of) his religious duties (dharm4n) (is
called) the Aédrya (teacher).
15. Him he should never offend.
16. For he causes him (the pupil) to be born (a
second time) by (imparting to him) sacred learning.
17. This (second) birth is the best.
18. The father and the mother produce the body
only.
19. Let him initiate a Brahmasa in spring, a
Kshatriya in summer, a Vaisya in autumn, a Brahmaza in the eighth year after conception, a Kshatriya
in the eleventh year after conception, (and) a Vaisya
in the twelfth after conception.
20. Now (follows the enumeration of the years
19. Let him initiate a Brahmasa in spring, a
Kshatriya in summer, a Vaisya in autumn, a Brahmaza in the eighth year after conception, a Kshatriya
in the eleventh year after conception, (and) a Vaisya
in the twelfth after conception.
20. Now (follows the enumeration of the years
another teacher) does not hold good for those who have begun
to study, solemnly binding themselves to their teacher. How so?
As he (the pupil) shall consider a person who initiates and
instructs him his AfArya, and a pupil who has been once initiated
cannot be initiated again, how can another man instruct him? For
this reason it must be understood that the study begun with one
teacher may not be completed with another, if the first die.’ Compare also Haradatta on I, 2, 7, 26, and the rule given I, 1, 4, 26.
In our times also pupils, who have bound themselves to a teacher
by paying their respects to him and presenting a cocoa-nut, in
order to learn from him a particular branch of science, must not
study the same branch of science under any other teacher.
14. Manu II, 69; Y4g#. I, 15.
15. Manu II, 144.
16. Manu II, 146-148.
17. ‘Because it procures heavenly bliss and final liberation.’—
Haradatta.
18, Manu IT, 147.
19. Yag#. 1, 14; Manu II, 36; Asvalayana Gri. SQ.I, 19, 1, 43
Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 20 seq.
B2
4 APASTAMBA. I, 1,1.
to be chosen) for the fulfilment of some (particular)
wish.
21. (Let him initiate) a person desirous of excellence in sacred learning in his seventh year,
22. A person desirous of long life in his eighth
year,
23. A person desirous of manly vigour in his
ninth year,
24. A person desirous of food in his tenth year,
25. A person desirous of strength in his eleventh
year,
26. A person desirous of cattle in his twelfth year.
27. There is no dereliction (of duty, if the initiation takes place), in the case of a Brahmava before
the completion of the sixteenth year, in the case of
a Kshatriya before the completion of the twentysecond year, in the case of a Vaisya before the
completion of the twenty-fourth year. (Let him be
initiated at such an age) that he may be able to
perform the duties, which we shall declare below.
28. If the proper time for the initiation has
passed, he shall observe for the space of two months
21. Manu II, 37.
22-26. Asv. Gri. Sa. I, 19, 5. 7; Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 21.
24. The meaning of the Sftra is, that the initiation shall be
performed as. soon as the child is able to begin the study of the
Veda. If it is so far developed at eight years, the ceremony must
then be performed; and if it be then neglected, or, if it be
neglected at any time when the capacity for learning exists, the
expiation prescribed in the following SGtras must be performed.
The age of sixteen in the case of Brahmaaas is the latest term
up to which the ceremony may be deferred, in case of incapacity
for study only. After the lapse of the sixteenth year, the expiation
becomes also necessary. Manu II, 38; Yag#. I, 37.
The age of sixteen in the case of Brahmaaas is the latest term
up to which the ceremony may be deferred, in case of incapacity
for study only. After the lapse of the sixteenth year, the expiation
becomes also necessary. Manu II, 38; Yag#. I, 37.
28. The meaning is, he shall keep all the restrictions imposed
upon a student, as chastity, &c., but that he shall not perform
J, 1, 2. INITIATION. 5
the duties of a student, as observed by those who
are studying the three Vedas.
29. After that he may be initiated.
30. After that he shall bathe (daily) for one year.
31. After that he may be instructed.
32. He, whose father and grandfather have not
been initiated, (and his two ancestors) are called
‘slayers of the Brahman.’
33. Intercourse, eating, and intermarriage with
them should be avoided.
34. If they wish it (they may perform the following) expiation ;
35. In the same manner as for the first neglect
(of the initiation, a penance of) two months (was)
prescribed, so (they shall do penance for) one year.
36. Afterwards they may be initiated, and then
they must bathe (daily),
Prasna I, Parata 1, Kuawpa 2.
1. For as many years as there are uninitiated
persons, reckoning (one year) for each ancestor (and
the person to be initiated himself),
2. (They should bathe daily reciting) the seven
fire-worship or service toa teacher, nor study. Manu II, 39; XI, 192;
Y4g#. I, 38; Weber, Ind. Stud. X, roz.
30. ‘If he is strong, he shall bathe three times a day—morning,
midday, and evening.’—Haradatta.
32. Brahman, apparently, here means ‘Veda,’ and those who neglect its study may be called metaphorically ‘slayers of the Veda.’
33. ManuII, 40; Asv. Gri. Sa. I, 19, 8,9; Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 21.
35. Compare above, I, 1, 1, 28.
2. 2. The seven Pavam4nis are seven verses which occur Xzg-veda
1X, 67, 21-27. Yagushpavitra=Taitt. Samh.I, 2,1, 1. The Samapavitra is found Sama-veda I, 2,2,3,5. Angirasapavitra= Rig-veda
IV, 40, 5.
6 APASTAMBA. I, 1, 2.
Pavamanis, beginning with ‘If near or far,’ the
Yagushpavitra, (‘May the waters, the mothers
purify us, &c.) the Samapavitra, (‘With what help
assists, &c.), and the Angirasapavitra (‘A swan,
dwelling in purity’),
3. Or also reciting the Vyahvztis (om, bhdas,
bhuvad, suvaz).
4. After that (such a person) may be taught (the
Veda).
5. But those whose great-grandfather’s (grandfather’s and father's) initiation is not remembered,
are called ‘ burial-grounds.’
6. Intercourse, dining, and intermarriage with
them should be avoided. For them, if they like, the
(following) penance (is prescribed). (Such a man)
shall keep for twelve years the rules prescribed for
a student who is studying the three Vedas. Afterwards he may be initiated. Then he shall bathe,
reciting the Pavam4nis and the other (texts mentioned above, I, 1, 2, 2).
7. Then he may be instructed in the duties of
a householder.
8. He shall not be taught (the whole Veda), but
only the sacred formulas required for the domestic
ceremonies.
Then he shall bathe,
reciting the Pavam4nis and the other (texts mentioned above, I, 1, 2, 2).
7. Then he may be instructed in the duties of
a householder.
8. He shall not be taught (the whole Veda), but
only the sacred formulas required for the domestic
ceremonies.
g. When he has finished this (study of the Grzhyamantras), he may be initiated (after having performed
the penance prescribed) for the first neglect (I, 1,
I, 28).
10. Afterwards (everything is performed) as in
the case of a regular initiation.
10. The commentatcr observes that for those whose great-greatgrandfather or remoter ancestors were not initiated, no penance is
prescribed, and that it must be fixed by those who know the law.
I, 1, 2. STUDENTSHIP. 7
11. He who has been initiated shall dwell as a
religious student in the house of his teacher,
12. For forty-eight years (if he learns all the four
Vedas),
13. (Or) a quarter less (i.e. for thirty-six years),
14. (Or) less by half (i. e. for twenty-four years),
15. (Or) three quarters less (i.e. for twelve years),
16. Twelve years (should be) the shortest time
(for his residence with his teacher).
17. A student who studies the sacred science shall
not dwell with anybody else (than his teacher).
18. Now (follow) the rules for the studentship.
19. He shall obey his teacher, except (when
ordered to commit) crimes which cause loss of
caste.
He shall do what is serviceable to his teacher,
he shall not contradict him.
21. He shall always occupy a couch or seat lower
(than that of his teacher).
11. Manu II, 164.
12. Manu III, 1, and Yaga. I, 36; Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 125.
16, The commentator declares that in Manu III, 1, the expression
‘until he has learnt it,’ must be understood in this sense, that the
pupil may leave his teacher, if he has learnt the-Veda, after twelve
years’ study, never before. But compare also Asv. Gri. Sa. I, 22, 3.
17. The commentator states that this rule refers only to a
temporary, not to a professed student (naish/Aika). He also gives
an entirely different explanation to the Stra, which, according to
some, means, ‘A student who learns the sacred science shall
not fast in order to obtain heaven,’ This rendering also is admissible, as the word para may mean either a ‘stranger’ or
‘heaven,’ and upavasa, ‘ dwelling’ or ‘fasting.’
19. Regarding the crimes which cause loss of caste (pataniya),
see below, I, 7, 21, 7.
20, Manu II, 108, and Yaga, I, 27.
21. Manu II, 108, 198; Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 123 and 124.
8 APASTAMBA. I, 1, 2.
22. He shall not eat food offered (at a sacrifice to
the gods or the Manes),
23. Nor pungent condiments, salt, honey, or
meat.
24. He shall not sleep in the day-time.
28. He shall not use perfumes.
26. He shall preserve chastity.
27. He shall not embellish himself (by using ointments and the like).
28. He shall not wash his body (with hot water
for pleasure).
Nor pungent condiments, salt, honey, or
meat.
24. He shall not sleep in the day-time.
28. He shall not use perfumes.
26. He shall preserve chastity.
27. He shall not embellish himself (by using ointments and the like).
28. He shall not wash his body (with hot water
for pleasure).
29. But, if it is soiled by unclean things, he shall
clean it (with earth or water), in a place where he is
not seen by a Guru.
30. Let him not sport in the water whilst bathing;
let him swim (motionless) like a stick.
31. He shall wear all his hair tied in one braid.
32. Or let him make a braid_of the lock on the
crown of the head, and shave the rest of the hair.
23. Regarding the meaning of ksh4ra, ‘pungent condiments,’ see
Haradatta on II, 6, 15, 15. Other commentators explain the term
differently —Manu II, 174; Yag#. I, 33; and Weber, Ind. Stud.
X, 123. Asv. Gri. Sa. I, 22, 2.
25. Manu II, 177; Yaga. I, 33.
26. Manu II, 180.
27. Manu II, 178; Yag#. I, 33.
29. ‘Here, in the section on the teacher, the word guru designates the father and the rest also.’—Haradatta.
jo. Another version of the first portion of this Sftra, proposed
by Haradatta, is, ‘Let him not, whilst bathing, clean himself (with
bathing powder or the like).’ Another commentator takes Sfitra 28
as a prohibition of the daily bath or washing generally ordained
for Brahmawas, and refers Stra 29 to the naimittika sndna or
‘bathing on certain occasions,’ and takes Sftra 30 as a restriction
_ of the latter.
31. Manu II, 219.
T, 1, 2. STUDENTSHIP. 9
33. The girdle of a Brahmaza shall be made of
Mudzga grass, and consist of three strings; if possible,
(the strings) should be twisted to the right.
34. A bowstring (should be the girdle) of a
Kshatriya,
35. Ora string of Muga grass in which pieces
of iron have been tied.
36. A wool thread (shall be the girdle) of a
Vaisya,
37- Or a rope used for yoking the oxen to the
plough, or a string made of Tamala-bark.
38. The staff worn by a Brahmaza should be
made of Paldsa wood, that of a Kshatriya of a
branch of the Banian tree, which grows downwards,
that of a Vaisya of Badara or Udumbara wood.
Some declare, without any reference to caste, that
the staff of a student should be made of the wood of
a tree (that is fit to be used at the sacrifice).
39. (He shall wear)a cloth (to cover his nakedness).
40. (It shall be made) of hemp for a Brahmaza,
of flax (for a Kshatriya), of the skin of a (clean)
animal (for a Vaisya).
41. Some declare that the (upper) garment (of a
Brahmamza) should be dyed with red Lodh,
33. Manu II, 42-44; Yaga. I, 29; Asv. Gri. SQ. I, 19, 12;
Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 23.
38. Manu II, 45; Yaga. I, 29; Asv. Gre. St. I, 19, 133 20,1;
Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 23.
Haradatta gives no commentary on this Sfitra, but refers back
to the Grzhya-sfitra, 11, 16-17, where the same words occur.
39. The word forms a Sfitra by itself, in order to show that
every one must wear this cloth.
I, 29; Asv. Gre. St. I, 19, 133 20,1;
Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 23.
Haradatta gives no commentary on this Sfitra, but refers back
to the Grzhya-sfitra, 11, 16-17, where the same words occur.
39. The word forms a Sfitra by itself, in order to show that
every one must wear this cloth.
40. Manu II, 41. ‘Clean’ means here and everywhere else, if
applied to animals or things, ‘ fit to be used at the sacrifice.’
4t. Asv. Gri. SQ. I, 19, 11; Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 22.
10 APASTAMBA. I, 1, 3.
Prasna IJ, Parata 1, Kuawpa 3.
1. And that of a Kshatriya dyed with madder,
2. And that of a Vaisya dyed with turmeric.
3. (The skin) worn by a Brahmaza shall be that
of a common deer or of a black doe.
4. If he wears a black skin, let him not spread it
(on the ground) to sit or lie upon it.
5. (The skin worn) by a Kshatriya shall be that
of a spotted deer.
6. (The skin worn) by a Vaisya shall be that of a
he-goat.
7. The skin of a sheep is fit to be worn by all
castes,
8. And a blanket made of wool.
9. He who wishes the increase of Brahmaza
power shall wear skins only ; he who wishes the increase of Kshatriya power shall wear cloth only; he
who wishes the increase of both shall wear both
(skin and cloth). Thus says a Brahmaza.
10. But (I, Apastamba, say), let him wear a skin
only as his upper garment.
11. Let him not look at dancing.
12. Let him not go to assemblies (for gambling,
&c.), nor to crowds (assembled at festivals).
3. 3. Manu II, 41; Yag#. I, 29; Asv. Gri. Sa. I, 19, 10.
g. See also Gopatha-brahmama I, 2, 4.
10. According to I, 1, 2, 39—I, 1, 3, 10, the rule of dress for
students is the following :—According to Apastamba, a student
shall wear a piece of cloth to cover his nakedness (langoéi), and
a skin as upper garment. Other teachers allow, besides, an upper
dress of cloth, coloured differently for the different castes, with or
without the addition of a deer-skin.
tr. Manu II, 178.
12-13. Manu II, 179; Yaga. I, 33.
Iu3 STUDENTSHIP. 11
13. Let him not be addicted to gossiping.
14. Let him be discreet.
15. Let him not do anything for his own pleasure
in places which his teacher frequents.
16. Let him talk with women so much (only) as
his purpose requires,
17. (Let him be) forgiving.
18. Let him restrain his organs from seeking
illicit objects.
19. Let him be untired in fulfilling his duties ;
20. Modest ;
21. Possessed of self-command ;
22. Energetic ;
23. Free from anger ;
24. (And) free from envy.
25. Bringing all he obtains to his teacher, he shall
go begging with a vessel in the morning and in the
evening, (and he may) beg (from everybody) except
-low-caste people unfit for association (with Aryas)
and Abhisastas.
15. ‘Anything for his own pleasure,’ i.e. keeping conversations
with friends, making his toilet, &c.
15. ‘Anything for his own pleasure,’ i.e. keeping conversations
with friends, making his toilet, &c.
1g. The explanations of the last two terms, santa (Sftra 18)
and danta (Sftra 19), are different from those given usually. Sama
is usually explained as ‘the exclusive direction of the mind towards
God,’ and dama as ‘the restraining of the senses.’
23. Manu II, 178.
25. Regarding the explanation of the term Abhisasta, see below,
I, 7, 21,17. Haradatta: ‘Apap4tras are called those born from a
high-caste mother and a low-caste father, such as washermen. For
their cooking vessels &c. are unfit for the use of the four castes. .
- Since Apastamba says, “In the evening and in the morning, food
obtained in the evening must not be used for the morning meal,
nor food obtained i in the eorning for the evening meal.”’ Manu
brahmaza I, 2, 6. : LZ
THEOLOGICAL
SEMINARY
Se Ne i wave
12 APASTAMBA. I, 1, 3
26. A Br&hmama declares: Since a devout student takes away from women, who refuse (to give
him alms, the merit gained) by (Srauta)-sacrifices,
by gifts, (and) by burnt-offerings (offered in the
domestic fire), as well as their offspring, their cattle,
the sacred learning (of their families), therefore, indeed, (a woman) should not refuse (alms) to the
crowd of students; for amongst those (who come to
beg), there might be one of that (devout) kind, one
who thus (conscientiously) keeps his vow.
27. Alms (shall) not (be considered) leavings (and
be rejected) by inference (from their appearance), but
on the strength of ocular or oral testimony (only).
28. A Brahmama shall beg, prefacing (his request)
by the word ‘ Lady’;
29. A Kshatriya (inserting the word) ‘ Lady’ in
the middle (between the words ‘ give alms’) ;
30. A Vaisya, adding the word ‘ Lady’ (at the end
of the formula).
31. (The pupil) having taken those (alms) shall
place them before his teacher and offer them to him.
32. He may eat (the food) after having been
ordered to do so by his teacher.
27. To eat the residue of the meal of any person except that
left by the teacher and other Gurus, is not permitted to a student ;
see also below, I, 1, 4, 1 seq.; Manu II, 56; Y4gd. I, 33.
28. The formula to be used by a Brahmaza is, ‘ Lady, give alms ;’
that to be used by a Kshatriya, ‘ Give, lady, alms ;’ and that used
by a Vaisya, ‘Give alms, lady.’ Manu II, 49; Yag#. I, 30; Asy.
Gri. SQ. I, 22, 8.
31. The words with which he announces the alms are, Idam
ittham ahrztam, ‘this much have I received.’ Manu II, 51; Yag#@.
I, 27; Asv. Gri. $0. I, 22, 10.
32. The answer of the teacher is, Saumya tvameva bhunkshva,
‘friend, eat thou.’
I, 1, 3 STUDENTSHIP. 13
33. If the teacher is absent, the pupil (shall offer
the food) to (a member of) the teacher's family.
24. If the (family of the teacher) is (also) absent,
the pupil (may offer the food) to other learned
Brahmamas (.Srotriyas) also (and receive from them
the permission to eat).
35. He shall not beg for his own sake (alone).
24. If the (family of the teacher) is (also) absent,
the pupil (may offer the food) to other learned
Brahmamas (.Srotriyas) also (and receive from them
the permission to eat).
35. He shall not beg for his own sake (alone).
36. After he has eaten, he himself shall clean his
dish.
37. And he shall leave no residue (in his dish).
38. If he cannot (eat all that he has taken in
his dish), he shall bury (the remainder) in the
ground ;
39. Or he may throw it into the water ;
40. Or he may place (all that remains in a pot),
and put it down near an (uninitiated) Arya;
41. Or (he may put it down) near a Sddra slave
(belonging to his teacher).
42. If (the pupil) is on a journey, he shall throw
34. Regarding the term Srotriya, see below, II, 3, 6, 4.
35. ‘ The meaning of this SAtra is, that the rule given, Sftra 42
(below), for a pupil who is on a journey, shall hold good also for
a pupil who is at home, if (in the absence of his teacher) no
Srotriyas are to be found (from whom he can receive the permission to eat).’—Haradatta.
36. ‘He commits no sin, if he has the alms-pot cleaned by
somebody else. Some say that the Sfitra refers to both vessels
(the alms-pot and his own dish).’
40. An Arya is a person belonging to one of the first three
castes (see below). The Arya must be a boy who is not initiated,
because children are kémabhaksha4, i.e. allowed to eat what they
like, even leavings.
42. This rule holds good if no Srotriyas are near. If Srotriyas
are to be found, Sfitra 34 applies. Agni, the god of fire, is considered to be of the Brahminical caste, and hence he takes the
place of the teacher or of the Srotriyas. See also Manu II, 247,
14 APASTAMBA. I, 1, 4
a part of the alms into the fire and eat (the remainder).
43. Alms are declared to be sacrificial food. In
regard to them the teacher (holds the position
which) a deity (holds in regard to food offered at a
sacrifice).
44. And (the teacher holds also the place which)
the Ahavantya fire occupies (at a sacrifice, because
a portion of the alms is offered in the fire of his
stomach).
45. To him (the teacher) the (student) shall offer
(a portion of the alms),
Prasna I, Parata 1, Kuawnpa 4.
1. And (having done so) eat what is left.
2. For this (remnant of food) is certainly a remnant of sacrificial food.
3. If he obtains other things (besides food, such
as cattle or fuel, and gives them to his teacher) as
he obtains them, then those (things hold the place
of) rewards (given to priests for the performance of
a sacrifice).
4. This is the sacrifice to be performed daily by
a religious student.
5. And (the teacher) shall not give him anything
that is forbidden by the revealed texts, (not even as)
leavings,
6. Such as pungent condiments, salt, honey, or
meat (and the like).
248, and the passages collected from the Brahmazas, by Prof.
Weber, Ind. Stud. IX, 39.
44. Manu II, 231.
4. 6. See above, I, 1, 2, 23.
I, 1, 4 STUDENTSHIP. 15
Such as pungent condiments, salt, honey, or
meat (and the like).
248, and the passages collected from the Brahmazas, by Prof.
Weber, Ind. Stud. IX, 39.
44. Manu II, 231.
4. 6. See above, I, 1, 2, 23.
I, 1, 4 STUDENTSHIP. 15
7. By this (last Sdtra it is) explained (that) the
other restrictions (imposed upon a student, such as
abstinence from perfumes, ointments, &c., are likewise not to be broken).
8. For (explicit) revealed texts have greater force
than custom from which (the existence of a permissive passage of the revelation) may be inferred.
9. Besides (in this particular case) a (worldly)
motive for the practice is apparent.
7. See above, I, 1, 2, 24 seq. :—According to Haradatta, teachers
were in the habit of giving ointments and the like forbidden substances to their pupils, and Apastamba gives this rule in order
to show his dissent from the practice.
8. ‘Anum4nika means “proper to be inferred from.” For the
existence of a text of the revelation or tradition (Smriti) is
inferred from custom. A visible text of the revelation is (however) of greater weight than a custom from which the existence
of a text may be inferred. It is impossible to infer (the existence
of a text) which is opposed to such (a visible text), on account of
the maxim “an inference (can be made only, if it is) not opposed
(by ocular proof).” (Apastamba), by speaking thus, (“ For revealed
texts,” &c.,) shows that the rule forbidding a student to eat pungent condiments, salt &c. is based on the existing text of a
ae Thay Haradatta.
‘ Though the text forbidding the use of pungent condiments,
salt, and the like refers to such substances if they are not leavings,
still it is improper to assert, on the ground of the custom from
which a permissive text may be inferred, that it (the existing text),
which is general, must be restricted (to those cases only) where the
forbidden substances are not leavings given by the teacher. (If
an opponent should answer that) certainly there are also texts
which contradict each other, such as “he takes” and “he does
not take,” and that therefore there is no reason why a text restricted
(to the case in which forbidden substances are leavings of the
teacher) should not be inferred. In order to answer (that plea),
he (Apastamba) says (Sfitra g), “ True, that would be right if no
motive whatever could be discovered for that custom (to eat forbidden food which is given by the teacher). But a reason for this
course of action exists.” ’—Haradatta.
16 APASTAMBA. I, 1, 4.
10. For pleasure is obtained (by eating or using
the forbidden substances).
. A residue of food left by a father and an elder
brother, may be eaten.
12. If they act contrary to the law, he must not
eat (their leavings).
13. In the evening and in the morning he shall
fetch water in a vessel (for the use of his teacher).
14. Daily he shall fetch fuel from the forest, and
place it on the floor (in his teacher's house).
15. He shall not go to fetch firewood after
sunset.
13. In the evening and in the morning he shall
fetch water in a vessel (for the use of his teacher).
14. Daily he shall fetch fuel from the forest, and
place it on the floor (in his teacher's house).
15. He shall not go to fetch firewood after
sunset.
16. After having kindled the fire, and having
swept the ground around (the altar), he shall place
10. ‘What is that (reason)? [Sftra 10] For to eat pungent
condiments, salt, &c. gives pleasure to the eater, and therefore
according to the maxim, I, 4, 12, 11, “ That in case a custom has
pleasure for its motive, there is no text of the holy law to authorise
it,’ no text restricting (the prohibition of forbidden substances to
the case in which a Brahmaf4rin does not receive them as leavings
from his teacher) can be inferred (from the practice of eating such
leavings).’—Haradatta. ,
12. Another explanation of this Sftra is given by Haradatta:
“If by eating their leavings he should commit a sin (because the
food contains salt &c.), he shall not do it.’
13. Manu II, 182.
14. The reason for placing the fuel on the ground is, according
to Haradatta, the fear lest, if placed on some shelf or the like, it
should tumble down and injure the teacher’s children. Others,
however, are of opinion that the wood which the pupil fetches
daily, is not to be used by the teacher for cooking, but for the
performance of the pupil’s daily fire-offering. The reason for this
interpretation is, that in the Grzhya-sfitra, 11, 24, the daily offering
of fuel is enjoined with the same words. See Weber, Ind. Stud. X,
123; Manu II, 186.
16. Some explain, instead of ‘after having swept the ground
around the altar,’ &c., ‘after having raked the scattered brands.
into a heap.’—Haradatta.
I, 1, 4 STUDENTSHIP. 17
the sacred fuel on the fire every morning and
evening, according to the prescription (of the
Grthya-sitra).
17. Some say that the fire is only to be worshipped in the evening.
18. He shall sweep the place around the fire after
it has been made to burn (by the addition of fuel),
with his hand, and not with the broom (of Kusa
grass).
19. But, before (adding the fuel, he is free to use
the broom) at his pleasure.
20. He shall not perform non-religious acts
with the residue of the water employed for the
fire-worship, nor sip it.
21. He shall not sip water which has been stirred
with the hand, nor such as has been received into
one hand only.
22. And he shall avoid sleep (whilst his teacher
is awake).
23. Then (after having risen) he shall assist his
teacher daily by acts tending to the acquisition of
spiritual merit and of wealth.
24. Having served (his teacher duting the day
in this manner, he shall say when going to bed): I
have protected the protector of the law (my teacher).
18. Ap. Gri. SQ. 11, 22.
20. During the fire-worship water is wanted for sprinkling the
altar in various ways.
24. Having served (his teacher duting the day
in this manner, he shall say when going to bed): I
have protected the protector of the law (my teacher).
18. Ap. Gri. SQ. 11, 22.
20. During the fire-worship water is wanted for sprinkling the
altar in various ways.
23. Acts tending to the acquisition of merit are here—collecting
sacred fuel, Kusa grass, and flowers for sacrifices. Acts tending
to the acquisition of wealth are—gathering fuel for cooking, &c.
Manu II, 182; Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 123 and 124.
24. Another explanation of the words spoken by the student is,
“O law, I have protected him ; protect thou me.’ See also Gopathabriahmaaa I, 2, 4.
[2] Cc
18 APASTAMBA. I, 2, 5.
25. If the teacher transgresses the law through
carelessness or knowingly, he shall point it out to
him privately.
26. If (the teacher) does not cease (to transgress),
he himself shall perform the religious acts (which
ought to be performed by the former) ;
27. Or he may return home.
28. Now of him who rises before (his teacher)
and goes to rest after (him), they say that he does
not sleep.
29. The student who thus entirely fixes his mind
there (in the teacher’s family), has thereby performed
all acts which yield rewards (such as the Gyotishtoma), and also those which must be performed by
a householder.
Prasna I, Parata 2, Kuawpa 5,
1. The word ‘austerity’ (must be understood to
apply) to (the observance of) the rules (of studentship).
2. If they are transgressed, study drives out the
knowledge of the Veda acquired already, from the
(offender) and from his children.
26. Compare above, I, 1, 1, 13.
29. The Sfitra refers to a naish‘Aika brahmaffrin or professed
student, who never leaves his teacher’s family, and never enters
any other order; and it declares his merit to be equal to that of
one who becomes a householder. Manu II, 243, 244; Yagi.
I, 49, 50.
5. 1. Manu II, 164.
2. The meaning of the phrase, ‘Study drives out the Veda,
which has already been learnt from him who studies transgressing
the rules prescribed for the student,’ is, ‘The Veda recited at the
Brahmayag#a (daily study), and other religious rites, produces no
effect, i.e. gains no merit for the reciter. Manu II, 97. Hara-
I, 2, 5. STUDENTSHIP. 19
3. Besides he will go to hell, and his life will be
shortened.
4. On account of that (transgression of the rules
of studentship) no Azshis are born amongst the men
of later ages.
5. But some in their new birth, on account of a
residue of the merit acquired by their actions (in
former lives), become (similar to) Azshis by their
knowledge (of the Veda),
6. Like Svetaketu.
7. And whatever else, besides the Veda, (a student) who obeys the rules learns from his teacher,
that brings the same reward as the Veda.
8. Also, if desirous to accomplish something (be
datta gives also the following three explanations of this Sftra,
adopted by other commentators :—
7. And whatever else, besides the Veda, (a student) who obeys the rules learns from his teacher,
that brings the same reward as the Veda.
8. Also, if desirous to accomplish something (be
datta gives also the following three explanations of this Sftra,
adopted by other commentators :—
a, If these (rules) are transgressed, he loses his capacity for
learning, because the Brahman forsakes him, &c.
5. If these rules are transgressed, the capacity for learning and
the Brahman leave him, &c.
c. From him who studies whilst transgressing these rules, the
Brahman goes out, &c.
4. ‘Amongst the avaras means “amongst the men of modern
times, those who live in the Kaliyuga.” No Aishis are born
means “ there are none who see (receive the revelation of) Mantras, Vedic texts.” ’"—Haradatta.
5. ‘How is it then that men in our days, though they transgress the rules prescribed for students, learn the four Vedas with
_ little trouble? (The answer is), By virtue of a residue of the
reward (due) for the proper observance of those rules (of studentship) in a former Yuga. Therefore Apastamba says, Sftra 6,
“But some,” &c. New existence means “new birth (life).”’—
Haradatta.
6. An example of this (follows, SQtra 6): ‘Like Svetaketu.
For Svetaketu learned the four Vedas in a short time; as we read
in the KAAndogya Upanishad (Prap4thaka VI, 1).’—Haradatta.
7. ‘Whatever else besides the Veda, such as poison-charms
and the like.’-—Haradatta.
C2
20 APASTAMBA. I, 2, 5.
it good or evil), he thinks it in his mind, or pronounces it in words, or looks upon it with his
eye, even so it will be; thus teach (those who
know the law).
9. (The duties of a student consist in) acts to
please the spiritual teacher, the observance (of
rules) conducive to his own welfare, and industry
in studying.
10. Acts other than these need not be performed
by a student.
11. A religious student who retains what he has
learned, who finds pleasure in the fulfilment of the
law, who keeps the rules of studentship, who is
upright and forgiving, attains perfection.
12. Every day he shall rise in the last watch of
the night, and standing near his teacher, salute him
with (this) salutation: I, N. N., ho! (salute thee.)
13. And (he shall salute) before the morning
meal also other very aged (learned Brahmazas) who
may live in the same village.
14. If he has been on a journey, (he shall salute
g. ‘Acts to please the teacher are—washing his feet and the
like; observance (of rules) conducive to welfare are—obedience
to the prohibition to cross a river swimming, to eat pungent condiments, and obedience to the injunction to beg. —Haradatta.
10. ‘ Acts other than these, such as pilgrimages and the like.’-—
Haradatta.
11. ‘What this “perfection” is has been declared in Sftras
4, 8.’—Haradatta.
12. Manu II, 122 and 124.
—Haradatta.
10. ‘ Acts other than these, such as pilgrimages and the like.’-—
Haradatta.
11. ‘What this “perfection” is has been declared in Sftras
4, 8.’—Haradatta.
12. Manu II, 122 and 124.
14. This salutation is to be performed only when the occasion
requires it. ‘The formerly-mentioned salutation (Sftras 12, 13) is
to be performed daily. In the next Sftra follows that by which
the fulfilment of a wish may be obtained—Haradatta. Manu II,
121; Yaga. I, 26.
I, 2, 5. STUDENTSHIP. 2I
the persons mentioned) when he meets them on his
return.
15. (He may also salute the persons mentioned
at other times), if he is desirous of heaven and long
life.
16. A Brahmaza shall salute stretching forward
his right arm on a level with his ear, a Kshatriya
holding it on a level with the breast, a Vaisya
holding it on a level with the waist, a Sddra holding
it low, (and) stretching forward the joined hands.
17. And when returning the salute of (a map belonging) to the first (three) castes, the (last syllable
of the) name (of the person addressed) is produced
to the length of three moras.
18. But when he meets his teacher after sunrise
(coming for his lesson), he shall embrace (his feet).
19. On all other occasions he shall salute (him in
the manner described above).
20. But some declare that he ought to embrace
the (feet of his) teacher (at every occasion instead of
saluting him).
21. Having stroked the teacher's right foot with
his right hand below and above, he takes hold of it
and of the ankle.
22. Some say, that he must press both feet, each
with both hands, and embrace them.
23. He shall be very attentive the whole day
16. ‘A Vaisya shall salute stretching forth his arm on a level
with his middle, i.e. the stomach; others say, on a level with his
thigh; the SQdra stretching it forth low, i.e. on a level with his
feet.’— Haradatta.
17. See also Manu II, 125.
18. Manu II, 71.
22. Manu I, 72.
23. Manu II, 191.
22 APASTAMBA. T, 2, 6.
long, never allowing his mind to wander from the
lesson during the (time devoted to) studying.
24. And (at other times he shall be attentive) to
the business of his teacher.
25. And during the time for rest (he shall give)
his mind (to doubtful passages of the lesson learnt).
26. And he shall study after having been called
by the teacher (and not request the teacher to begin
the lesson).
Prasna IJ, Parara 2, Kuawnpa 6,
1. Every day he shall put his teacher to bed
after having washed his (teacher’s) feet and after
having rubbed him.
2. He shall retire to rest after having received
(the teacher's permission).
3. And he shall not stretch out his feet towards
him.
4. Some say, that it is not (sinful) to stretch out
the feet (towards the teacher), if he be lying on a
bed.
5. And he shall not address (the teacher), whilst
he himself is in a reclining position.
6. But he may answer (the teacher) sitting (if the
teacher himself is sitting or lying down).
4. Some say, that it is not (sinful) to stretch out
the feet (towards the teacher), if he be lying on a
bed.
5. And he shall not address (the teacher), whilst
he himself is in a reclining position.
6. But he may answer (the teacher) sitting (if the
teacher himself is sitting or lying down).
7. And if (the teacher) stands, (he shall answer
him,) after having risen also.
26. Yag#. 1, 27; Manu II, 191.
6. 1. Manu II, 209.
2. Manu II, 194+
4. ‘But, in Apastamba’ s opinion, it is ; sinful even in this case.’ —
Haradatta.
5. Manu II, rgg.
6. Manu II, 196.
I, 2, 6. STUDENTSHIP. 23
8. He shall walk after him, if he walks.
g. He shall run after him, if he runs.
10. He shall not approach (his teacher) with shoes
on his feet, or his head covered, or holding (implements) in his hand.
11. But on a journey or occupied in work, he may
approach him (with shoes on, with his head covered,
or with implements in his hand),
12. Provided he does not sit down quite near (to
his teacher).
13. He shall approach his teacher with the same
reverence as a deity, without telling idle stories,
attentive and listening eagerly to his words.
14. (He shall not sit near him) with his legs
crossed.
15. If (on sitting down) the wind blows from the
pupil towards the master, he shall change his place.
16. (He shall sit) without supporting himself with
his hands (on the ground),
17. Without leaning against something (as a wall
or the like).
18. If the pupil wears two garments, he shall
wear the upper one after the fashion of the sacred
thread at the sacrifices.
19. But, if he wears a (lower) garment only, he
shall wrap it around the lower part of his body.
20. He shall turn his face towards his teacher
though the latter does not turn his towards him.
21. He shall sit neither too near to, nor too far
(from the teacher),
15. Manu II, 203.
18, At sacrifices the sacred thread passes over the left shoulder
and under the right arm. Manu II, 63, and Taitt. Ar. II, 1, 3.
20. Manu II, 197.
24 APASTAMBA. I, 2, 6.
22. (But) at such a distance, that (the teacher)
may be able to reach him with his arms (without
rising).
23. (He shall not sit in such a position) that the
wind blows from the teacher, towards himself.
24. (If there is) only one pupil, he shall sit at the
right hand (of the teacher).
25. (If there are) many, (they may sit) as it may
be convenient.
- 26. If the master (is not honoured with a seat
and) stands, the (pupil) shall not sit down.
27. (If the master is not honoured with a
couch) and sits, the (pupil) shall not lie down on
a couch.
28. And if the teacher tries (to do something),
then (the pupil) shall offer to do it for him, if it is in
his power.
29. And, if his teacher is near, he shall not
embrace (the feet of) another Guru who is inferior
(in dignity) ;
30. Nor shall he praise (such a person in the
teacher’s presence) by (pronouncing the name of)
his family.
31. Nor shall he rise to meet such an (inferior
Guru) or rise after him,
29. And, if his teacher is near, he shall not
embrace (the feet of) another Guru who is inferior
(in dignity) ;
30. Nor shall he praise (such a person in the
teacher’s presence) by (pronouncing the name of)
his family.
31. Nor shall he rise to meet such an (inferior
Guru) or rise after him,
32. Even if he be a Guru of his teacher.
33. But he shall leave his place and his seat, (in
order to show him honour.)
23. See Sfitra 15 and Manu quoted there.
29. The term Guru includes a father, maternal uncle, &c. (see
above), and these are inferior to the teacher. Manu II, 205.
31-32. ‘The pupil is not to show the mentioned marks of
respect to any of his own inferior Gurus, even if the person is the
Guru, e.g. the maternal uncle, of his teacher.’—Haradatta.
I, 2,7. STUDENTSHIP. 25
34. Some say, that (he may address) a pupil of
his teacher by (pronouncing) his name, if he is also
one of his (the pupil’s) own Gurus.
35. But towards such a person who is generally
revered for some other reason than being the teacher
(e.g. for his learning), the (student) should behave as
towards his teacher, though he be inferior in dignity
to the latter.
36. After having eaten in his (teacher's) presence,
he shall not give away the remainder of the food
without rising.
37. Nor shall he sip water (after having eaten in
the presence of his teacher without rising).
38. (He shall rise) addressing him (with these
words), ‘ What shall 1 do?’
Prasna I, Parata 2, Kuanpa 7.
1. Or he may rise silently.
2. Nor shall he (in going away) move around his
teacher with his left hand turned towards him; he
shall go away after having walked around him with
his right side turned towards him.
3. He shall not look at a naked woman.
4. He shall not cut the (leaves or flowers) of
herbs or trees, in order to smell at them.
34. ‘But Apastamba’s own opinion is that he ought not to
address by name a (maternal uncle or other) Guru (who visits his
teacher).’—Haradatta.
36. According to I, 1, 3, 40 seq., a student shall give what he
is unable to eat to a child, or to a slave. If he has eaten in
the presence of his teacher, he shall not give the food away
without rising for the purpose.
7.3. Manu IV, 53; Yaga. I, 135.
4. Gopatha-brahmaza I, 2, 2.
26 APASTAMBA. I, 2,7.
5. He shall avoid (the use of) shoes, of an
umbrella, a chariot, and the like (luxuries).
6. He shall not smile.
7. If he smiles, he shall smile covering (the
mouth with his hand); thus says a Brahmama.
8. He shall not touch a woman with his face, in
order to inhale the fragrance of her body.
9. Nor shall he desire her in his heart.
10. Nor shall he touch (a woman at all) without
a particular reason.
11. A Brahmavza declares, ‘He shall be dusty, he
shall have dirty teeth, and speak the truth.’
12. Those teachers, who instructed his teacher in
that science which he (the pupil) studies with him,
(are to be considered as) spiritual teachers (by the
pupil).
11. A Brahmavza declares, ‘He shall be dusty, he
shall have dirty teeth, and speak the truth.’
12. Those teachers, who instructed his teacher in
that science which he (the pupil) studies with him,
(are to be considered as) spiritual teachers (by the
pupil).
13. But if (a teacher), before the eyes of his
(pupil), embraces the feet of any other persons, then
he (the pupil also) must embrace their feet, (as long
as he remains) in that (state of studentship).
5. Manu II, 178.
1o. Manu II, 179.
11. ‘Though both (these first two precepts) have been given in
Sfitra I, 1, 2, 27, still they are repeated, in order to show that a
Srauta penance for the breach of them, is enjoined by a revealed
text.’—Haradatta.
12. The term vamsya, ‘ancestor,’ for the teacher’s teacher is
explained by the circumstance, that Hindus consider a ‘school,’
consisting of a succession of teachers and pupils, as a spiritual
family, and call it a vidyavamsa, vidyaparampara. Manu II, 205.
13. ‘Another (commentator) says, “He, the pupil, must embrace
their feet (at every meeting) from that time (when he first saw
his teacher do it).” Because the word “but” is used in the Sfitra,
he must do so even after he has returned home (on completion of
his studies).’—Haradatta.
T, 2, 7. _ STUDENTSHIP. 27
14. If (a pupil) has more than one teacher, the
alms (collected by him) are at the disposal of him to
whom he is (just then) bound.
15. When (a student) has returned home (from
his teacher), he shall give (whatever he may obtain
by begging or otherwise) to his mother.
16, The mother shall give it to her husband;
17. (And) the husband to the (student's) teacher.
18. Or he may use it for religious ceremonies,
19. After having studied as many (branches of)
sacred learning as he can, he shall procure in a
righteous manner the fee for (the teaching of) the
Veda (to be given to his teacher), according to his
power.
20. But, if the teacher has fallen into distress, he
may take (the fee) from an Ugra or from a Sddra.
21. But some declare, that it is lawful at any
time to take the money for the teacher from an
Ugra or from a Sddra.
14. ‘More than one teacher,’ i.e. several, who have taught him
the several Vedas. Each Brahman generally knowing one Veda
only.
This passage shows, that the young Brahmans in olden time,
just as now, went from one teacher to the other, learning from
each what he knew. The rules, which seemingly enjoin a pupil
to stay with one and the same teacher, refer only to the principle,
that the pupil must stay with his teacher, until he has learnt the
subject which he began with him.
18. ‘Religious ceremonies, i.e. the wedding and the like. For
them he may use it optionally. He, i.e. on failure of the teacher ;
the father, on failure of the father; the mother, on failure of all
(the pupil) himself..— Haradatta.
vg. Manu II, 245 and 246; Yag#. I, 51; Weber, Ind. Stud.
X, 125.
18. ‘Religious ceremonies, i.e. the wedding and the like. For
them he may use it optionally. He, i.e. on failure of the teacher ;
the father, on failure of the father; the mother, on failure of all
(the pupil) himself..— Haradatta.
vg. Manu II, 245 and 246; Yag#. I, 51; Weber, Ind. Stud.
X, 125.
20. ‘The word Ugra denotes either the offspring of a Vaisya
and of a Sfdra woman, or a twice-born man, who perpetrates
dreadful deeds.’ — Haradatta.
28 APASTAMBA. I, 2, 7.
22. And having paid (the fee), he shall not boast
of having done so.
23. And he shall not remember what he may
have done (for his teacher).
24. He shall avoid self-praise, blaming others,
and the like.
25. If he is ordered (by his teacher to do something), he shall do just that.
26. On account of the incompetence of his
teacher, (he may go) to another (and) study (there).
27. He shall behave towards his teacher's wife
as towards the teacher himself, but he shall not
embrace her feet, nor eat the residue of her food.
28. So also (shall he behave) towards him who
teaches him at (the teacher's) command,
29. And also to a fellow-student who is superior
(in learning and years).
30. He shall behave to his teacher's son (who is
superior to himself in learning or years) as to his
teacher, but not eat the residue of his food.
31. Though he may have returned home, the
24. Manu II, 179.
26. See above, I, 1, 1, 13, and note. Here also Haradatta
states that the permission to leave the teacher is to be restricted to
those who have not solemnly bound themselves to their teacher by
allowing him to perform the ceremony of initiation.
27. Manu II, 208-212.
28. ‘The use of the present “ adhydpayati,” shows that this rule
holds good only for the time during which he is taught by such
a man. —Haradatta,
2g. ‘ Because (an older fellow-student) is of use to him, according to the verse: One-fourth (of his learning) a pupil receives
from his teacher, one-fourth he acquires by his own intelligence,
one-fourth from his fellow-students, one-fourth he is taught by
time.’— Haradatta.
30. Manu II, 207-209.
I, 2,8. A STUDENT WHO HAS RETURNED HOME. 29
behaviour towards his (teacher and the rest) which
is prescribed by the rule of conduct settled by the
agreement (of those who know the law, must be
observed by him to the end),
Prasna I, Parata 2, Kuawpa 8.
1, Just as by a student (actually living with his
teacher).
2. He may wear garlands, anoint his face (with
sandal), oil his hair and moustaches, smear his eyelids (with collyrium), and (his body) with oil, wear a
turban, a cloth round his loins, a coat, sandals, and
wooden shoes.
3. Within the sight of his (teacher or teacher's
relations) he shall do none of those (actions, as
putting on a garland), nor cause them to be done.
4. Nor (shall he wear garlands &c. whilst performing) acts for his pleasure,
5. As, for instance, cleaning his teeth, shampooing, combing the hair, and the like.
4. Nor (shall he wear garlands &c. whilst performing) acts for his pleasure,
5. As, for instance, cleaning his teeth, shampooing, combing the hair, and the like.
6. And the teacher shall not speak of the goods
of the (pupil) with the intention to obtain them.
7. But some declare, that, if a pupil who has
bathed (after completing his studies) is called by his
teacher or has gone to see him, he shall not take off
8.1. Haradatta does not connect this Sfitra with the preceding one. He explains it by itself: ‘(We will now declare) how a
student (who has left his teacher, but is not married) ought to
behave.’
6. ‘If the teacher comes to the house of his (former) pupil (who
has become a householder), he shall, for instance, not say, ‘Oh,
what a beautiful dish!” in such a manner, that his desire to obtain
it becomes apparent.’ — Haradatta.
4. This opinion is contrary to Apastamba’s view given in
Sfitras 2 and 3 above.
30 APASTAMBA, T, 2, 8
that (garland or other ornaments) which he wears
according to the law at the time (of that ceremony).
8. He shall not sit on a seat higher (than that of
his teacher),
9. Nor on a seat that has more legs (than that
of his teacher),
10. Nor on a seat that stands more firmly fixed
(on the ground than that of his teacher),
11. Nor shall he sit or lie on a couch or seat
which is used (by his teacher).
12. If he is ordered (by his teacher), he shall on
a journey ascend a carriage after him.
13. (At his teacher's command) he shall also enter
an assembly, ascend a roller (which his teacher drags
along), sit on a mat of fragrant grass or a couch of
straw (together with his teacher).
14. If not addressed by a Guru, he shall not
speak to him, except (in order to announce) good
news.
15. He shall avoid to touch a Guru (with his
finger), to whisper (into his ear), to laugh (into his
face), to call out to him, to pronounce his name or to
give him orders and the like (acts).
to. ‘When he gives to his teacher a wooden seat (with legs),
he shall not sit on a cane-seat (without legs), for the latter touches
the ground on all sides.’—Haradatta.
11, Manu II, rr9. '
12. This rule is an exception to I, 2, 7, 5. Manu II, 204.
13. ‘The roller is an implement used by husbandmen, with
which the ploughed land is made even. If one person ascends it
and another drags it along, the ground becomes even. If that is
dragged by the teacher, the pupil shall ascend it at his command.
He shall not disobey from fear of the unseemliness of the action.’ —
Haradatta.
15. Manu II, 199; regarding the term Guru, see above, I, 2, 6, 29...
I,2,8 A STUDENT WHO HAS RETURNED HOME. 31
16. In time of need he may attract attention (by
any of these acts).
17. If (a pupil) resides (in the same village) with
(his teacher after the completion of his studies), he
shall go to see him every morning and evening,
without being called.
18. And if he returns from a journey, he shall
(go to) see him on the same day.
17. If (a pupil) resides (in the same village) with
(his teacher after the completion of his studies), he
shall go to see him every morning and evening,
without being called.
18. And if he returns from a journey, he shall
(go to) see him on the same day.
19. If his teacher and his teacher's teacher meet,
he shall embrace the feet of his teacher’s teacher,
and then show his desire to do the same to his
teacher.
20. The other (the teacher) shall (then) forbid it.
21. And (other marks of) respect (due to the
teacher) are omitted in the presence of the (teacher's
teacher).
22. And (if he does not live in the same village),
he shall go frequently to his teacher’s residence, in
order to see him, and bring him some (present), with
his own hand, be it even only a stick for cleaning
the teeth. Thus (the duties of a student have been
explained).
23. (Now) the conduct of a teacher towards his
pupil (will be explained).
24. Loving him like his own son, and full of
attention, he shall teach him the sacred science,
without hiding anything in the whole law.
25. And he shall not use him for his own purposes to the detriment of his studies, except in times
of distress.
17. This and the following Sftras refer to a person who has
finished his studentship, while the preceding ones, from Sfitra 8,
apply to the time of studentship also.
24. Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 126.
32 APASTAMBA. I, 3, 9-
26. That pupil who, attending to two (teachers),
accuses his (principal and first) teacher of ignorance,
remains no (longer) a pupil.
27. A teacher also, who neglects the instruction
(of his pupil), does no (longer) remain a teacher.
28. If the (pupil) commits faults, (the teacher)
shall always reprove him.
29. Frightening, fasting, bathing in (cold) water,
and banishment from the teacher’s presence are the
punishments (which are to be employed), according
to the greatness (of the fault), until (the pupil) leaves
off (sinning).
30. He shall dismiss (the pupil), after he has
performed the ceremony of the Samdvartana and
has finished his studentship, with these words,
‘Apply thyself henceforth to other duties.’
Prasna I, Parata 8, Kuanpa 9.
1. After having performed the Upakarma for
studying the Veda on the full moon of the month
Sravaza (July-August), he shall for one month not
study in the evening.
26. ‘Another commentator says, “That pupil who offends his
teacher in word, thought, or deed, and directs his mind improperly, i.e. does not properly obey, does not (any longer) remain a
pupil.” ’—Haradatta,
29. But see also Manu VIII, 299, where corporal punishment
is permitted.
9. 1. The Upakarma is the ceremony which is performed every
year at the beginning of the course of study. It is in fact the
solemn opening of the Brahmanic term. ‘ Because Apastamba
uses the word evening (i.e. first part of the night) it is not sinful to
study later in the night..—Haradatta. ManuIV,95; Y4g#.I, 142,
143; Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 130 and 134.
T, 3, 9- THE STUDY OF THE VEDA. 33
It is in fact the
solemn opening of the Brahmanic term. ‘ Because Apastamba
uses the word evening (i.e. first part of the night) it is not sinful to
study later in the night..—Haradatta. ManuIV,95; Y4g#.I, 142,
143; Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 130 and 134.
T, 3, 9- THE STUDY OF THE VEDA. 33
2. On the full moon of the month of Pausha
(December—January), or under the constellation
Rohizi, he shall leave off reading the Veda.
3- Some declare, (that he shall study) for four
months and a half.
4. He shall avoid to study the Veda on a high-road.
5. Or he may study it (on a high-road), after
having smeared (a space) with cowdung.
6. He shall never study in a burial-ground nor
anywhere near it within the throw of a Samyé.
7. If a village has been built over (a burialground) or its surface has been cultivated as a field,
the recitation of the Veda (in such a place) is not
prohibited.
8. But if that place is known to have been (a
burial-ground), he shall not study (there).
2. The term lasts therefore for five months; (i.e. latter half of
Sravana, Bhadrapada, Asvina, Karttika, Margasirsha, and the first
half of Pausha.) The Rohinf-day of Pausha is meant.
3. ‘According to this latter opinion the Upékarma should be
performed on the full moon of Bhadrapada, as has been taught in
another work (Manu IV, 95); the (time of the) Utsargana, (the
solemn closing of the term) should be advanced; and after the
Utsargana has been performed, one may study the Veda during
the light nights of each month until the full moon of Sravana,
in order to fix in one’s mind the part learned already ; and in the
dark fortnight of each month one may study the Vedangas, i.e.
grammar and the rest (Manu IV, 98). On the full moon of Srévana
the Upakarma should be performed once more, and that part of
the Veda should be studied which has not yet been learned.”—
Haradatta.
4. Nigam4A, ‘ high-roads,’ are squares and the like-—Haradatta.
6. The Samyé is either the pin in the bullock’s yoke or the
round stick, about a foot and a half in length, which is used for
the preparation of the Vedi. Manu IV, 116; Yaga. I, 148.
8. ‘Nor anywhere near it within the throw of a Samya.’ This
must be understood from Sftra 6.
[2] D
34 APASTAMBA. I, 3, 9.
g. A Sfidra and an outcast are (included by the
term) burial-ground, (and the rule given, Sdtra 6,
applies to them).
10. Some declare, that (one ought to avoid only,
to study) in the same house (where they dwell).
11. But if (a student and) a Sidra woman merely
look at: each other, the recitation of the Veda must
be interrupted,
12. Likewise, if (a student and) a woman, who
has had connexion with a man of a lower caste,
(look at each other).
13. If he, who is about to study the Veda, wishes
to talk to a woman during her courses, he shall first
speak to a Brahmaza and then to her, then again
speak to a Brahmama, and afterwards study. Thereby
the children (of that woman) will be blessed.
14. (He shall not study in a village) in which a
corpse lies ;
Thereby
the children (of that woman) will be blessed.
14. (He shall not study in a village) in which a
corpse lies ;
15. Nor in such a one where KandAlas live.
16. He shall not study whilst corpses are being
carried to the boundary of the village,
17. Nor in a forest, if (a corpse or KAmdala) is
within sight.
18. And if outcasts have entered the village, he
shall not study on that day,
9. Yag#. I, 148.
13. The last part of the Sfitra may also be interpreted: ‘Thus
she will be blessed with children.’—Haradatta.
14. Manu IV, 108; Yag#. I, 148.
18. Haradatta explains Bahya, ‘ outcasts,’ by ‘ robbers, such as
Ugras and Nishadas.’ But, I think, it means simply such outcasts
as live in the forest or outside the village in the Vadi, like the
Dhers, Mahars, Mangs of the present day. Most of these tribes,
however, are or were given to thieving. See Kullika on Manu X,
28, and the Petersburg Dict. s. v.
I, 3, 9- THE STUDY OF THE VEDA. 35
19. Nor if good men (have come).
20. If it thunders in the evening, (he shall not
study) during the night.
21. If lightning is seen (in the evening, he shall
not study during that night), until he has slept.
22. If lightning is seen about the break of dawn,
or at the time when he may distinguish at the distance of a Samy4-throw, whether (a cow) is black or
red, he shall not study during that day, nor in the
following evening.
23. If it thunders in the second part of the third
watch of the night, (he shall not study during the
following day or evening).
24. Some (declare, that this rule holds good, if it
thunders), after the first half of the night has passed.
25. (Nor shall he study) whilst the cows are prevented from leaving (the village on account of thieves
and the like),
26. Nor (on the imprisonment of criminals) whilst
they are being executed.
27. He shall not study whilst he rides on beasts
(of burden).
28. At the new moon, (he shall not study) for
two days and two nights.
19. Yag#. I, 150.
20. Manu IV, 106; Yag#. 1, 145. ‘This rule refers to the
rainy season. (For thunder) at other (seasons) he orders below
a longer (cessation).’—Haradatta.
24. Manu IV, 120; Yaga. I, 151.
28. ‘For two days,” i.e. on the day of the new moon and
the preceding one, the fourteenth of the half month.’ —Haradatta.
Manu IV, 113; Yaga. I, 146.
36 APASTAMBA. I, 3, 10.
Prasna I, Parata 8, Kuanpa 10.
1. (Nor shall he study) on the days of the full
moons of those months in which the Aaturm4syasacrifice may be performed (nor on the days preceding them).
2. At the time of the Vedotsarga, on the death of
Gurus, at the Ash¢aka-Sraddha, and at the time of
the Upakarma, (he shall not study) for three days;
3. Likewise if near relations have died.
4. (He shall not study) for twelve days, if his
mother, father, or teacher have died.
5. If these (have died), he must (also) bathe for
the same number of days.
6. Persons who are younger (than the relation
deceased), must shave (their hair and beard).
Likewise if near relations have died.
4. (He shall not study) for twelve days, if his
mother, father, or teacher have died.
5. If these (have died), he must (also) bathe for
the same number of days.
6. Persons who are younger (than the relation
deceased), must shave (their hair and beard).
10. 1. The three full-moon days are Phalgunt (February-March),
AshadAt (June-July), Karttikt (October-November).
2. The construction is very irregular, the first noun standing
in the nominative and the rest in the locative. A similar irregularity occurs below, I, 3,11, 31. The Vedotsarga is the ceremony
which is performed at the end of the Brahmanic term, in January.
‘In the case of the death of a Guru, the vacation begins with the
day on which the death occurs. On the other occasions mentioned he shall not study on the day preceding (the ceremony), on
the day (of the ceremony), nor on the day following it. —Haradatta.
Manu IV, 119; YAg#. 1,144. ‘The Gurus’ intended here, are
fathers-in-law, uncles, &c.
3. ‘This rule applies to a student only. It is known from
another work that those who have been infected by impurity (on
the death of a relation), must not study whilst the impurity lasts.’ —
Haradatta. Yea. I, 144.
6. The word anubhavinad, interpreted by Haradatta as ‘ persons
who are younger than the deceased,’ is explained in different ways
by others; firstly, as ‘the mourners,’ and secondly, as ‘Samanodakas or gentiles beyond the sixth degree.’ In the latter case the
Sfitra ought to be translated thus: ‘On the death of gentiles beyond
the sixth degree, (the head) ought to be shaved.’
I, 3, 10. THE STUDY OF THE VEDA. 37
7. Some declare, that students who have returned
home on completion of their studentship, shall never
shave, except if engaged in the initiation to a Srautasacrifice.
8. Now a Brahmama also declares, ‘ Verily, an
empty, uncovered (pot) is he, whose hair is shaved
off entirely ; the top-lock is his covering.’
9. But at sacrificial sessions the top-lock must be
shaved off, because it is so enjoined in the Veda.
10. Some declare, that, upon the death of the
teacher, (the reading should be interrupted) for three
days and three nights.
11. If (he hears of) the death of a learned Br&hmaza (Srotriya) before a full year (since the death)
has elapsed, (he shall interrupt his reading) for one
night (and day).
12. Some declare, (that the deceased Srotriya
must have been) a fellow-student.
13-14. If a learned Brahmaza (Srotriya) has
arrived and he is desirous of studying or is actually
studying, (or if he is desirous of teaching or is teach-
4. Regarding the Diksha ‘initiation,’ see Aitareya-brahmana
I, 1, and Max Miiller’s History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature,
P- 309 seq.
8. Hence it follows that the top-lock should not be shaved off,
except in the case mentioned in the following Sftra.
g. Sattras, ‘sacrificial sessions,’ are sacrifices which last longer
than twelve days.
8. Hence it follows that the top-lock should not be shaved off,
except in the case mentioned in the following Sftra.
g. Sattras, ‘sacrificial sessions,’ are sacrifices which last longer
than twelve days.
1o. ‘But in his opinion it should be twelve days, as declared
above, Sfitra 4..—Haradatta. It appears, therefore, that this Sftra
is to be connected with Sfttra 4.
11. ‘ Because the word “death” is used here, death only is the
reason (for stopping the reading), in the case of Gurus and the
rest (i.e. the word “died” must be understood in Sftra 2 and
the following ones).’—Haradatta.
38 APASTAMBA. I, 3, To.
ing,) he may study or teach after having received
permission (to do so from the Srotriya).
15-16. He may likewise study or teach in the
presence of his teacher, if (the latter) has addressed
him (saying), ‘ Ho, study! (or, Ho, teach !)’
17. When a student desires to study or has
finished his lesson, he shall at both occasions embrace the feet of his teacher.
18. Or if, whilst they study, another person comes
in, he shall continue his recitation, after those words
(‘ Ho, study !’) have been pronounced (by the newcomer).
19. The barking of (many) dogs, the braying of
(many) asses, the cry of a wolf or of a solitary jackal
or of an owl, all sounds of musical instruments, of
weeping, and of the Saman melodies (are reasons
for discontinuing the study of the Veda).
20. If another branch of the Veda (is being recited
in the neighbourhood), the Saman melodies shall not
be studied.
21. And whilst other noises (are being heard,
the recitation of the Veda shall be discontinued), if
they mix (with the voice of the person studying).
15-16. Manu II, 73.
17. Manu II, 73.
18, Haradatta states rightly, that the plural (‘they study’) is
useless. According to him, the use of the verb in the singular
may be excused thereby, that the advice is addressed to each of
the persons engaged in study. Manu IV, 122.
1g. The ekasrzka, ‘solitary jackal,’ is now called Balu or
Pheough, and is considered to be the constant companion of a
tiger or panther. Its unharmonious cry is, in the present day also,
considered to be an evil omen. Y4g#. I, 148; Manu IV, 108,
115 and 123.
21. Manu IV, rat.
T, 3, 10. THE STUDY OF THE VEDA. 39
22. After having vomited (he shall not study)
until he has slept.
23. Or (he may study) having eaten clarified
butter (after the attack of vomiting).
24. A foul smell (is a reason for the discontinuance of study).
25. Food turned sour (by fermentation), which
he has in his stomach, (is a reason for the discontinuance of the recitation, until] the sour rising
ceases).
26. (Nor shall he study) after having eaten in the
evening,
27. Nor as long as his hands are wet.
28. (And he shall discontinue studying) for a day
and an evening, after having eaten food prepared in
honour of a dead person (for whom the Sapindikaraza has not yet been performed),
29. Or until the food (eaten on that occasion) is
digested.
Nor as long as his hands are wet.
28. (And he shall discontinue studying) for a day
and an evening, after having eaten food prepared in
honour of a dead person (for whom the Sapindikaraza has not yet been performed),
29. Or until the food (eaten on that occasion) is
digested.
30. But he shall (always) eat in addition (to the
meal given in honour of a dead person), food which
has not been given ata sacrifice to the Manes.
22. Manu lV, rar.
24. Manu IV, 107; Yaga. I, 150.
25. Manu IV, 121.
26. ‘Therefore he shall sup, after having finished his study. —
Haradatta.
27. Manu IV, 121; Yaga. I, 149.
28. Manu IV, 112; Yaga. I, 146.
2g. ‘If that food has not been digested by the end of that
time (i.e. in the evening), he shall not study until it has been
digested.’—Haradatta.
30. ‘Because in this Sfitra the expression “food not given at
a Sraddha” occurs, some think that the preceding Sftra refers
to “food eaten at a Sraddha.” ’—Haradatta. This explanation is
not at all improbable.
40 APASTAMBA. I, 35 13.
Prasna I, Parata 8, Kuawopa 11.
1. (The recitation of the Veda shall be interrupted
for a day and evening if he has eaten), on beginning
a fresh KAzda (of his Veda), food given by a motherless person,
2. And also if he has eaten, on the day of the completion of a Kazda, food given by a fatherless person.
3. Some declare, that (the recitation shall be interrupted for the same space of time), if he has eaten
at a sacrifice offered in honour of gods who were
formerly men.
4. Nor is the recitation interrupted, if he has
eaten rice received the day before, or raw meat
(though these things may have been offered in
honour of the dead),
5. Nor (if he has eaten at a funeral dinner) roots
or fruits of herbs and trees.
6. When he performs the ceremony for beginning
a KAzda, or when he studies the index of the Anu-
11. 1. The Black Yagur-veda, to which Apastamba belongs, is
divided throughout into books called Kandas.
3. Haradatta names as such gods, Nandisvara and Kubera.
Other commentators, however, explain Manushyaprakrzti by Manushyamukha, ‘possessing human faces.’ A similar rule occurs
Gautama XVI, 34, where a Manushyayag#a is mentioned as
a cause for discontinuing the recitation of the Veda. In his commentary on Gautama, also, Haradatta is in doubt. He first refers
the term to the sacraments like the Simantonnayana, and then adds,
that some explain it to mean ‘a sacrifice to gods who formerly
were men.’
4. This Sfitra is an exception to I, 3, 10, 28.
6. Haradatta’s commentary on this Sdtra is very meegre, and
he leaves the word anuvakyam unexplained. I am not certain
that my explanation is correct. But it is countenanced by the
statements of the Grzhya-sitras regarding the order of studying.
Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 132.
I, 3, 11- THE STUDY OF THE VEDA. 4!
vakas of a (KAzda), he shall not study that (K4zda)
on that day (nor in that night).
I am not certain
that my explanation is correct. But it is countenanced by the
statements of the Grzhya-sitras regarding the order of studying.
Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 132.
I, 3, 11- THE STUDY OF THE VEDA. 4!
vakas of a (KAzda), he shall not study that (K4zda)
on that day (nor in that night).
7. And if he performs the ceremonies prescribed
on beginning or ending the recitation of one entire
Veda, he shall not study that Veda (during that day).
8. If the wind roars, or if it whirls up the grass
on the ground, or if it drives the rain-drops forward
during a rain-shower, (then the recitation shall be
interrupted for so long a time as the storm lasts).
9. (Nor shall he study) on the boundary between
a village and forest,
10. Nor ona highway.
11. If (some of his) fellow-students are on a
journey, he shall not study during that day, (the
passage) which they learn together.
12. And whilst performing acts for his pleasure,
13. Such as washing his feet, shampooing or
anointing himself,
14. He shall neither study nor teach, as long as
he is thus occupied.
4. Yag#. I, 145. This Sfitra is a Gadpaka or ‘such a one
which indicates the existence of a rule not expressly mentioned.’
Above (I, 3, 9, 1) the yearly performance of the Upakarma and
Utsarga ceremonies for the beginning and end of the Brahmanic
term has been prescribed. In this Stra the performance of the
Upakarma and Utsarga at the beginning and completion of the
Pardyana or the vow to go through a whole Veda is incidentally
mentioned. Thence it may be inferred that these ceremonies must
be likewise performed on the latter occasions, though no absolute
tule to this effect has been given. Such G#dipakas are of frequent
occurrence in all Sftras, and constitute one of the chief difficulties
of their interpretation.
8. Yag#. 1, 149; Manu IV, 102, 122.
11. Others explain the Sfitra thus: ‘If he meets fellow-students,
after they have come home from a journey, he shall not study with
them on that day.’
42 APASTAMBA. T, 3, I1-
15. (He shall not study or teach) in the twilight,
16. Nor whilst sitting on a tree,
17. Nor whilst immersed in water,
18. Nor at night with open doors,
19. Nor in the day-time with shut doors.
20. During the spring festival and the festival (of
Indra), in the month of Ashd4dda (June-July), the
study of an Anuvaka is forbidden.
21. (The recitation) of the daily portion of the
Veda (at the Brahmayagza is likewise forbidden if
done) in a manner differing from the rule (of the
Veda).
22. (Now follows) the rule (for the daily recitation) of that (Brahmayagza).
23. Before taking his morning-meal, he shall go
to the water-side, and having purified himself, he
shall recite aloud (a portion of the Veda) in a pure
15. Yaga. I, 145; Manu IV, 113.
16. Vag#. I, 151; Manu IV, 120.
22. (Now follows) the rule (for the daily recitation) of that (Brahmayagza).
23. Before taking his morning-meal, he shall go
to the water-side, and having purified himself, he
shall recite aloud (a portion of the Veda) in a pure
15. Yaga. I, 145; Manu IV, 113.
16. Vag#. I, 151; Manu IV, 120.
20. According to Haradatta, Apastamba uses the word Anuvaka
in order to indicate that smaller portions of the Veda may be
studied. Others think, that by Anuvaka, the Samhita and the
Brahmana are meant, and that the study of the Angas is permitted. The Vasantotsava, or spring-festival, which, according to
the Dramas, was, in olden times, kept all over India, falls, according
to Haradatta, on the thirteenth of the first half of Xaitra, about
the beginning of April.
21. ‘Hence, if one has forgotten it and eaten one’s breakfast, a
penance, not the Brahmayag#a, must be performed.’—Haradatta.
23. See Taittiriya Aranyaka II, 11, 1 and 11; Asv.Grz. SQ.III,
2,1-2. In our days this rule is usually not observed. Brahmazas
mostly recite at the daily Brahmayagéa, ‘ Veda-offering,’ one particular formula, which symbolically comprises the whole Veda.
A few learned Brahmaza friends, however, have assured me, that
they still recite the whole of their Sakh& every year according to
this rule of Apastamba.
I, 3, 11. THE STUDY OF THE VEDA. 43
place, leaving out according to (the order of the)
texts (what he has read the day before).
24. If a stoppage of study is enjoined (for the
day, he shall recite the daily portion) mentally.
25. If lightning flashes without interruption, or,
thunder rolls continually, if a man has neglected to
purify himself, if he has partaken of a meal in honour
of a dead person, or if hoarfrost lies on the ground,
(in these cases) they forbid the mental recitation (of
the daily portion of the Veda).
26. Some forbid it only in case one has eaten a
funeral dinner.
27. Where lightning, thunder, and rain happen
together out of season, the recitation shall be interrupted for three days.
28. Some (declare, that the recitation shall stop)
until the ground is dry.
29. If one or two (of the phenomena mentioned
in Sftra 27 appear, the recitation shall be interrupted)
from that hour until the same hour next day.
30. In the case of an eclipse of the sun or of the
moon, of an earthquake, of a whirlwind, of the fall of a
meteor, or of a fire (in the village), at whatever time
these events happen, the recitation of all the sacred
sciences (Vedas and Angas) must be interrupted
from that hour until the same hour next day.
31. Ifa cloud appears out of season, if the sun or
the moon is surrounded by a halo, if a rainbow, a
parhelion or a comet appears, if a (high) wind (blows),
25. Yag#.1, 149; Manu IV, 106, 120, 127; Taitt. Ar. Il, 15,1.
26. Manu IV, rog, 116.
24. Manu IV, 103 and 104,
30. Yaga. I, 145; Manu IV, 105, 118.
31. Manu IV, 104, and see above.
44 APASTAMBA. I, 3, 11.
Yag#.1, 149; Manu IV, 106, 120, 127; Taitt. Ar. Il, 15,1.
26. Manu IV, rog, 116.
24. Manu IV, 103 and 104,
30. Yaga. I, 145; Manu IV, 105, 118.
31. Manu IV, 104, and see above.
44 APASTAMBA. I, 3, 11.
a foul smell (is observed), or hoarfrost (lies on the
ground, at all these occasions (the recitation of all
the sacred sciences must be interrupted) during the
duration (of these phenomena).
32. After the wind has ceased, (the interruption
of the recitation continues) for one muhfrta.
33. If (the howl of) a wolf or of a solitary jackal
(has been heard, he shall stop the reading) until he
has slept.
34. At night (he shall not study) in a wood, where
there is no fire nor gold.
35. Out of term he shall not study any part of
the Veda which he has not learnt before.
36. Nor (shall he study during term some new
part of the Veda) in the evening.
37. That which has been studied before, must
never be studied (during the vacation or in the
evening).
38. Further particulars (regarding the interruption
32. One muhfirta= 48 minutes. :
36. Other commentators interpret the Sftra in a different sense.
They take it to mean: ‘And during the night (from the twelfth
to the thirteenth of each half of the month, he shall not study
at all, be it in or out of term),’
37. ‘ What has been studied before, must not be studied (again)
at any time in the vacation nor in the evening.’ —Haradatta.
38. Haradatta thinks that by ‘ Parishad,’ Manu’s and other Dharma-sdstras are meant. This explanation is, however, not exact.
Parishad, ‘assemblage,’ means, in the language of the S4stras,
either a Pa#, an assemblage of learned Brahmans called together
to decide some knotty point of law, or a Brahminical school, which
studies a particular redaction of the Veda (see the Petersburg
Dict. s.v.) The latter meaning is that applicable to this Sftra.
By ‘Parishadahk’ are here intended the Vedic schools, and their
writings and teaching. Gautama also says, XVI, 49, Pratividyam
yan smaranti smaranti, ‘(he shall observe the stoppages of the
T, 4, 12. THE STUDY OF THE VEDA. 45
of the Veda-study may be learnt) from the (teaching
and works of other) Vedic schools.
Prasna I, Parara 4, Kuawnpa 12.
1. A Br&hmaza declares, ‘ The daily recitation (of
the Veda) is austerity.’
2. In the same (sacred text) it is also declared,
‘Whether he recites the daily portion of the Veda
standing, or sitting, or lying down, he performs austerity thereby ; for the daily recitation is austerity.’
3. Now the Vagasaneyi-brahmava declares also,
‘ The daily recitation is a sacrifice at which the Veda
is offered. When it thunders, when lightning flashes
or thunderbolts fall, and when the wind blows violently, these sounds take the place of the exclamations Vasha¢ (Vausha¢ and Sv4ha). Therefore he
shall recite the Veda whilst it thunders, whilst lightning flashes and thunderbolts fall, and whilst the
wind blows violently, lest the Vasha¢ (should be
heard) in vain.’
Therefore he
shall recite the Veda whilst it thunders, whilst lightning flashes and thunderbolts fall, and whilst the
wind blows violently, lest the Vasha¢ (should be
heard) in vain.’
Veda-study) which they teach in (the writings belonging to) each
of the Vedas.’
12. 1. ‘It procures as much reward as penance.’—Haradatta.
Manu II, 166 ; Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 113. The phrase occurs
frequently in the Brahmaaas, e.g. Taitt. Ar. II, 14, 3
2. Regarding the proper position at the ‘ Veda-offering,’ or
daily recitation, see above, I, 3, 11, 23, and Taitt. Ar. Il, 11, 3.
Passages similar to the first part of the sentence quoted in this
Satra occur Taitt. Ar. II, 12, 3, and 15, 3. It ought to be observed,
that the Taitt. Ar. in both places has the word ‘ vragan,’ which is
also read in the P. and P.U. MSS. The second part is taken
apparently from the same work, II, 14, 2
3. See Satapatha-brahmanza XI, 5, 6, 8, where a passage very
similar to that quoted by Apastamba occurs. Vasha/ and the other
exclamations, which are pronounced by the Hotr?-priest, serve as
signals for the Adhvaryu to throw the oblations into the fire.
46 APASTAMBA. I, 4, 12.
4. The conclusion of the passage from that (VAagasaneyi-brahmaza is found) in another Sakha (of the
Veda).
5. ‘Now, if the wind blows, or if it thunders, or
if lightning flashes, or thunderbolts fall, then he
shall recite one Azk-verse (in case he studies the
Rig-veda), or one Yagus (in case he studies the
Yagur-veda), or one Séman (in case he studies the
Sdma-veda), or (without having regard to his particular Veda, the following Yagus), “ Bhik Bhuvad,
Suva, in faith I offer true devotion.” Then, indeed,
his daily recitation is accomplished thereby for
that day.’
6. If that is done, (if the passage of the Vagasaneyi-brahmaza is combined with that quoted in
Sdtra 5, the former stands) not in contradiction with
the decision of the Aryas.
7. For they (who know the law) teach both the
continuance and the interruption (of the daily recitation of the Veda). That would be meaningless,
if one paid attention to the (passage of the) VAgasaneyi-brahmaza (alone).
8. For no (worldly) motive for the decision of
those Aryas is perceptible ; (and hence it must have
a religious motive and be founded on a passage of
the Veda).
g. (The proper interpretation therefore is, that)
the prohibition to study (given above and by the
5. ‘Some suppose that the words BhA Bhuvak and Suvahk &c.
(are to be used only) if one studies the Brahmaza portion of the
Veda, not everywhere.’— Haradatta.
6. Haradatta explains Aryas by visish/4A, ‘excellent ones,’ i.e.
persons who know the law, and he gives Manu as an instance.
8. See above, I, 1, 4, 9 and 10, and notes.
T, 4, 12. THE STUDY OF THE VEDA. 47
Aryas generally) refers only to the repetition of the
sacred texts in order to learn them, not to their
application at sacrifices.
persons who know the law, and he gives Manu as an instance.
8. See above, I, 1, 4, 9 and 10, and notes.
T, 4, 12. THE STUDY OF THE VEDA. 47
Aryas generally) refers only to the repetition of the
sacred texts in order to learn them, not to their
application at sacrifices.
10. (But if you ask, why the decision of the Aryas
presupposes the existence of a Vedic passage, then I
answer): All precepts were (originally) taught in the
Brahmamas, (but) these texts have been lost. Their
(former existence) may, however, be inferred from
usage.
11. But it is not (permissible to infer the former
existence of) a (Vedic) passage in cases where pleasure is obtained (by following a rule of the Smr‘ti
or a custom).
12. He who follows such (usages) becomes fit
for hell.
13. Now follow (some rites and) rules that have
been declared in the Brahmazas.
14. By way of laudation they are called ‘great
sacrifices ’ or ‘ great sacrificial sessions.’
15. (These rites include): The daily Bali-offering
1o. How then is their existence known? ‘ They are inferred
from usage.’ ‘‘‘ Usage” means the teaching of the law-books
and the practice. From that it is inferred that Manu and other
(authors of law-books) knew such texts of the Brahmazas. For
how could otherwise (A:shis like Manu) teach in their works or
practise (such customs) for which no authority is now found?
And certainly they were intimately connected with the revealed
texts (i.e. saw them).’—Haradatta.
11. Compare above, I, 1, 4, 8—-ro.
13. The consequence of the introduction of these rules into
a Smriti work is, that their omission must be expiated by a Smarta
penance and not by a Srauta one.
14. The commentator observes, that, as these rites are called
‘great sacrifices,” by way of laudation only, the particular laws
binding on performers of real Soma-sacrifices cannot be transferred to the performers of these ceremonies. Regarding the
48 APASTAMBA. T, 4, 13.
to the (seven classes of) beings; the (daily) gift of
(food) to men according to one’s power;
Prasna I, Parata 4, Kuawpa 13.
1. The oblation to the gods accompanied by the
exclamation Svaha, which may consist even of a piece
of wood only ; the offering to the Manes accompanied
by the exclamation Svadh4, which may consist even
of a vessel with water only ; the daily recitation.
2. Respect must be shown to those who are
superior by caste,
3. And also to (persons of the same caste who are)
venerable (on account of learning, virtue, and the like).
4. A man elated (with success) becomes proud, a
proud man transgresses the law, but through the
transgression of the law hell indeed (becomes his
portion).
5. It has not been declared, that orders (may
be addressed by the teacher) to a pupil who has
returned home.
6. The syllable ‘Om’ is the door of heaven.
term ‘great sacrifices,’ see also Taitt. Ar. II, 11, 10, 1 seq., and
Satapatha-brahmaza XI, 5, 6, 1.
5. It has not been declared, that orders (may
be addressed by the teacher) to a pupil who has
returned home.
6. The syllable ‘Om’ is the door of heaven.
term ‘great sacrifices,’ see also Taitt. Ar. II, 11, 10, 1 seq., and
Satapatha-brahmaza XI, 5, 6, 1.
13. 1. Taitt. Ar. II, 10, 2 and 3, and Satapatha-br. loc. cit. 2.
Haradatta observes, that some consider the Devayag#a, mentioned
in the Sfitra, to be different from the Vaisvadeva, but that he holds
it to be the same. Further he mentions, that some prescribe this
Vaisvadeva to be performed even if one has nothing to eat.
2. ‘Namely, by allowing them to walk in front on the road and
by giving them perfumed garlands and the like at festive occasions.’
—Haradatta.
5. Haradatta gives as an example the order to fetch water, and
adds that a voluntary act on a former pupil’s part ought not to be
forbidden.
6. Compare also Taitt. Ar. I, 2, 4, and Manu II, 74.
1, 4,13. A STUDENT WHO HAS RETURNED HOME. 46
Therefore he who is about to study the Veda, shall
begin (his lesson) by (pronouncing) it.
7. If he has spoken anything else (than what
refers to the lesson, he shall resume his reading by
repeating the word‘Om’). Thus the Veda is separated from profane speech.
8. And at sacrifices the orders (given to the
priests) are headed by this word.
9g. And in common life, at the occasion of ceremonies performed for the sake of welfare, the sentences shall be headed by this word, as, for instance,
‘(Om) an auspicious day,’ ‘(Om) welfare,’ ‘(Om)
prosperity.’
10. Without a vow of obedience (a pupil) shall not
study (nor a teacher teach) a difficult (new book)
with the exception of (the texts called) TriZsravama
and Trifsahavaéana.
11. H4rita declares, that the (whole) Veda must
be studied under a vow of obedience until there is
no doubt (regarding it in the mind of the pupil).
9. The example given in the Sftra is that of the Puzyahavafana,
which precedes every Grzhya ceremony, and at which the sacrificer
Tequests a number of invited Brahmamas to wish him success. The
complete sentences are, The sacrificer: Om karmanah puzydham
bhavanto bruvantviti, ‘Om, wish that the day may be auspicious
for the performance of the ceremony.’ The Brahmamas: Om
puzyaham karmama iti, ‘Om, may the day be auspicious for the
ceremony.’ In the same manner the Brahmamas afterwards wish
‘welfare,’ svasti, ‘ prosperity,’ vrzddhi, to the sacrificer.
1o. Manu II, rrz2. ,
11. The meaning of Harita is, that the vow of obedience is
required for the Trifsravama and Trifsahavakana, which Apastamba
exempted in the preceding Sftra. It follows from this rule that
the Angas or works explanatory of the Veda need not be studied
under a vow of obedience.
[2] E
50 APASTAMBA, I, 4, 13-
12. No obedience is due (to the teacher for teaching) works which do not belong to the Veda.
13. (A student) shall embrace the feet of a person,
who teaches him at the request of his (regular
teacher), as long as the instruction lasts.
[2] E
50 APASTAMBA, I, 4, 13-
12. No obedience is due (to the teacher for teaching) works which do not belong to the Veda.
13. (A student) shall embrace the feet of a person,
who teaches him at the request of his (regular
teacher), as long as the instruction lasts.
14. Some (declare, that he shall do so) always, (if
the substitute is) a worthy person.
15. But obedience (as towards the teacher) is not
required (to be shown towards such a person).
16. And (pupils) older (than their teacher need
not show him obedience).
17. If (two persons) teach each other mutually
(different redactions of) the Veda, obedience (towards
each other) is not ordained for them.
18. (For) the (wise) say, ‘The Veda-knowledge
(of either of them) grows.’
19. Svetaketu declares, ‘He who desires to study
more, after having settled (as a householder), shall
dwell two months every year, with collected mind,
in the house of his teacher,’
20. (And he adds), ‘ For by this means I studied
a larger part of the Veda than before, (during my
studentship.) ’
21. That is forbidden by the SAstras.
22. For after the student has settled as a householder, he is ordered by the Veda, to perform the
daily rites,
13. This rule is a supplement to I, 2, 7, 29.
14. ‘“A worthy person,” i.e. on account of his learning or
character.’—Haradatta.
16. ‘According to some, this rule refers only to the time after
the instruction has been completed; according to others, to the
time of studentship.’ —Haradatta. But see Manu II, 151 seq.
I, 4,14. A STUDENT WHO HAS RETURNED HOME. 51
Prasna I, Parata 4, Kuanpa 14.
1. (That is to say) the Agnihotra, hospitality,
2. And what else of this kind (is ordained).
3. He whom (a student) asks for instruction, shall
certainly not refuse it ;
4. Provided he does not see in him a fault, (which
disqualifies.him from being taught).
5. If by chance (through the pupil’s stupidity the
teaching) is not completed, obedience towards the
(teacher is the pupil’s only refuge).
6. Towards a mother (grandmother and greatgrandmother) and a father (grandfather and greatgrandfather) the same obedience must be shown as
towards a teacher.
7. The feet of all Gurus must be embraced (every
day) by a student who has returned home;
8. And also on meeting them, after returning
from a journey.
9. The feet of (elder) brothers and sisters must be
embraced, according to the order of their seniority.
10. And respect (must) always (be shown to one’s
elders and betters), according to the injunction
14. 1. The Agnihotra, i.e. certain daily oblations of clarified butter.
3. Manu JI, rog—115. 5. Manu II, 218.
6. Manu II, 228, 235.
4. The word Gurus, ‘venerable persons,’ includes besides the
teacher and persons mentioned in the preceding Sfitra, an elder
brother, a maternal uncle, and all others who are one’s betters
or elders. See above, I, 2, 6, 29-35.
8. ‘ That is to say, whether he himself or “the venerable persons”
undertook the journey.’— Haradatta.
See above, I, 2, 6, 29-35.
8. ‘ That is to say, whether he himself or “the venerable persons”
undertook the journey.’— Haradatta.
9. Manu II, 133. 10. See above, I, 4, 13, 2.
E 2
52 APASTAMBA. T, 4) 14.
(given above and according to the order of their
seniority).
11. He shall salute an officiating priest, a fatherin-law, a father’s brother, and a mother’s brother,
(though they may be) younger than he himself, and
(when saluting) rise to meet them.
12. Or he may silently embrace their feet.
13. A friendship kept for ten years with fellowcitizens (is a reason for giving a salutation, and so
is) a friendship, contracted at school, which has lasted
for five years. But a learned Brahmaza (known) for
less than three years, must be saluted.
14. If the age (of several persons whom one
meets) is exactly known, one must salute the eldest
(first).
15. He need not salute a person, who is not a
Guru, and who stands in a lower or higher place
than he himself.
16. Or he may descend or ascend (to the place
where such a person stands) and salute him.
17. But every one (Gurus and others) he shall
salute, after having risen (from his seat).
18. If he is impure, he shall not salute (anybody) ;
19. (Nor shall he salute) a person who is impure.
11, Manu II, 130.
12. The commentator adds that the mode of salutation must
depend on their learning and virtue.
13. Manu II, 134.
16. This Sftra, like the preceding, refers to those who are
not ‘Gurus.’
17. Manu II, r2o.
18, ‘Impure,’ i.e. unfit for associating with others on account
of the death of relations or through other causes, see below, I, 5,
15, 7 seq.
I, 4, 14. SALUTING. 53
20. Nor shall he, being impure, return a salutation.
21. Married women (must be saluted) according
to the (respective) ages of their husbands.
22. He shall not salute with his shoes on, or his
head wrapped up, or his hands full.
23. In saluting women, a Kshatriya or a Vaisya
he shall use a pronoun, not his name.
24. Some (declare, that he shall salute in this
manner even) his mother and the wife of his
teacher.
25. Know that a Brahmama of ten years and a
Kshatriya of a hundred years stand to each other in
the relation of father and son. But between those
two the Braéhmaza is the father.
26. A younger person or one of equal age he
shall ask, about his well-being (employing the word
kusala).
27. (He shall ask under the same conditions)
a Kshatriya, about his health (employing the word
andmaya) ;
28. A Vaisya if he has lost anything (employing
the word anash/a).
23. He shall say, ‘I salute,’ not ‘I, N. N., salute.’ Manu II, 123.
24. Apastamba, of course, holds the contrary opinion. Manu
Il, 216.
25. This verse, which is found with slight variations in most
Smrttis, contains, according to Haradatta, an instruction given by
a teacher to his pupil. Manu II, 135.
N., salute.’ Manu II, 123.
24. Apastamba, of course, holds the contrary opinion. Manu
Il, 216.
25. This verse, which is found with slight variations in most
Smrttis, contains, according to Haradatta, an instruction given by
a teacher to his pupil. Manu II, 135.
26. Of course, in case the person addressed is a Brahman.
Manu II, 127. Kullfka quotes under this verse the above and
the following Sftras. But his quotation has only a faint resemblance to our text.
28. That is to say in these terms: ‘I hope you have not lost
any cattle or other property !’—Haradatta.
54 APASTAMBA. I, 5) 15.
29. A Sidra, about his health (employing the
word 4rogya).
30. He shall not pass a learned Brahmaza without addressing him ;
31. Nor an (unprotected) woman in a forest (or
any other lonely place).
Prasna I, Parata 5, Kuawpa 15.
1. When he shows his respect to Gurus or aged
persons or guests, when he offers a burnt-oblation
(or other sacrifice), when he murmurs prayers at
dinner, when sipping water and during the (daily)
recitation of the Veda, his garment (or his sacrificial
thread) shall pass over his left shoulder and under
his right arm.
2. By sipping (pure) water, that has been collected on the ground, he becomes pure.
3. Or he, whom a pure person causes to sip water,
(becomes also pure).
31. He shall address a woman in order to re-assure her, and
do it in these terms: ‘ Mother, or sister, what can I do for you?
Don’t be afraid!’ &c.—Haradatta.
15. x. Taitt. Ar. II, 1, 2 seq.; Manu IV, 58.
2. Pure water is that which a cow will drink. Y4g#. I, 192;
Manu V, 128.
3. The ceremony of ‘sipping water’ may be performed in two
ways; either the ‘person sipping’ may take the water out of a
river, pond, &c., or he may get the water poured into his hand by
another person. But, according to Apastamba, he must not take
a pot or gourd in his left hand and pour the water into his right,
as some Smritis allow. The reason for this rule is, that Apastamba considers it essential that both hands should be used in
conveying the water to the mouth; see also above, I, 1, 4, 21.
This agrees with the custom now followed, which is to bend the
right hand into the form of a cow’s ear, and to touch the right
wrist with the left hand while drinking.
I, 5, 13- PURIFICATION. 55
4. He shall not sip rain-drops.
5. (He shall not sip water) from a (natural) cleft
in the ground.
6. He shall not sip water heated (at the fire)
except for a particular reason (as sickness).
7. He who raises his empty hands (in order to
scare) birds, (becomes impure and) shall wash (his
hands).
8. If he can (find water to sip) he shall not remain
impure (even) for a muhdrta.
9. Nor (shall he remain) naked (for a muhirta if
he can help it).
10. Purification (by sipping water) shall not take
place whilst he is (standing) in the water.
11. Also, when he has crossed a river, he shall
purify himself by sipping water.
12. He shall not place fuel on the fire, without
having sprinkled it (with water).
10. Purification (by sipping water) shall not take
place whilst he is (standing) in the water.
11. Also, when he has crossed a river, he shall
purify himself by sipping water.
12. He shall not place fuel on the fire, without
having sprinkled it (with water).
4. ‘Some think, that this Sftra is intended to forbid also
the drinking of rain-water. Other commentators declare that,
according to this Sftra, it is allowed to use for “sipping” drops
of water which fall from a vessel suspended by ropes [because the
Sftra emphatically excludes “rain-drops” only ].’—Haradatta.
6. Manu II, 61. ‘Because the term “heated by fire” is used,
there is no objection to water heated by the rays of the sun. In
the same manner the use of “hot” water only is usually forbidden
in the Smrtis.’—Haradatta.
4. ‘Because the phrase “ with empty hands” is used, he commits
no fault if he raises his hand, holding a stick or a clod. Some
declare, that the term “touching water” (rendered by “ washing”)
means “sipping water.” ’-—Haradatta.
11, The translation given above is based on the interpretation
of Haradatta, who considers that Apastamba holds ‘crossing a
river’ to cause impurity. The natural and probably the right interpretation, however, is that rejected by Haradatta, ‘ But he shall sip
water after having come out (of the river or tank).’
12. ‘On the fire used for Vedic or Smfrta sacrifices or for
56 APASTAMBA. I, 5, 15.
13. (Ifhe is seated in company with) other unclean
persons on a seat consisting of a confused heap
of straw, and does not touch them, he may consider
himself pure.
14. (The same rule applies, if he is seated) on
grass or wood fixed in the ground.
15. He shall put on a dress, (even if it is clean,)
only after having sprinkled it with water.
16. If he has been touched by a dog, he shall
bathe, with his clothes on;
17. Or he becomes pure, after having washed
that part (of his body) and having touched it with
fire and again washed it, as well as his" feet, and
having sipped water.
18. Unpurified, he shall not approach fire, (so
near that he can feel the heat).
19. Some declare, that (he shall not approach
nearer) than the length of an arrow.
20. Nor shall he blow on fire with his breath.
21. Nor shall he place fire under his bedstead.
household purposes.” .. . Some declare, that (the fuel need not be
sprinkled with water) if used for the kitchen fire.’—Haradatta.
14. Haradatta’s commentary is of little use, and I am not quite
certain that my translation is correct.
15. Manu V, 118.
17. This second proceeding is adopted in case the dog has
touched the hands or the lower parts of the body, as may be learnt
by the comparison of a verse of Manu.
18. Manu IV, 142; Yaga. I, 155.
15. Manu V, 118.
17. This second proceeding is adopted in case the dog has
touched the hands or the lower parts of the body, as may be learnt
by the comparison of a verse of Manu.
18. Manu IV, 142; Yaga. I, 155.
zo. Manu IV, 53. Haradatta mentions other explanations of
this Sfitra. Some say, that the Srauta fire may be kindled by
blowing, because that is ordained particularly in the Vagasaneyaka,
but that the domestic fire is not to be treated so. Others again
consider the rule absolute, and say, that a hollow reed or bellows
must be used for kindling the fire, lest drops of saliva should fall
upon it.
21. Manu IV, 54.
I, 5, 16. PURIFICATION. 57
22. It is lawful for a Brahmaza to dwell in a
village, where there is plenty of fuel and water,
(and) where he may perform the rites of purification
by himself.
23. When he has washed away the stains of urine
and faeces after voiding urine or faces, the stains of
food (after dinner), the stains of the food eaten the
day before (from his vessels), and the stains of
semen, and has also washed his feet and afterwards
has sipped water, he becomes pure.
Prasna I, Parata 5, Kuanpa 16.
1. He shall not drink water standing or bent
forwards.
2. Sitting he shall sip water (for purification)
thrice, the water penetrating to his heart.
22. The last condition mentioned in the Sidtra indicates, that
the place must have a river or tank, not wells only, as the purification by sipping water cannot be performed without help, with
water from wells.
23. Manu V, 138.
16. 1. Haradatta takes 44am here to mean ‘to drink water,’ and
thinks that it is forbidden to do this standing or in a bent position.
Others refer the prohibition to ‘sipping water for the sake of
purification,’ and translate, ‘He shall not sip water standing or in
a bent position (except in case of necessity),’ i.e. if the bank of the
river is so high that he cannot reach the water sitting down, and
in this case he shall enter it up to his thighs or up to his navel.
2. Manu II, 60 and 62; V, 139; and Yaga. I, 20 and 27;
Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 165. Haradatta observes, that the further
particulars regarding purification by sipping water must be supplied
from other Smritis. The rule quoted by him is as follaws: ‘The
performer should be sitting in a pure place, not on a seat, except
when sipping water after dinner, and should sip thrice from his
hand water which is free from bubbles and foam, and which he
has attentively regarded, in such a quantity as would cover a MAsha-
58 APASTAMBA. I, 5, 16.
3. He shall wipe his lips three times.
4. Some (declare, that he shall do so) twice.
5. He shall then touch (his lips) once (with the
three middle fingers).
6. Some (declare, that he shall do so) twice.
7. Having sprinkled water on his left hand with
his right, he shall touch both his feet, and his head
and (the following three) organs, the eyes, the nose,
and the ears.
8. Then he shall wash (his hands).
6. Some (declare, that he shall do so) twice.
7. Having sprinkled water on his left hand with
his right, he shall touch both his feet, and his head
and (the following three) organs, the eyes, the nose,
and the ears.
8. Then he shall wash (his hands).
9. But if he is going to eat he shall, though pure,
twice sip water, twice wipe (his mouth), and once
touch (his lips).
10. He shall rub the gums and the inner part of
his lips (with his finger or with a piece of wood) and
then sip water.
11. He does not become impure by the hair (of
his moustaches) getting into his mouth, as long as
he does not touch them with his hand.
12. If (in talking), drops (of saliva) are perceived
to fall from his mouth, then he shall sip water.
13. Some declare, that if (the saliva falls) on the
ground, he need not sip water.
bean. The water sipped by a Brahman should reach his heart,
that sipped by a Kshatriya the throat, and that sipped by a Vaisya
the palate. A Sfidra sips once as much as to wet his tongue.’
4. The eyes are to be touched with the thumb and the fourth
finger, either at once, or one after the other, the nostrils with the
thumb and the second finger, the ears with the thumb and the
small finger.
9. Manu V, 138.
11. Haradatta observes that this Sfitra shows, that every other
foreign substance brought with the food into the mouth, makes the
food ‘leavings’ and the eater impure. Manu V, 141.
12, Manu V, 141 declares sipping to be unnecessary in this case.
I. 5, 16. PURIFICATION ; EATING. 59
14. On touching during sleep or in sternutation
the effluvia of the nose or of the eyes, on touching
blood, hair, fire, kine, a Brahmawza, or a woman, and
after having walked on the high road, and after
having touched an impure (thing or man), and after
having put on his lower garment, he shall either
bathe or sip or merely touch water (until he considers himself clean).
15. (Or he may touch) moist cowdung, wet herbs,
or moist earth.
16. He shall not eat meat which has been cut
with a sword (or knife) used for killing.
17. He shall not bite off with his teeth (pieces
from) cakes (roots or fruits).
18. He shall not eat in the house of a (relation
within six degrees) where a person has died, before
the ten days (of impurity) have elapsed.
19. (Nor shall he eat in a house) where a lyingin woman has not (yet) come out (of the lying-in
chamber),
20. (Nor in a house) where a corpse lies.
14. Manu V, 145.
18, ‘The term “ten days” is used in order to indicate the time
of impurity generally. In some cases, as that of a Kshatriya, this
lasts longer. In other cases, where the impurity lasts thirty-six
hours only, (the abstention from dining in such houses is
shorter.)—Haradatta. Manu IV, 217.
19. A lying-in woman is impure, and must not be touched
during the first ten days after her confinement. During this time,
she exclusively occupies the Sftikagrzha or lying-in chamber.
Manu IV, 217.
Manu IV, 217.
19. A lying-in woman is impure, and must not be touched
during the first ten days after her confinement. During this time,
she exclusively occupies the Sftikagrzha or lying-in chamber.
Manu IV, 217.
20. Haradatta remarks that in the case of the death of a person
who is not a relation, it is customary to place at the distance of
‘one hundred bows’ a lamp and water-vessel, and to eat (beyond
that distance).
60 APASTAMBA. I, 5, 16.
21. Food touched by a (Brahmaza or other highcaste person) who is impure, becomes impure, but
not unfit for eating.
22. But what has been brought (be it touched or
not) by an impure Sfdra, must not be eaten,
23. Nor that food in which there is a hair,
24. Or any other unclean substance.
25. (Nor must that food be eaten) which has been
touched with an unclean substance (such as garlic),
26. Nor (that in which) an insect living on impure
substances (is found),
27. Nor (that in which) excrements or limbs of
a mouse (are found),
28. Nor that which has been touched by the foot
(even of a pure person),
29. Nor what has been (touched) with the hem
of a garment,
30. Nor that which has been looked at by a dog
or an Apapatra,
21. ‘Food which is simply impure, may be purified by putting
it on the fire, sprinkling it with water, touching it with ashes or
earth, and praising it.’—Haradatta.
22. Others say, that the food becomes unfit for eating, only, if
in bringing it, the Sfdra has touched it.—Haradatta.
23. Manu IV, 207; Y4e#.I, 167. ‘But this rule holds good
only if the hair had been cooked with the food. If a hair falls into
it at dinner, then it is to be purified by an addition of clarified
butter, and may be eaten. —Haradatta.
24. Haradatta quotes a passage from Baudhayana, which enumerates as ‘unclean things’ here intended, ‘hair, worms or beetles,
nail-parings, excrements of rats.’ The rule must be understood
as the preceding, i.e. in case these things have been cooked with
the food.
26. Manu IV, 207; YAg#. I, 167, 168. This Sftra must be
read with Stra 23 above.
30. Manu IV, 208; YAg#.1, 167. Apap§tras are persons whom
I, 5, 17 EATING AND FORBIDDEN FOOD. 61
31. Nor what has been brought in the hem
of a garment, (even though the garment may be
clean),
32. Nor what has been brought at night by a
female slave.
33. If during his meal, :
Prasna I, Parata 5, Kuawpa 17.
1. A Sfdra touches him, (then he shall leave off
eating).
2. Nor shall he eat sitting in the same row with
unworthy people.
' 3. Nor shall he eat (sitting in the same row
with persons) amongst whom one, whilst they eat,
rises and gives his leavings to his pupils or sips
water ;
4. Nor (shall he eat) where they give him food,
reviling him.
one must not allow to eat from one’s dishes, e.g. Kandalas, Patitas,
a woman in her courses or during the ten days of impurity after
confmement. See also above, I, 1, 3, 25.
Nor (shall he eat) where they give him food,
reviling him.
one must not allow to eat from one’s dishes, e.g. Kandalas, Patitas,
a woman in her courses or during the ten days of impurity after
confmement. See also above, I, 1, 3, 25.
32. Haradatta thinks, that as the Sdtra has the feminine gender,
dasi, it does not matter if a male slave brings the food. But
others forbid also this.
17. 1. ‘Some say, that this Sftra indicates that the touch of a
Sfidra does not defile at any other time but at dinner, whilst others
hold that a Sfidra’s touch defiles always, and that the Sftra is
intended to indicate an excess of impurity, if it happens at dinnertime.’—Haradatta.
2. ‘Unworthy people are those who are neither of good family,
nor possess learning and virtue. —Haradatta.
3. According to Haradatta a person who misbehaves thus, is
called ‘a dinner-thorn.’ This point of etiquette is strictly observed
" in our days also. Manu IV, 212.
4. Manu IV, 212; Yag#. I, 167.
62 APASTAMBA. I, 5, 17.
5. Nor (shall he eat) what has been smelt at by
men or other impure (beings, as cats).
6. He shall not eat in a ship,
7. Nor on a wooden platform.
8. He may eat sitting on ground which has been
purified (by the application of cowdung and the
like).
g. (If he eats) out of an earthen vessel, he shall
eat out of one that has not been used (for cooking).
10. (If he can get) a used vessel (only, he shall
eat from it), after having heated it thoroughly.
11. A vessel made of metal becomes pure by
being scoured with ashes and the like.
12. A wooden vessel becomes pure by being
scraped.
13. At a sacrifice (the vessels must be cleaned)
according to the precepts of the Veda.
14. He shall not eat food which has been bought
or obtained ready-prepared in the market.
15. Nor (shall he eat) flavoured food (bought in
the market) excepting raw meat, honey, and salt.
16. Oil and clarified butter (bought in the market)
he may use, after having sprinkled them with water.
17. Prepared food which has stood for a night,
must neither be eaten nor drunk.
5. ‘As the text has avaghrata, “smelt at,” it does not matter if
they smell the food from a distance.’—Haradatta.
11. ‘It must be understood from other Smr‘tis, that brass is to
be cleaned with ashes, copper with acids, silver with cowdung, and
gold with water. —Haradatta. Manu V, 114.
12. Manu V, 115.
16. ‘Having sprinkled them with water and purified them by
boiling; or, according to others, mixing them with so much water
as will not spoil them.’-—Haradatta.
17. The Sanskrit has two terms for ‘eating;’ the first ‘khad’
I, 5, 17 EATING AND FORBIDDEN FOOD. 63
18. Nor (should prepared food) that has turned
sour (be used in any way).
19. (The preceding two rules do) not t (hold good
in regard to) the juice of sugar-cane, roasted ricegrains, porridge prepared with whey, roasted yava,
gruel, vegetables, meat, flour, milk and preparations
from it, roots and fruits of herbs and trees.
19. (The preceding two rules do) not t (hold good
in regard to) the juice of sugar-cane, roasted ricegrains, porridge prepared with whey, roasted yava,
gruel, vegetables, meat, flour, milk and preparations
from it, roots and fruits of herbs and trees.
20. (Substances which have turned) sour without being mixed with anything else (are to be
avoided).
21. All intoxicating drinks are forbidden.
22. Likewise sheep's milk,
23. Likewise the milk of camels, of does, of
animals that give milk while big with young, of those
that bear twins, and of (one-hoofed animals),
24. Likewise the milk of a cow (buffalo-cow or
she-goat) during the (first) ten days (after their
giving birth to young ones),
25. Likewise (food mixed) with herbs which serve
for preparing intoxicating liquors,
26. (Likewise) red garlic, onions, and leeks,
applies to hard substances, the second ‘ad’ to soft substances.
Manu IV, 211; Y4g@. I, 167.
18. Manu IV, 211; V, 9; Yaga. I, 167.
19. Manu V, 10, 24 and 25.
20. According to Haradatta, Apastamba returns once more to
the question about sour food, in order to teach that dishes prepared with curds and other sour substances may be eaten.
22. Manu V, 8; Yag#. 1, 170.
23. Manu V, 8, 9; Yag#@. 1, 170. ‘Sandhini, translated by
“females that give milk while big with young,’ means, according to others, “female animals that give milk once a day.”’
Haradatta.
24. Manu V, 8.
26. Manu V, 5; Yaga. I, 176.
64 APASTAMBA, I. 5, 17-
27. Likewise anything else which (those who are
learned in the law) forbid.
28. Mushrooms ought not to be eaten; that has
been declared in a Brahmaaza ;
29. (Nor the meat) of one-hoofed animals, of
camels, of the Gayal, of village pigs, of Sarabhas,
and of cattle.
30. (But the meat) of milch-cows and oxen may
be eaten.
31. The Vagasaneyaka declares ‘ bull’s flesh is fit
for offerings.’
32. Amongst birds that scratch with their feet for
food, the (tame) cock (must not be eaten).
33. Amongst birds that feed thrusting forward
their beak, the (heron, called) Plava (or Sakaéabila,
must not be eaten).
34. Carnivorous (birds are forbidden),
35. Likewise the swan, the Bhdsa, the Brahmazt
duck, and the falcon.
36. Common cranes and Sféras-cranes (are not to
27. Haradatta observes that Apastamba, finding the list of forbidden vegetables too long, refers his pupils to the advice of the
Sishfas. The force of this Sftra is exactly the same as that of
I, 3, 11, 38.
28. Yaga. I, 171.
29. The camel, Gayal, and Sarabha are mentioned as ‘forbidden
animals,’ Satapatha-br. I, 2, 1, 8; Aitareya-br. II, 1, 8; see also
Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 62; Manu V, 11, 18; Yaga. I, 172, 176.
32. Yaga. I, 176.
33. Manu V, 12; Yaga. I, 172.
34. Manu V, 11; Yaga. 1, 172.
35. Yag#. I, 172.
36. Manu V, 12; Yag#. I, 172. Other commentators take the
whole Sfitra as one compound, and explain it as an exception to
Sftra 34. In that case the translation runs thus: (‘Carnivorous
birds are forbidden) except the Kru#ka, Krau#ka, Vardhramasa,
34. Manu V, 11; Yaga. 1, 172.
35. Yag#. I, 172.
36. Manu V, 12; Yag#. I, 172. Other commentators take the
whole Sfitra as one compound, and explain it as an exception to
Sftra 34. In that case the translation runs thus: (‘Carnivorous
birds are forbidden) except the Kru#ka, Krau#ka, Vardhramasa,
I, 6, 18. EATING AND FORBIDDEN FOOD. 65
be eaten) with the exception of the leather-nosed
Lakshmaza.
37. Five-toed animals (ought not to be eaten)
with the exception of the iguana, the tortoise, the
porcupine, the hedgehog, the rhinoceros, the hare,
and the Patikhasha.
38. Amongst fishes, the Ke¢a ought not to be
eaten,
39. Nor the snake-headed fish, nor the alligator,
nor those which live on flesh only, nor those which
are misshaped (like) mermen.
Prasna I, Parata 6, Kuanpa 18,
1. Honey, uncooked (grain), venison, land, roots,
fruits, (a promise of) safety, a pasture for cattle, a
house, and fodder for a draught-ox may be accepted
(even) from an Ugra.
2. HArita declares, that even these (presents) are
to be accepted only if they have been obtained by
a pupil.
and Lakshmama.’—Haradatta. This translation is objectionable,
because both the Kru#éas, now called Kulam or Kfi#é, and the
Krausha, the red-crested crane, now called Saras (Cyrus), feed on
grain. Kru#kakrau#ka is a Vedic dual and stands for kru#kakrau#ka or kru#kakrau#hau.
37. Manu V, 18; Y4g#.1, 177. Pftikhasha is, according to Haradatta, an animal resembling a hare, and found in the Himélayas,
39. Haradatta closes this chapter on flesh-eating by quoting
Manu V, 56, which declares flesh-eating, drinking spirituous iiquor,
and promiscuous intercourse to be allowable, but the abstinence
therefrom of greater merit. He states that the whole chapter must
be understood in this sense.
18. 1. Manu IV, 247. ‘Ugra denotes either a bad twice-born
man or the offspring of a Vaisya and of a Sidra-woman. Other
persons of a similar character must be understood to be included
by the term.’—Haradatta.
[2] F
66 APASTAMBA. T, 6, 18.
3. Or they (Brahmaza householders) may accept
(from an Ugra) uncooked or (a little) unflavoured
boiled food. -
4.:(Of such food) they shall not take a great
quantity (but only so much as suffices to support
life).
_ 5. If (in times of distress) he is unable to keep
himself, he may eat (food obtained from anybody),
6. After having touched it (once) with gold,
7. Or (having touched it with) fire.
8. He shall not be too eager after (such a way of
living). He shall leave it when he has obtained a
(lawful) livelihood.
g. (A student of the Brahmanic caste) who has
returned home shall not eat (in the house) of
people belonging to the three tribes, beginning with
the Kshatriya (i.e. of Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, and
Stidras).
10. He may (usually) eat (the food) of a Brahmaa on account of (the giver’s) character (as a
Bréhmaza). It must be avoided for particular
reasons only.
4. Also this rule seems to belong to Harita, on account of its
close connection with the preceding two.
of Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, and
Stidras).
10. He may (usually) eat (the food) of a Brahmaa on account of (the giver’s) character (as a
Bréhmaza). It must be avoided for particular
reasons only.
4. Also this rule seems to belong to Harita, on account of its
close connection with the preceding two.
8. Haradatta quotes, in support of the last Sftras, a passage of
the Khandogya Upanishad, I, 10, 1, and one from the Azg-veda,
IV, 18, 13, according to which it would be lawful to eat even
impure food, as a dog’s entrails, under such circumstances, Other
commentators explain this and the preceding three Sfitras differently.
According to them the translation would run thus: ‘If he himself
does not find any livelihood (in times of distress, he may dwell even
with low-caste people who give him something to eat, and) he
may eat (food given by them) paying for it with (some small gift
in) gold or with animals.’ This second explanation is perhaps
preferable.
g. Manu IV, 218, 219, and 223.
T, 6, 18. EATING AND FORBIDDEN FOOD. 67
11. He shall not eat in a house where (the host)
performs a rite which is not a rite of penance, whilst
he ought to perform a penance.
12. But when the penance has been performed,
he may eat (in that house).
13. According to some (food offered by people)
of any caste, who follow the laws prescribed for
them, except that of Sfidras, may be eaten.
14. (In times of distress) even the food of a
Sddra, who lives under one’s protection for the sake;
of spiritual merit, (may be eaten).
15. He may eat it, after having touched it (once)
with gold or with fire. He shall not be too eager
after (such a way of living). He shall leave it when
he obtains a (lawful) livelihood.
16. Food received from a multitude of givers
must not be eaten,
17. Nor food offered by a general invitation (to
all comers).
18. Food offered by an artisan must not be
eaten,
19. Nor (that of men) who live by the use of
arms (with the exception of Kshatriyas),
11. ‘If a Bréhmaza who has been ofdered to perform a penance,
performs a Vaisvadeva or other rite without heeding the order of
his spiritual teacher, then a student who has returned home ought
not to eat in his house, until the enjoined penance has been performed.’ — Haradatta.
12. ‘The use of the part. perf. pass. “ performed” indicates that
he must not eat there, whilst the penance is being performed.’—
Haradatta.
14. Yag#. I, 166. 15. Manu IV, 223.
16. Manu IV, 209. 17. Manu IV, 209; Yaga. I, 168.
18. Manu IV, 210, 215; Yaga. 1, 162-164.
19. Yag#. I, 164.
F 2
68 APASTAMBA. I, 6, 18.
20. Nor (that of men) who live by letting lodgings
or land.
21. A (professional) physician is a person whose
food must not be eaten,
22. (Also) a usurer,
23. (Also) a Brahmaza who has performed the
Dikshamiyeshdi (or initiatory ceremony of the Somasacrifice) before he has bought the king (Soma).
Nor (that of men) who live by letting lodgings
or land.
21. A (professional) physician is a person whose
food must not be eaten,
22. (Also) a usurer,
23. (Also) a Brahmaza who has performed the
Dikshamiyeshdi (or initiatory ceremony of the Somasacrifice) before he has bought the king (Soma).
24. (The food given by a person who has performed the Dikshamtyeshéi may be eaten), when the
victim sacred to Agni and Soma has been slain.
25. Or after that the omentum of the victim
(sacred to Agni and Soma) has been offered.
26. For a Brahmama declares, ‘ Or they may eat
of the remainder of the animal, after having set
apart a portion for the offering.’
27. A eunuch (is a person whose food must not
be eaten),
28. (Likewise) the (professional) messenger employed by a king (or others),
29. (Likewise a Brahmaza) who offers substances
that are not fit for a sacrifice,
30. (Likewise) a spy,
21. Manu IV, 212; VAga. I, 162.
22. Manu IV, 210; Yaga. I, 161.
23. ‘That is to say, one who has begun, but not finished a
Soma-sacrifice.—Haradatta. Manu IV, 210, and Gopatha-brahmaaa III, 19.
25. Aitareya-brahmama II, 1, 9.
27. Manu IV, 211; Yag#. I, 161.
28. The village or town messengers are always men of the
lowest castés, such as the Mahars of Maharshéfra.
29. ‘For example, he who offers human blood in a magic
rite.’ —Haradatta.
30. Haradatta explains A4rf, translated by ‘spy,’ to mean ‘a
I, 6, 19. EATING AND FORBIDDEN FOOD. 69
31. (Also) a person who has become an ascetic
without (being authorized thereto by) the rules (of
the law),
32. (Also) he who forsakes the sacred fires
(without performing the sacrifice necessary on that
occasion),
33. Likewise a learned Brahmaza who avoids
everybody, or eats the food of anybody, or neglects
the (daily) recitation of the Veda, (and) he whose
(only living) wife is of the Sddra caste.
Prasna I, Paraca 6, Kuawpa 19.
1. A drunkard, a madman, a prisoner, he who
learns the Veda from his son, a creditor who sits
with his debtor (hindering the fulfilment of his
duties), a debtor who thus sits (with his creditor,
are persons whose food must not be eaten) as long
as they are thus engaged or in that state.
2. Who (then) are those whose food may be eaten?
secret adherent of the Sakta sect’ (gidhasari, saktah). The existence of this sect in early times has not hitherto been proved.
31. Haradatta gives the Sakyas or Bauddhas as an instance.
But it is doubtful, whether Apastamba meant to refer to them,
though it seems probable that heretics are intended.
32. Yaga. I, 160.
33. ‘Who avoids everybody, i.e. who neither invites nor dines
with anybody.’—Haradatta.
31. Haradatta gives the Sakyas or Bauddhas as an instance.
But it is doubtful, whether Apastamba meant to refer to them,
though it seems probable that heretics are intended.
32. Yaga. I, 160.
33. ‘Who avoids everybody, i.e. who neither invites nor dines
with anybody.’—Haradatta.
19.1, ManulV, 207; Yaga. I, 161,162. Another commentator
explains azika, translated above ‘he who learns the Veda from his
son,’ by ‘a money-lender,’ and combines pratyupavish/ak with
this word, i.e. ‘a money-lender who sits with his debtor hindering
him from fulfilling his duties.’ This manner of forcing a debtor
to pay, which is also called Akarita (see Manu VIII, 49), is, though
illegal, resorted to sometimes even now.
2. ‘The object of this Sftra is to introduce the great variety of
opinions quoted below.’—Haradatta.
70 APASTAMBA. I, 6, 19.
3. Kava declares, that it is he who wishes to
give. '
4. Kautsa declares, that it is he who is holy.
5. Varshy4yami declares, that it is every giver (of
food).
6. For if guilt remains fixed on the man (who
committed a crime, then food given by a sinner) may
be eaten (because the guilt cannot leave the sinner).
But if guilt can leave (the sinner at any time, then
food given by the sinner may be eaten because) he
becomes pure by the gift (which he makes).
7. Offered food, which is pure, may be eaten,
according to Eka, Kuzika, Kava, Kutsa, and
Pushkarasadi.
8. Varshydyazi’s opinion is, that (food) given
unasked (may be accepted) from anybody.
9. (Food offered) willingly by a holy man may be
eaten.
10. Food given unwillingly by a holy man ought
Not to be eaten.
11. Food offered unasked by any person what-
‘soever may be eaten,
12. ‘ But not if it be given after an express pre-
‘vious announcement ;’ thus says Harita.
13. Now they quote also in a Purdza the followfing two verses :
4. ‘Holy’ means not only ‘following his lawful occupations,’
but particularly ‘ practising austerities, reciting prayers, and offering
burnt-oblations.’-—Haradatta.
1o. Another commentator explains this Stra thus: ‘He need
not eat the food offered by a righteous man, if he himself does not
wish to do so.’—Haradatta.
13. See Manu IV, 248 and 249, where these identical verses
occur,
I,7,20. FORBIDDEN FOOD; LAWFUL LIVELIHOOD. 71
‘The Lord of creatures has declared, that food
offered unasked and brought by the giver himself,
may be eaten, though (the giver be) a sinner,
provided the gift has not been announced beforehand. The Manes of the ancestors of that man who
spurns such food, do not eat (his oblations) for fifteen
years, nor does the fire carry his offerings (to the
gods).’
14. (Another verse from a Purdza declares) : ‘ The
food given by a physician, a hunter, a surgeon, a
fowler, an unfaithful wife, or a eunuch must not be
eaten.’
(Another verse from a Purdza declares) : ‘ The
food given by a physician, a hunter, a surgeon, a
fowler, an unfaithful wife, or a eunuch must not be
eaten.’
15. Now (in confirmation of this) they quote (the
following verse): ‘The murderer of a Braéhmaza
learned in the Veda heaps his guilt on his guest, an
innocent man on his calumniator, a thief set at liberty
on the king, and the petitioner on him who makes
false promises.’
Prasna I, Parata 7, KHanpa 20.
1. He shall not fulfil his sacred duties merely in
order to acquire these worldly objects (as fame, gain,
and honour).
2. For when they ought to bring rewards, (duties
thus fulfilled) become fruitless.
3. (Worldly benefits) are produced as accessories
(to the fulfilment of the law), just as in the case of a
‘mango tree, which is planted in order to obtain fruit,
shade and fragrance (are accessory advantages).
14. Manu IV, 211, 212.
15. Regarding the liberation of the th’ef, see Apastamba I, 9,
25, 4. A similar verse occurs Manu VIII, 317, which has caused
the confusion observable in many MSS., as has been stated in the
critical notes to the text.
72 APASTAMBA. I, 7, 20.
4. But if (worldly advantages) are not produced,
(then at least) the sacred duties have been fulfilled.
5. Let him not become irritated at, nor be deceived by the speeches of hypocrites, of rogues, of
infidels, and of fools.
6. For Virtue and Sin do not po about and say,
‘Here we are ;’ nor do gods, Gandharvas, or Manes
say (to men), ‘ This is virtue, that is sin,’
7. But that is virtue, the practice of which wise
men of the three twice-born castes praise ; what they
blame, is sin.
8. He shall regulate his course of action according
to the conduct which in all countries is unanimously
approved by men of the three twice-born castes,
who have been properly obedient (to their teachers),
who are aged, of subdued senses, neither given to
avarice, nor hypocrites.
g. Acting thus he will gain both worlds.
10. Trade is not lawful for a Brahmaza.
11. In times of distress he may trade in lawful
merchandise, avoiding the following (kinds), that are
forbidden :
12. (Particularly) men, condiments and _ liquids,
colours, perfumes, food, skins, heifers, substances
20. 7. The Sfitra is intended to show how the law should be
ascertained in difficult cases. Haradatta quotes here the passage of
Yag#. I, 9, on Parishads, and states that the plural 4rya# shows
that three or four must be employed to arrive at a decision. See
also Manu XII, 108 seq.
8. Manu I, 6.
11. This Sftra, which specifies only one part of a Vaisya’s occupations as permissible for Brahmazas in distress, implies, according
to Haradatta, that his other occupations also, as well as those of a
Kshatriya, are permissible. Manu IV, 6; X, 82; Y4ga. III, 35.
12. Manu X, 86-89; Y4ga. III. 36-39.
I, 7, 21. LAWFUL LIVELIHOOD. 73
Manu IV, 6; X, 82; Y4ga. III, 35.
12. Manu X, 86-89; Y4ga. III. 36-39.
I, 7, 21. LAWFUL LIVELIHOOD. 73
used for glueing (such as lac), water, young cornstalks, substances from which spirituous liquor may be extracted, red and black pepper, corn, flesh, arms,
and the hope of rewards for meritorious deeds.
13. Among (the various kinds of) grain he shall
especially not sell sesamum or rice (except he have
grown them himself),
14. The exchange of the one of these (abovementioned goods) for the other is likewise unlawful.
15. But food (may be exchanged) for food, and
slaves for slaves, and condiments for condiments, and
perfumes for perfumes, and learning for learning.
16. Let him traffic with lawful merchandise which
he has not bought,
Prasna I, Parava 7, Kuawpa 21.
1. With Muzga-grass, Balbaga-grass (and articles
made of them), roots, and fruits,
2. And with (other kinds of) grass and wood which
have not been worked up (into objects of use).
3. He shall not be too eager (after such a livelihood).
4. If he obtains (another lawful) livelihood, he
‘shall leave off (trading).
13. The exception stated above, is given by Haradatta on the
authority of Manu X, 90; Y4g#. III, 39.
15. ‘From the permission to exchange learning for learning, it
may be known that it is not lawful to sell it.—Haradatta. Manu
X, 94-
21. 2. ‘Since it is known that Mufga and Balbaga are kinds
of grass, it may be inferred from their being especially mentioned
(in Sftra 1) that objects made of them (may be also sold),’—
Haradatta.
4. Yaga. IIT, 35.
74 APASTAMBA. I, 7, 21.
5. Intercourse with fallen men is not ordained,
6. Nor with Apapatras.
7. Now (follows the enumeration of) the actions
which cause loss of caste (Pataniya).
8. (These are) stealing (gold), crimes whereby one
becomes an Abhisasta, homicide, neglect of the
Vedas, causing abortion, incestuous connection with
relations born from the same womb as one’s mother
or father, and with the offspring of such persons,
drinking spirituous liquor, and intercourse with persons the intercourse with whom is forbidden.
9g. That man falls who has connection with a female
friend of a female Guru, or with a female friend of a
male Guru, or with any married woman.
10. Some (teachers declare), that he does not fall
by having connection with any other married female
except his teacher's wife.
11. Constant commission of (other) sins (besides
those enumerated above) also causes a man to lose
his caste.
12. Now follows (the enumeration of) the acts
which make men impure (Asuéikara).
13. (These are) the cohabitation of Aryan women
with Sddras,
14. Eating the flesh of forbidden (creatures),
5. Manu XI, 180.
6. Regarding the definition of the word Apapatra, see above, I,
5, 16, 29.
8. The crimes by which a person becomes Abhisasta are enumerated below, I, 9, 24, 6 seq., where an explanation of the term
will be given.
g. Regarding the ‘male Gurus’ see above. By ‘female Gurus’
their wives are meant.
6. Regarding the definition of the word Apapatra, see above, I,
5, 16, 29.
8. The crimes by which a person becomes Abhisasta are enumerated below, I, 9, 24, 6 seq., where an explanation of the term
will be given.
g. Regarding the ‘male Gurus’ see above. By ‘female Gurus’
their wives are meant.
10. I.e. he need not perform so heavy a penance.
I, 8,22, PENANCE; KNOWLEDGE OF THE ATMAN. 75
15. As of a dog, a man, village cocks or pigs, carnivorous animals,
' 16, Eating the excrements of men,
17. Eating what is left by a Sddra, the cohabitation of Aryans with Apapétra women.
18. Some declare, that these acts also cause a man
to lose his caste.
19. Other acts besides those (enumerated) are
causes of impurity.
20. He who learns (that a man has) committed
a sin, shall not be the first to make it known to
others ; but he shall avoid the (sinner), when performing religious ceremonies.
Prasna I, Parata 8, Kuawpa 22.
1. He shall employ the means which tend to the
acquisition of (the knowledge of) the Atman, which
are attended by the consequent (destruction of the
passions, and) which prevent the wandering (of the
mind from its object, and fix it on the contemplation
of the Atman).
2. There is no higher (object) than the attainment of (the knowledge of the) Atman.
3. We shall quote the verses (from the Veda)
20. ‘That is to say, he is not to invite the sinner to dinners,
given at the occasion of religious ceremonies.’ —Flaradatta.
22. 1. The knowledge of the Vedanta and the means which prepare men for the knowledge of the Atman, the ‘Self, the universal
soul,’ are placed in this Pa/ala at the head of the penances, because
they are most efficacious for the removal of all sin. The means
are absence of anger &c., which are enumerated I, 8, 23, 6.
2. Haradatta gives in his commentary a lengthy discussion on
the Atman, which corresponds nearly to Sankara’s Introduction to
and Commentary on the first Sftra of Badardyana.
3. According to Haradatta, the following verses are taken
from an Upanishad.
76 APASTAMBA. I, 8, 22.
which refer to the attainment of (the knowledge
of) the Atman.
4. All living creatures are the dwelling of him’
who lies enveloped in matter, who is immortal and
who is spotless. Those become immortal who worship him who is immovable and lives in a movable
dwelling.
5. Despising all that which in this world is called
an object (of the senses) a wise man shall strive after
the (knowledge of the) Atman.
6. O pupil, 1, who had not recognised in my own
self the great self. luminous, universal, (absolutely)
free Atman, which must be obtained without the
mediation of anything else, desired (to find) it in
others (the senses). (But now as I have obtained
the pure knowledge, I do so no more.) Therefore
follow thou also this good road that leads to welfare
(salvation), and not the one that leads into misfortune (new births).
(But now as I have obtained
the pure knowledge, I do so no more.) Therefore
follow thou also this good road that leads to welfare
(salvation), and not the one that leads into misfortune (new births).
7. It is he who is the eternal part in all creatures,
whose essence is wisdom, who is immortal, unchangeable, destitute of limbs, of voice, of the (subtle) body,
4. The spotless one &c. is the Paramétman. The spots are
merit and demerit which, residing in the Manas, the internal organ
of perception, are only falsely attributed to the Atman, ‘the soul.’
To become immortal means ‘to obtain final liberation.’
5. It seems to me that Haradatta’s explanation of the words
‘idam idi ha idi ha’ is wrong. They ought to be divided thus,
‘idamid, iha id, iha loke.’ The general sense remains the same,
and there is no necessity to assume very curious and otherwise
unknown Vedic forms.
6. The verse is addressed by a teacher to his pupil. My translation strictly follows Haradatta’s gloss. But his interpretation is
open to many doubts. However, I am unable to suggest anything
better.
7. The Sftra contains a further description of the Paramatman.
I, 8, 23. PENANCE; KNOWLEDGE OF THE ATMAN. 77
(even) of touch, exceedingly pure; he is the universe, he is the highest goal; (he dwells in the
middle of the body as) the Vishuvat day is (the
middle of a Sattra-sacrifice); he, indeed, is (accessible to all) like a town intersected by many streets.
8. He who meditates on him, and everywhere
and always lives according to his (commandments),
and who, full of devotion, sees him who is difficult
to be seen and subtle, will rejoice in (his) heaven.
Prasna I, Parata 8, Kuanpa 23.
1. That Brahmaza, who is wise and recognises
all creatures to be in the Atman, who pondering
(thereon) does not become bewildered, and who recognises the Atman in every (created) thing, shines,
indeed, in heaven.
2. He, who is intelligence itself and subtler than
the thread of the lotus-fibre, pervades the universe,
and who, unchangeable and larger than the earth,
contains the universe; he, who is different from the
knowledge of this world, obtained by the senses
and identical with its objects, possesses the highest
(form consisting of absolute knowledge). From him,
who divides himself, spring all (created) bodies.
He is the primary cause, he is eternal, he is
unchangeable.
8. Haradatta explains the word vishf/ap, ‘heaven,’ by ‘painfreed greatness,’ apparently misled by a bad etymology. The
heaven of the Atman is, of course, liberation, that state where the
individual soul becomes merged in the Brahman or Paramatman,
which is pure essence, intelligence and joy.
23.2. This Sftra again contains a description of the ParamAtman. The translation strictly follows the commentary, though
the explanation, given in the latter, is open to objections.
78 APASTAMBA. T, 9, 24.
23.2. This Sftra again contains a description of the ParamAtman. The translation strictly follows the commentary, though
the explanation, given in the latter, is open to objections.
78 APASTAMBA. T, 9, 24.
3. But the eradication of the faults is brought
about in this life by the means (called Yoga). A wise
man who has eradicated the (faults) which destroy
the creatures, obtains salvation.
4. Now we will enumerate the faults which tend
to destroy the creatures.
5. (These are) anger, exultation, grumbling, covetousness, perplexity, doing injury, hypocrisy, lying,
gluttony, calumny, envy, lust, secret hatred, neglect
to keep the senses in subjection, neglect to concentrate the mind. The eradication of these (faults)
takes place through the means of (salvation called)
Yoga.
6. Freedom from anger, from exultation, from
grumbling, from covetousness, from perplexity, from
hypocrisy (and) hurtfulness ; truthfulness, moderation
in eating, silencing slander, freedom from envy, selfdenying liberality, avoiding to accept gifts, uprightness, affability, extinction of the passions, subjection
of the senses, peace with all created beings, concentration (of the mind on the contemplation of the
Atman), regulation of one’s conduct according to
that of the Aryas, peacefulness and contentedness ;
—these (good qualities) have been settled by the
agreement (of the wise) for all (the four) orders ; he
who, according to the precepts of the sacred law,
practises these, enters the universal soul.
Prasna I, Parata 9, Kuawpa 24.
1. He who has killed a Kshatriya shall give a
thousand cows (to Brahmazas) for the expiation of
his sin.
24. 1. Manu XI, 128; Yag#. III, 266. Others explain the phrase
vairayatanartham, ‘ for the expiation of his sin,’ thus: ‘ He, who is
J, 9, 24- PENANCE. 79
2. (He shall give) a hundred cows for a Vaisya,
3. Ten for a Sddra,
4. And in every one (of these cases) one bull
(must be given) in excess (of the number of cows)
for the sake of expiation.
5. And if women of the (three castes mentioned
have been slain) the same (composition must be paid).
6. He who has slain a man belonging to the two
(first-mentioned castes) who has studied the Veda,
or had been initiated for the performance of a Somasacrifice, becomes an Abhisasta.
7. And (he is called an Abhisasta) who has slain
a man belonging merely to the Brahmawa caste
(though he has not studied the Veda or been initiated for a Soma-sacrifice),
7. And (he is called an Abhisasta) who has slain
a man belonging merely to the Brahmawa caste
(though he has not studied the Veda or been initiated for a Soma-sacrifice),
slain by anybody, becomes, in dying, an enemy of his slayer (and
thinks), “O that I might slay him in another life,” for the removal
of this enmity !’—Haradatta. I am strongly inclined to agree with
the other commentator, and to translate vairayatanartham, ‘in order
to remove the enmity.’ I recognise in this fine a remnant of the
law permitting compositions for murder which was in force in
ancient Greece and among the Teutonic nations. With the explanation adopted by Haradatta, it is impossible to find a reasonable
interpretation for préyaskittérthak, Sftra 4. Haradatta, seduced
by the parallel passage of Manu, takes it to be identical with vairayatanartham. I propose to translate our Sftra thus: ‘He who
has killed a Kshatriya shall give a thousand cows (to the relations
of the murdered man) in order to remove the enmity.’ According
to Baudhayana I, 10. 19. 1 (compare Zeitschr. d. D. Morg. Ges.,
vol. 41, pp. 672-76; Festgruss an Roth, pp. 44-52), the cows are
to be given to the king.
2. Manu XI, 130; Y4gé. III, 267.
3. Manu XI, 131; Yag#. III, 267.
6. Manu XI, 87. Abhisasta means literally ‘accused, accursed,’
and corresponds in Apastamba’s terminology to the mahapatakin of
Manu and Y4g@avalkya, instead of which latter word Manu uses it
occasionally, e.g. II, 185.
80 APASTAMBA. I, 9, 24+
8. Likewise he who has destroyed an embryo of a
(Brahmaza, even though its sex be) undistinguishable,
9. Or a woman (of the Bréhmaza caste) during
her courses.
10. (Now follows) the penance for him (who is an
Abhisasta).
11. He (himself) shall erect a hut in the forest,
restrain his speech, carry (on his stick) the skull (of
the person slain) like a flag, and cover the space
from his navel to his knees with a quarter of a piece
of hempen cloth.
12. The path for him when he goes to a village,
is the space between the tracks (of the wheels).
13. And if he sees another (Arya), he shall step
out of the road (to the distance of two yards).
14. He shall go to the village, carrying a broken
tray of metal of an inferior quality.
15. He may go to seven houses only, (crying,)
‘Who will give alms to an Abhisasta ?’
16. That is (the way in which he must gain) his
livelihood.
17. If he does not obtain anything (at the seven
houses), he must fast.
18. And (whilst performing this penance) he must
tend cows.
19. When they leave and enter the village, that is
the second occasion (on which he may enter) the
village.
9. ‘ Others interpret Atreyf, “ during her courses,” by “belonging
to the race of Atri.”’—Haradatta.
1x. Others say that he may carry the skull of any corpse.
This Sftra is to be construed with Sftra 14, Stras 12 and 13
being inserted parenthetically—Haradatta. Manu XI, 72-78;
Yaga. III, 243.
T, 9, 24 PENANCE, 81
1x. Others say that he may carry the skull of any corpse.
This Sftra is to be construed with Sftra 14, Stras 12 and 13
being inserted parenthetically—Haradatta. Manu XI, 72-78;
Yaga. III, 243.
T, 9, 24 PENANCE, 81
20. After having performed (this penance) for
twelve years, (he must perform) the ceremony known
(by custom), through which he is re-admitted into
the society of the good.
21. Or (after having performed the twelve years’
penance), he may build a hut on the path of robbers,
and live there, trying to take from them the cows of
Brahmazas. He is free (from his sin), when thrice
he has been defeated by them, or when he has vanquished them.
22. Or he is freed (from his sin), if (after the
twelve years’ penance) he bathes (with the priests)
at the end of a horse-sacrifice.
23. This very same (penance is ordained) for him
who, when his duty and love of gain come into conflict, chooses the gain.
24. If he has slain a Guru or a Bréhmaza, who
has studied the Veda and finished the ceremonies of
a Soma-sacrifice, he shall live according to this very
same rule until his last breath.
25. He cannot be purified in this life. But his
sin is removed (after death).
20. ‘I.e. after having performed the penance, he shall take
grass and offer it to a cow. If the cow approaches and confidingly
eats, then one should know that he has performed the penance
properly, not otherwise. —Haradatta. Manu XI, 195 and 196.
21. Manu XI, 81.—Thus Haradatta, better, ‘when thrice he
has fought with them,’ see the Pet. Dict. s.v. radh.
22. Manu XI, 83; Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 67.
23. ‘Or the Stra may have reference to unrighteous gain
acquired by false testimony and the like.’—Haradatta.
24. ‘Guru means “the father and the rest.” ’—Haradatta.
25. ‘His sin is removed after death. Hence the meaning is
that his sons or other (relations) may perform the funeral ceremonies and the like. But others think that the first part of the
Sfitra forbids this, and that the meaning of praty4pattiA (can -be
(2] G
82 APASTAMBA. I, 9, 25+
Prasna I, Parata 9, Kuawpa 25.
1. He who has had connection with a Guru’s wife
shall cut off his organ together with the testicles,
take them into his joined hands and walk towards
the south without stopping, until he falls down
dead.
2. Or he may die embracing a heated metal
image of a woman.
3. A drinker of spirituous liquor shall drink exceedingly hot liquor so that he dies.
4. A thief shall go to the king with flying hair,
carrying a club on his shoulder, and tell him his
deed. He (the king) shall give him a blow with
that (club). If the thief dies, his sin is expiated.
5. Ifhe is forgiven (by the king), the guilt falls
upon him who forgives him, .
6. Or he may throw himself into the fire, or
perform repeatedly severe austerities,
7. Or he may kill himself by diminishing daily
his portion of food,
8. Or he may perform Kvzékhra penances (uninterruptedly) for one year.
6. Or he may throw himself into the fire, or
perform repeatedly severe austerities,
7. Or he may kill himself by diminishing daily
his portion of food,
8. Or he may perform Kvzékhra penances (uninterruptedly) for one year.
purified) is “connection by being received as a son or other relation.” ’—Haradatta.
25. 1. Haradatta’s explanation of a ‘ Guru’s wife’ by ‘mother’
rests on a comparison of similar passages from other Smrstis, where’
a different ‘penance’ is prescribed for incestuous intercourse with
other near relations. Manu XI, 105; Yag#. III, 259.
2. Manu XI, 104; Yaga. III, 259.
3. Manu XI, g1, 92; Yagé. III, 253.
4. I.e. who has stolen the gold of a Bréhmaza, Manu VIII,
314, 316; XI, 99-101; YAg#. WI, 257.
5- Manu VIII, 317. 6. Manu XI, 102.
8. According to Haradatta this Sfitra refers to all kinds of sins,
T, 9, 25. PENANCE. 83
9. Now they quote also (the following verse) :
10. Those who have committed a theft (of gold),
drunk spirituous liquor, or had connection with a
Guru’s wife, but not those who have slain a Brahmaza, shall eat every fourth meal-time a little food,
bathe at the times of the three libations (morning,
noon, and evening), passing the day standing and
the night sitting. After the lapse of three years
they throw off their guilt.
11. (A man of any caste) excepting the first, who
has slain a man of the first caste, shall go on a
battle-field and place himself (between the two
hostile armies). There they shall kill him (and
thereby he becomes pure).
12. Or such a sinner may tear from his body and
make the priest offer as a burnt-offering his hair,
skin, flesh, and the rest, and then throw himself into
the fire.
13. If a crow,a chameleon, a peacock, a Brahmazi
duck, a swan, the vulture called Bhdsa, a frog, an
ichneumon, a musk-rat, or a dog has been killed,
then the same penance as for a Sidra must be performed.
and it must be understood that the Krkkfra penances must be
heavy for great crimes, and lighter for smaller faults; see also
below,.I, 9, 27, 7 and 8.
% Haradatta states that the verse is taken from a Purana.
. Manu XI, 74; YAg#. III, 248.
12. The Mantras given in the commentary, and a parallel
passage of Vasish‘ha XX, 25-26, Show that this terrible penance
is not altogether a mere theory of Apastamba. Yag#. III, 247.
13. ‘According to some, the penance must be performed if all
these animals together have been slain; according to others, if only
one of. them has been killed.’—Haradatta. Manu XI, 132, 136;
Y4ga. HI, 270-272.
G2
84 APASTAMBA. I, 9, 26.
Prasna I, Parata 9, Kuanpa 26.
1. (The same penance must be performed), if a
milch-cow or a full-grown ox (has been slain), without
a reason.
2. And for other animals (which have no bones),
if an ox-load of them has been killed. |
3. He who abuses a person who (on account of
his venerability) ought not to be abused, or speaks
‘an untruth (regarding any small matter) must abstain for three days from milk, pungent condiments,
and salt.
2. And for other animals (which have no bones),
if an ox-load of them has been killed. |
3. He who abuses a person who (on account of
his venerability) ought not to be abused, or speaks
‘an untruth (regarding any small matter) must abstain for three days from milk, pungent condiments,
and salt.
4. (If the same sins have been committed) by a
Sfddra, he must fast for seven days.
5. And the same (penances must also be performed) by women, (but not those which follow).
6. He who cuts off a limb of a person for whose
murder he would become an Abhisasta (must perform the penance prescribed for killing a Sddra),
if the life (of the person injured) has not been
endangered.
26. 1. ‘A reason’ for hurting a cow is, according to Haradatta,
anger, or the desire to obtain meat.
2. Manu XI, 141; Yag#. III, 269. That ‘animals without
bones,’ i.e. insects or mollusks, are intended in the Sfitra is an
inference, drawn by Haradatta from the parallel passages of Gautama, Manu, and Yagfavalkya.
3. ‘A person who ought not to be abused, i. e. a father, a teacher,
and the like. —Haradatta.
5. The same penances, i.e. those prescribed I, 9, 24—I, g, 26, 4.
According to Haradatta this Sftra is intended to teach that women
shall not perform the penances which follow. Others, - however,
are of opinion that it is given in order to indicate that the preceding Sfttras apply to women by an atidesa, and that, according
to a SmArta principle, applicable to such cases, it may be inferred,
that women are to perform one-half only of the penances prescribed for men.
I, 9, 26. PENANCE. 85
7. He who has been guilty of conduct unworthy
of an Aryan, of calumniating others, of actions contrary to the rule of conduct, of eating or drinking
things forbidden, of connection with a woman of the
SQdra caste, of an unnatural crime, of performing
magic rites with intent (to harm his enemies) or
(of hurting others) unintentionally, shall bathe and
sprinkle himself with water, reciting the (seven)
verses addressed to the Waters, or the verses
addressed to Varuma, or (other verses chosen from
the Anuvaka, called) Pavitra, in proportion to the
frequency with which the crime has been committed.
8. A (student) who has broken the vow of chastity, shall offer to Nirvzti an ass, according to the
manner of the Pakayagza-rites.
9. A Sfdra shall eat (the remainder) of that
(offering).
10. (Now follows) the penance for him who transgresses the rules of studentship.
11. He shall for a year serve his teacher silently,
emitting speech only during the daily study (of the
Veda, in announcing necessary business to) his
teacher or his teacher's wife, and whilst collecting
alms.
12, The following (penances) which we are going
to proclaim, may be performed for the same sin, and
4. The Anuvaka intended is Taitt. Sah. II, 5, 12.
12, The following (penances) which we are going
to proclaim, may be performed for the same sin, and
4. The Anuvaka intended is Taitt. Sah. II, 5, 12.
8. Taitt. Ar. II, 18, and Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 102; Manu XI,
11g seq.; and Yaga. III, 280. Regarding the Pakayag#a-rites,
see Asv. Gri. SQ. I, 1, 2, and Max Millers History of Ancient
Sanskrit Literature, p. 203.
12. Regarding the Patantya-crimes which cause loss of caste,
see above, I, 7, 21, 7 seq.
86 APASTAMBA. T, 95 27.
also for other sinful acts, which do not cause loss of
caste,
13. He may either offer oblations to Kama and
Manyu (with the following two Mantras), ‘Kama
(passion) has done it; Manyu (anger) has done it.’
‘Or he may mutter (these Mantras).
14. Or, after having eaten sesamum or fasted on
the days of the full and new moon he may, on the ©
following day bathe, and stopping his breath, repeat
the Gayatri one thousand times, or he may do so
without stopping his breath.
PRASNA I, Parata 9, KuAnpa 27,
1.. After having eaten sesamum or having fasted
on the full moon day of the month Srévaza (July—
August), he may on the following day bathe in the
water of a great river and offer (a burnt-oblation of)
one thousand pieces of sacred fuel, whilst reciting
the Gayatri, or he may mutter (the Gayatri) as many
times.
2. Or he may perform Ish¢is and Soma-sacrifices
for the sake of purifying himself (from his sins).
3. After having eaten forbidden food, he must
fast, until his entrails are empty.
4. That is (generally) attained after seven days.
5. Or he may during winter and during the dewy
13. Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 102. According to the greatness of
the crime the number of the burnt-oblations must be increased and
the prayers be repeated.
27. 1. ‘The oblations of sacred fuel (samidh) are not to be
accompanied by the exclamation Svaha.’—Haradatta.
2. Ishfis are the simplest forms of the Srauta-sacrifices, i.e. of
those for which three fires are necessary.
3- For some particular kinds of forbidden food the same penance
is prescribed, Manu XI, 153-154.
I, 9, 27 PENANCE, 87
season (November—March) bathe in cold water both
morning and evening.
6. Or he may perform a Kvzé&hra penance, which
lasts twelve days.
7. The rule for the K7zékhra penance of twelve
days (is the following): For three days he must not
eat in the evening, and then for three days not in the
morning ; for three days he must live on food which
has been given unasked, and three days he must not
eat anything.
8. If he repeats this for a year, that is called a
Krzkkhra penance, which lasts for a year.
9. Now follows another penance. He who has
committed even a great many sins which do not
cause him to fall, becomes free from guilt, if, fasting,
he recites the entire Sakha of his Veda three times
consecutively.
9. Now follows another penance. He who has
committed even a great many sins which do not
cause him to fall, becomes free from guilt, if, fasting,
he recites the entire Sakha of his Veda three times
consecutively.
10. He who cohabits with a non-Aryan woman,
he who lends money at interest, he who drinks
(other) spirituous liquors (than Surd), he who praises
everybody in a manner unworthy of a Brahmaza,
shall sit on grass, allowing his back to be scorched
(by the sun).
11. A Brahmaza removes the sin which he committed by serving one day and night (a man of) the
black race, if he bathes for three years, eating at
every fourth meal-time.
4. The same penance is described, under the name Pragapatya
krikkhra, the Krikkhra invented by Pragapati, Manu XI, 212, and
Yaga. III, 320.
9. Manu XI, 259.
11. The expression krishna varna, ‘the black race,’ is truly
Vedic. In the Azg-veda it usually denotes the aboriginal races,
and sometimes the demons. Others explain the Sfitra thus:
88 APASTAMBA. I, 10, 28.
Prasna I, Parata 10, Kuawna 28.
1. He who, under any conditions whatsoever,
covets (and takes) another man’s possessions is a
thief; thus (teach) Kautsa and Harita as well as
Kazva and Pushkarasddi.
2. VAarshy4yami declares, that there are exceptions
to this law, in regard to some possessions.
3. (E.g.) seeds ripening in the pod, food for a
draught-ox ; (if these are taken), the owners (ought)
not (to) forbid it.
4. To take even these things in too great a quantity is sinful.
5. Harita declares, that in every case the permission (of the owner must be obtained) first.
6. He shall not go to visit a fallen teacher or
blood relation.
7. Nor shall he accept the (means for procuring)
enjoyments from such a person.
8. If he meets them accidentally he shall silently.
embrace (their feet) and pass on.
g. A mother does very many acts for her son,
therefore he must constantly serve her, though she
be fallen.
10. But (there shall be) no communion (with a
fallen mother) in acts performed for the acquisition
of spiritual merit.
A Brahmana removes the sin, which he committed by cohabiting
for one night with a female of the Sfdra caste, &c.—Haradatta.
The latter explanation has been adopted by Kullaka on Manu
XI, 179. ‘
28.3. The same rule Manu emphatically ascribes to himself,
Manu VIII, 339. But see also VIII, 331.
4. Haradatta remarks, that this Stra implicitly forbids to accept
the heritage of an outcast.
I, 10, 28. PENANCE. 89
11, Enjoyments taken unrighteously he shall give
up; he shall say, ‘I and sin (do not dwell together).’
Clothing himself with a garment reaching from the
navel down to the knee, bathing daily, morn, noon,
and evening, eating food which contains neither milk
nor pungent condiments, nor salt, he shall not enter a
house for twelve years.
12. After that he (may be) purified.
13. Then he may have intercourse with Aryans.
12. After that he (may be) purified.
13. Then he may have intercourse with Aryans.
14. This penance may also be employed in the
case of the other crimes which cause loss of caste
(for which no penance has been ordained above).
15. But the violator of a Guru’s bed shall enter a
hollow iron image and, having caused a fire to be lit
on both sides, he shall burn himself.
16. According to Harita, this (last-mentioned
penance must) not (be performed).
17. For he who takes his own or another's life
becomes an Abhisasta.
18, He (the violator of a Guru's bed) shall perform to his last breath (the penance) prescribed by
that rule (Sdtra 11). He cannot be purified in
this world. But (after death) his sin is taken
away.
19. He who has unjustly forsaken his wife shall
put on an ass’s skin, with the hair turned outside,
and beg in seven houses, saying, ‘Give alms to him
who forsook his wife.’ That shall be his livelihood
for six months.
20. But if a wife forsakes her husband, she shall
11. A similar but easier penance is prescribed, Manu XI, 194.
15. ‘(This penance, which had been prescribed above, I, 9, 25, 1),
is enjoined (once more), in order to show that it is not optional
(as might be expected according to SAtra 14).’—Haradatta.
90 APASTAMBA. T, 10, 29.
perform the twelve-night K7vzé&éfra penance for as
long a time.
21. He who has killed a Bhriwa (a man learned
in the Vedas and Ved4ngas and skilled in the
performance of the rites) shall put on the skin of a
dog or of an ass, with the hair turned outside, and
take a human skull for his drinking-vessel,
Prasna I, Parata 10, KHanpa 29.
1. And he shall take the foot of a bed instead of
a staff and, proclaiming the name of his deed, he
shall go about (saying), ‘Who (gives) alms to the
murderer of a Bhraiza?’ Obtaining thus his livelihood in the village, he shall dwell in an empty house
or under a tree, (knowing that) he is not allowed to
have intercourse with Aryans. According to this
rule he shall act until his last breath. He cannot
be purified in this world. But (after death) his sin
is taken away.
2. He even who slays unintentionally, reaps nevertheless the result of his sin.
3. (His guilt is) greater, (if he slays) intentionally.
4. The same (principle applies) also to other sinful actions,
5. And also to good works.
6. A Bréhmaza shall not take a weapon into his
hand, though he be only desirous of examining it.
7. Ina Purdma (it has been declared), that he who
29. 5. Haradatta gives, as an example, the case where a warrior saves the property of a traveller from thieves. If the traveller
turns out to be a Braéhmaza, and the warrior did not know his
caste before rescuing his property, his merit will be less than if he
had rescued knowingly the property of a Brahmana.
I, 10, 29. PENANCE. gI
slays an assailant does not sin, for (in that case)
wrath meets wrath.
If the traveller
turns out to be a Braéhmaza, and the warrior did not know his
caste before rescuing his property, his merit will be less than if he
had rescued knowingly the property of a Brahmana.
I, 10, 29. PENANCE. gI
slays an assailant does not sin, for (in that case)
wrath meets wrath.
8. But Abhisastas shall live together in dwellings
(outside the village); considering this their lawful
(mode of life), they shall sacrifice for each other,
teach each other, and marry amongst each other.
9. If they have begot sons, let them say to them:
‘Go out from amongst us, for thus the Aryas, (throwing the guilt) upon us, will 1 receive you (amongst
their number).
10. For the organs do not become impure together
with the man.
(The truth of) that may be learned from this
(parallel case) ; a man deficient in limbs begets a son
who possesses the full number of limbs.
12. H4rtta declares that this is wrong.
13. A wife is similar to the vessel which contains
the curds (for the sacrifice).
14. For if one makes impure milk curdle (by
mixing it with whey and water) in a milk-vessel and
stirs it, no sacrificial rite can be performed with (the
curds produced from) that. Just so no intercourse
g. It is impossible to agree with Haradatta’s explanation of the
words to be addressed by Abhisastas to their children. No Vedic
license can excuse the use of the second person plural instead of
the third. I propose the following: ‘Go out from among us; for
thus (leaving the guilt) to us, you will be received (as) Aryas’ It
is, however, not improbable that our text is disfigured by several
very old corruptions, compare Baudh4yana II, 1, 2, 18.
11. ‘In like manner a man who has lost his rights, (can) beget
a son, who possesses the rights (of his caste). For the wife is also
a cause (of the birth of the son), and she is guiltless. —Haradatta.
13. The statements now following are those with which Apastamba agrees. Those contained in Sfitras 8-11 are merely the
pirvapaksha.
92 APASTAMBA. I, 11, 30.
can be allowed with the impure seed which comes
(from an Abhisasta).
15. Sorcery and curses (employed against a Brahmaza) cause a man to become impure, but not loss
of caste.
16. Hartta declares that they cause loss of caste.
17. But crimes causing impurity must be expiated, (when no particular penance is prescribed,)
by performing the penance enjoined for crimes causing loss- of caste during twelve months, or twelve
half months, or twelve twelve-nights, or twelve
sennights, or twelve times three days, or twelve
days, or seven days, or three days, or one day.
18. Thus acts causing impurity must be expiated
according to the manner in which the (sinful) act
has been committed (whether intentionally or unintentionally).
Prasna I, Parata 11, Kuanpa 30.
1. Some declare, that a student shall bathe after
(having acquired) the knowledge of the Veda, (however long or short the time of his studentship may
have been).
Prasna I, Parata 11, Kuanpa 30.
1. Some declare, that a student shall bathe after
(having acquired) the knowledge of the Veda, (however long or short the time of his studentship may
have been).
2. (He may) also (bathe) after having kept the
student’s vow for forty-eight, (thirty-six or twentyfour) years, (though he may not have mastered the
Veda).
3. Some declare, that the student (shall bathe)
after (having acquired) the knowledge of the Veda
and after (the expiration of) his vow.
30. 1. The bath is taken at the end of the studentship, and forms
part of the Samévartana-ceremony. From this rite a student who
has completed his course of study derives the name Snataka, ‘ one
who has bathed.’ See also Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 125.
I, 11, 30. RULES FOR A SNATAKA. 93
4. To all those persons who have bathed (in
accordance with any of the above rules must be
shown) the honour due to a Sn&taka.
5. The reverence (shown to a Snataka) brings,
however, different rewards according to the degree
of devotion or of learning (possessed by the person
honoured).
6. Now follow the observances (chiefly to be kept)
by a Snataka.
7. He shall usually enter the village and leave it
by the eastern or the northern gate.
8. During the morning and evening twilights, he
shall sit outside the village, and not speak anything
(referring to worldly matters).
g. (But an Agnihotri, who is occupied at home by
oblations in the morning and evening, must not go
out; for) in the case of a conflict (of duties), that
enjoined by the Veda is the more important.
10. He shall avoid all dyed dresses,
11. And all naturally black cloth.
12. He shall wear a dress that is neither shining,
13. Nor despicable, if he is able (to afford it).
14. And in the day-time he shall avoid to wrap
up his head, except when voiding excrements.
15. But when voiding excrements, he shall envelop his head and place some (grass or the like)
on the ground.
16. He shall not void excrements in the shade (of
a tree, where travellers rest).
10. The rule to wear white garments is given Yag#. I, 131;
Manu IV, 35.
13. Manu IV, 34.
13. Manu IV, 49.
94 APASTAMBA. I, 11, 31.
17. But he may discharge urine on his own
shadow.
18. He shall not void excrements with his shoes on,
nor on a ploughed field, nor on a path, nor in water.
19. He shall also avoid to spit into, or to have
connection with a woman in water.
20. He shall not void excrements facing the fire,
the sun, water, a Brahmaza, cows, or (images of)
the gods.
21. He shall avoid to clean his body from excrements with a stone, a clod of earth, or with
(boughs of) herbs or trees which he has broken
off, whilst they were on the tree and full of sap.
22. If possible, he shall not stretch out his feet
towards a fire, water, a Brahmaza, a cow, (images
of) the gods, a door, or against the wind.
23. Now they quote also (the following verse) :
Prasna I, Parara 11, Kuawpa 31.
22. If possible, he shall not stretch out his feet
towards a fire, water, a Brahmaza, a cow, (images
of) the gods, a door, or against the wind.
23. Now they quote also (the following verse) :
Prasna I, Parara 11, Kuawpa 31.
1. He shall eat facing the east, void feeces facing
the south, discharge urine facing the north, and
wash his feet turned towards the west.
2. He shall void excrements far from his house,
having gone towards the south or south-west.
3. But after sunset he must not void excrements
outside the village or far from his house.
4. And as long as he is impure he (shall avoid)
to pronounce the names of the gods.
18. Manu IV, 45, 46; Yag#. 1, 137.
1g. Manu IV, 56.
20. Manu IV, 48, 52; Yag#. I, 134.
22. The prohibition to stretch the feet towards a fire occurs also
Manu IV, 53; Y4ga.I, 137.
31.2. Manu IV, 151; Yaga. I, 16.
I, 11, 31. RULES FOR A SNATAKA. 95
5. And he shall not speak evil of the gods or of
the king.
6. He shall not touch with his foot a Brahmaza,
a cow, nor any other (venerable beings).
7. (Nor shall he touch them) with his hand, except
for particular reasons.
8. He shall not mention the blemishes of a cow,
of sacrificial presents, or of a girl.
g. And he shall not announce it (to the owner)
if a cow doeg damage (by eating corn or grass in
a field).
10. (Nor shall he call attention to it) if a cow
is together with her calf, except for a particular
reason.
11. And of a cow which is not a milch-cow he shall
not say, ‘She is not a milch-cow. He must say,
‘ This is a cow which will become a milch-cow.’
12. He shall not call ‘lucky’ that which is lucky.
He shall call it ‘a mercy, a blessing.’
13. He shall not step over a rope to which a calf
(or cow) is tied.
14. He shall not pass between the posts from
which a swing is suspended.
15. (In company) he shall not say, ‘This person
5- Manu IV, 163.
8. ‘In the section on transcendental knowledge (I, 8, 23, 5),
“ speaking evil” has been forbidden, in connection with the means
of salvation. And below (Sfitra 25) the (author) will declare that
the sins which destroy the creatures are to be avoided. But this
precept (is given in order to indicate that) in the case of cows and
the rest an extra penance must be performed.’—Haradatta.
12, Manu IV, 139. 13. Manu IV, 38.
14. ‘Or according to others, “ He shall not pass between pillars
supporting an arch.” ’—Haradatta.
96 APASTAMBA. I, 11, 31.
is my enemy. If he says, ‘This person is my
enemy, he will raise for himself an enemy, who
will show his hatred.
16. If he sees a rainbow, he must not say to
others, ‘ Here is Indra’s bow.’
17. He shall not count (a flock of) birds.
18. He shall avoid to look at the sun when he
rises or sets.
19. During the day the sun protects the creatures, during the night the moon. Therefore let
him eagerly strive to protect himself on the night
of the new moon by purity, continence, and rites
adapted for the season.
20. For during that night the sun and the moon
dwell together.
19. During the day the sun protects the creatures, during the night the moon. Therefore let
him eagerly strive to protect himself on the night
of the new moon by purity, continence, and rites
adapted for the season.
20. For during that night the sun and the moon
dwell together.
21. He shall not enter the village by a by-path.
If he enters it thus, he shall mutter this Rzk-verse,
‘Praise be to Rudra, the lord of the dwelling,’ or
some other (verse) addressed to Rudra.
22. He shall not (ordinarily) give the residue of
his food to a person who is not a Brahmaza. When
he gives it (to such a one), he shall clean his teeth
and give (the food) after having placed in it (the
dirt from his teeth).
16. Manu IV, 59.
17. ‘Others explain (the Sftra’thus): He shall not announce it
to others, if he sees (the souls of) good men falling from heaven on
account of the expenditure of their merit, (i.e.) he shall not call
attention to shooting-stars.’—Haradatta,
18. Manu IV, 37. 19. Manu IV, 153.
21. Manu IV, 73; Yag#. I, 140.
.22, Manu IV, 80. ‘This prohibition (given in the first part of
the Sfitra) refers to Sfdras who are not dependents; to dependents
the following (exception applies).’— Haradatta.
I, 11, 32. RULES FOR A SNATAKA. 97
23. And let him avoid the faults that destroy the
creatures, such as anger and the like.
Prasna I, Parata 11, Kuanpa 82.
1. Let him who teaches, avoid connubial intercourse during the rainy season and in autumn.
2. And if he has had connection (with his wife),
he shall not lie with her during the whole night.
3. He shall not teach whilst he is lying on a bed.
4. Nor shall he teach (sitting) on that couch on
which he lies (at night with his wife).
5. He shall not show himself adorned with a
garland, or anointed with ointments.
6. At night he shall always adorn himself for his
wife.
7. Let him not submerge his head together with
his body (in bathing),
8. And (let him avoid) to bathe after sunset.
9. Let him avoid to use a seat, clogs, sticks for
cleaning the teeth, (and other utensils) made of
Palésa-wood.
10. Let him avoid to praise (himself) before his
teacher, saying, ‘1 have properly bathed or the like.’
11, Let him be awake from midnight.
12. Let him not study (or teach) in the middle of
the night; but (he may point out) their duties to his
pupils,
13. Or (he may) by himself mentally (repeat the
sacred texts).
14. After midnight he may teach.
23. See above, I, 8, 23, 4 and 5, and Manu IV, 163.
32. 1. Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 42.
2. Manu IV, 40. 5. Manu IV, 72.
[2] H
98 APASTAMBA. I, 11, 32.
15. When he has risen (at midnight, and taught)
during the third watch of the night, let him not lie
down again (saying), ‘Studying is forbidden.’
16, At his pleasure he may (sleep) leaning (against
a post or the like).
17. Or he may mentally repeat (the sacred texts).
18. Let him not visit inferior men (such as Nishadas), nor countries which are inhabited by them,
19. Nor assemblies and crowds.
17. Or he may mentally repeat (the sacred texts).
18. Let him not visit inferior men (such as Nishadas), nor countries which are inhabited by them,
19. Nor assemblies and crowds.
20. If he has entered a crowd, he shall leave it,
turning his right hand towards the crowd.
21. Nor shall he enter towns frequently.
22. Let him not answer directly a question (that
is difficult to decide).
23. Now they quote also (the following verse):
24. (The foolish decision) of a person who decides
wrongly destroys his ancestors and his future happiness, it harms his children, cattle, and house. ‘Oh
Dharmaprahrdda, (this deed belongs) not to Kumalana!’ thus decided Death, weeping, the question
(addressed to him by the Azshi).
15. I.e. if the following day is a forbidden day, e. ‘& an Ash/ami.
See also Manu IV, go.
18. Manu IV, 60 and 61.
24. Haradatta tells the story to which the second half of the
verse alludes, in the following manner: ‘A certain Ashi had
two pupils, called Dharmaprahrada and Kumalana. Once they
brought from the forest two great bundles of firewood and threw
them negligently into their teacher’s house, without looking. One
of the bundles struck the teacher’s little son so that he died. Then
the teacher asked his two pupils, “‘ Which of you two has killed
him?” Both answered, “ Not I, not I.” Hereupon the teacher,
being unable to (come to a decision in order to) send away the
sinner and to keep the innocent one, called Death, and asked him,
“Which of the two has killed the boy?” Then Death, finding
himself involved in a difficult law-question, began to weep, and
II, 1,1. THE DUTIES OF A HOUSEHOLDER. 99
25. Let him not ascend a carriage yoked with
asses; and let him avoid to ascend or to descend
from vehicles in difficult places.
26. And (let him avoid) to cross a river swimming.
27. And (let him avoid) ships of doubtful (solidity).
28. He shall avoid cutting grass, crushing clods
of earth, and spitting, without a particular reason,
29. And whatever else they forbid.
Prasna II, Parata 1, Kuanpa 1.
1. After marriage the rites prescribed for a householder and his wife (must be performed).
2. He shall eat at the two (appointed) times,
(morning and evening).
giving his decision, said, “Oh Dharmaprahr&da, not to Kumflana
(the dative has the sense of the genitive), this sin is none of
Kumalana’s!” Instead of declaring, “Dharmaprahrada, thou
hast done this,” he said, “The other did not do it.” Still from
the circumstances of the case it appeared that the meaning of the
answer was, “The other has done it.” “This was the decision
which he gave crying.”’—The reading of the text rendered in the
translation is, dharmaprahrada na kumA4lanéya.
26. Manu IV, 77. 28. Manu IV, 70 and 71.
26. Manu IV, 77. 28. Manu IV, 70 and 71.
1. 1. According to Haradatta, this rule is intended to refute the
opinion of those who hold that the sacred household-fire may be
kept, and the prescribed offerings therein may be performed,
either from the time of the marriage, or after the division of the
family estate. He also states that the use of the dual grzhamedhinof indicates that husband and wife must perform the rites
conjointly. Manu III, 67.
2. Haradatta thinks that this Sfitra is intended to prevent
householders from having more than two meals a day, and to keep
them from gluttony. Others are of opinion that its object is to
keep householders from excessive fasting, and to make them
perform the Pra4gnihotra at either meal. At the Praz4gnihotra
the sacrificer eats five mouthfuls invoking successively, whilst he
H 2
100 APASTAMBA. Il, 1, 1.
3. And he shall not eat to repletion.
4. And both (the householder and his wife) shall
fast on (the days of) the new and full moon.
5. To eat once (on those days in the morning),
that also is called fasting.
6. And they may eat (at that meal) until they
are quite satisfied.
7. And on (the anniversary of) that (wedding)-day
they may eat that food of which they are fond. ~
8. And (on the night of that day) they shall sleep
on the ground (on a raised heap of earth).
9. And they shall avoid connubial intercourse.
10. And on the day after (that day) a Sthalipaka
must be offered.
11. The manner in which that offering must be
eats, the five vital airs. At the first mouthful he says, ‘To Prana
svahé ;’ at the second, ‘To Apana svaha,’ &c.
5. Asv. Gre. St. I, 10, 2.
7. Haradatta holds that the words ‘on that day’ do not refer to
the days of the new and full moon, the Parvan-days, mentioned in
Sfittra 4. His reasons are, first, that the permission to eat food,
of which the householder may be particularly fond, has already
‘been given in Sftra 6, by the term triptiZ, ‘satisfaction’; and,
secondly, that the singular ‘on this day’ does not agree with the
plural ‘on the Parvan-days.’ Hence he comes to the conclusion
that the words ‘on that day’ must refer to the wedding-day,
mentioned in Sftra 1, as well as to its anniversary. Haradatta is,
probably, right in his explanation, though the reasons adduced
here are very weak. A stronger reason for detaching this Sftra
from Sfitra 4 will be brought forward below, under Sftra 11. Mahadeva, the commentator of the Hirazyakesidharma, adopts the view
rejected by Haradatta.
8. Asv. Grit. Sa. I, 3, 10.
ro. A Sthalipaéka is an offering at which rice cooked in a pot,
sthalf, is offered in the fire. A full description of this kind of
sacrifice occurs, Asv. Gri. SQ. I, 10, 1 seq.
11. The Parvana Sth&lfpaka has been described by Apastamba
II, 1, 1. THE DUTIES OF A HOUSEHOLDER. IOI
performed has been declared by (the description of
the Sthalip4ka) to be performed on the days of the
new and full moon (the Parvaza).
Gri. SQ. I, 10, 1 seq.
11. The Parvana Sth&lfpaka has been described by Apastamba
II, 1, 1. THE DUTIES OF A HOUSEHOLDER. IOI
performed has been declared by (the description of
the Sthalip4ka) to be performed on the days of the
new and full moon (the Parvaza).
12. And they declare (that this rite which is
known) amongst the people (must be performed)
every (year).
13. At every (burnt-offering), when he wishes to
place the fire on the altar (called Sthamdila), let him
draw on that (altar) three lines from west to east
and three lines from south to north, and sprinkle
(the altar) with water, turning the palm of the hand
downwards, and let him then make the fire burn
brightly by adding (fuel).
14. He shall pour out (the remainder of) this water
used for sprinkling, to the north or to the east (of
the altar), and take other (water into the vessel).
15. The water-vessels in the house shall never
be empty; that is the duty to be observed by the
householder. and his wife.
in the Grthya-sftra, III, 7. Again, Haradatta returns to the
question whether the words on that day (Sfitra 7) refer to the
Parvan-days, or the marriage-day and its anniversaries. Ie now
adds, in favour of the latter view, that the word Parvamena, ‘ by
the rite to be performed on Parvan-days,’ by which the Sthalipaka
on Parvan-days is intended, clearly proves the impossibility to refer
the preceding rules to the Parvan-days. He adds that some,
nevertheless, adopt the explanation rejected by himself.
12. They, ie. the Sishfas, those learned in the law. ‘ Another
commentator says, the rite which will be taught (in the following
Sfitra), and which is known from the usage of the learned, is
constant, i.e. must be performed in every case. That it is what
the “learned” declare.,—Haradatta. The latter explanation of
the Sfitra is adopted by Mahadeva.
13. Asv. Gre. Sd. I, 3, 1-3.
15. Haradatta states that the object of the repetition of the
words ‘the householder and his wife’ is to show that they
102 APASTAMBA, II, 1, 2.
16. Let him not have connubial intercourse (with
his wife) in the day-time.
17. But let him have connection with his wife at
the proper time, according to the rules (of the law).
18. Let him have connubial intercourse in the
interval also, if his wife (desires it, observing the
restrictions imposed by the law).
19. (The duty of) connubial intercourse (follows
from) the passage of a Brahmama, (‘Let us dwell
together until a son be born.’)
20. But during intercourse he shall be dressed in
a particular dress kept for this purpose.
21. And during intercourse only they shall lie
together,
22. Afterwards separate.
23. Then they both shall bathe;
Prasna II, Paratra 1, Kuawpa 2.
1. Or they shall remove the stains with earth or
water, sip water, and sprinkle the body with water.
2. Men of all castes, if they fulfil their (assigned)
duties, enjoy (in heaven) the highest, imperishable
bliss.
23. Then they both shall bathe;
Prasna II, Paratra 1, Kuawpa 2.
1. Or they shall remove the stains with earth or
water, sip water, and sprinkle the body with water.
2. Men of all castes, if they fulfil their (assigned)
duties, enjoy (in heaven) the highest, imperishable
bliss.
3. Afterwards when (a man who has fulfilled his
duties) returns to this world, he obtains, by virtue of
themselves must fill the water-vessels, and not employ others for
this purpose. He adds that, according to another commentator,
the object of the repetition is to show that Stras 13 and 14 apply
not only to householders, but also to students, and that hence
students, when they offer the daily oblations of sacred fuel (above,
I, 1, 4, 14 seq.), should also perform the rites taught in the preceding SAtras.
17. See Manu III, 46-48; Yag#. I, 79, 80.
18. Manu III, 45; Yaga. I, 81.
19. See Taittirtya Samhita II, 5, 1, 5.
aN
TI, 1, 2. THE DUTIES OF A HOUSEHOLDER. 103
a remainder of merit, birth in a distinguished family,
beauty of form, beauty of complexion, strength, aptitude for learning, wisdom, wealth, and the gift of
fulfilling the laws of his (caste and order). Therefore in both worlds he dwells in happiness, (rolling)
like a wheel (from the one to the other).
4. As the seed of herbs (and) trees, (sown) in
good and well-cultivated soil, gives manifold returns
of fruit (even so it is with men who have received
the various sacraments).
5. The increase of the results of sins has been
explained hereby.
6. Thus after having undergone a long punishment in the next world, a person who has stolen
(the gold of a Braéhmama) or killed a (Brahmamza)
is born again, in case he was a Brahmama as a
Kandala, in case he was a Kshatriya as a Paulkasa,
in case he was a Vaisya as a Vaivza.
7. In the same manner other (sinners) who have
become outcasts in consequence of their sinful actions
are born again, on account of (these) sins, losing their
caste, in the wombs (of various animals).
8. As it is sinful to touch a KAmdéla, (so it is also
sinful) to speak to him or to look at him. The
penance for these (offences will be declared).
9. (The penance) for touching him is to bathe,
submerging the whole body; for speaking to him to
speak to a Brahmama; for looking at him to look at
the lights (of heaven).
2.6. Manu XII, 55; V4g#. III, 206, 207. A Paulkasa is said
to be the offspring of a Nishada and a Kshatriya woman. See the
Pet. Dict. s. v. A Vaina is a rope-dancer, or equilibrist.
4. Manu XII, 52.
104 APASTAMBA. II, 2, 3.
Prasna II, Parata 2, Kuawnpa 3.
1. Pure men of the first three castes shall prepare
the food (of a householder which is used) at the
Vaisvadeva ceremony.
2. The (cook) shall not speak, nor cough, nor
sneeze, while his face is turned towards the food.
3. He shall purify himself by touching water if he
has touched his hair, his limbs, or his garment.
4. Or Sidras may prepare the food, under the
superintendence of men of the first three castes.
2. The (cook) shall not speak, nor cough, nor
sneeze, while his face is turned towards the food.
3. He shall purify himself by touching water if he
has touched his hair, his limbs, or his garment.
4. Or Sidras may prepare the food, under the
superintendence of men of the first three castes.
5. For them is prescribed the same rule of sipping water (as for their masters).
6. Besides, the (Sddra cooks) daily shall cause to
be cut the hair of their heads, their beards, the hair
on their bodies, and their nails.
7. And they shall bathe, keeping their clothes on.
8. Or they may trim (their hair and nails) on the
eighth day (of each half-month), or on the days of
the full and new moon.
9. He (the householder himself) shall place on the
fire that food which has been prepared (by Sidras)
without supervision, and shall sprinkle it with water.
Such food also they state to be fit for the gods.
10. When the food is ready, (the cook) shall place
3, 1. ‘The food which is used at the Vaisvadeva, i.e. the food
prepared for the meals of the householder and of his wife.’ —
Haradatta. ‘
5. This Satra is a G#apaka, as it indicates that Apastamba also
recognises the different rules which are usually prescribed in the
Smritis for Brahmazas, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, and SQdras. See above,
I, 5, 16, 2.
7. Usually in bathing both Aryas and SQdras wear no dress
except the langofi.
TI, 2, 3 THE DUTIES OF A HOUSEHOLDER. 105
himself before his master and announce it to him
(saying), ‘It is ready.’
11. The answer (of the master) shall be, ‘ That
well-prepared food is the means to obtain splendour ;
may it never fail!’
12, The burnt-oblations and Bali-offerings made
with the food which the husband and his wife are to
eat, bring (as their reward) prosperity, (and the enjoyment of) heaven.
13. Whilst learning the sacred formulas (to be
recited during the performance) of those (burntoblations and Bali-offerings, a householder) shall
sleep on the ground, abstain from connubial intercourse and from eating pungent condiments and
salt, during twelve days.
14. (When he studies the Mantras) for the last
(Bali offered to the goblins), he shall fast for one
(day and) night.
15. For each Bali-offering the ground must be
prepared separately. (The performer) sweeps (the
ground) with his (right) hand, sprinkles it with water,
turning the palm downwards, throws down (the offering), and afterwards sprinkles water around it.
11. Manu II, 54.
12. Balis are portions of food which are thrown before the door,
or on the floor of the house. See below, Sftra 16 seq.
13. Others explain this Sftra thus: ‘ After having used for the
first time these sacred formulas (which are to be recited in offering
the burnt-oblation and the Balis, the householder and his wife)
shall sleep,’ &c.
14. Regarding the use of ekarAtra in the sense of ‘a (day and a)
night,’ see above. The ‘last’ Bali-offering is that described below,
Il, 2, 4, 5.
14. Regarding the use of ekarAtra in the sense of ‘a (day and a)
night,’ see above. The ‘last’ Bali-offering is that described below,
Il, 2, 4, 5.
1g. ‘They say that the word “afterwards” is used in order to
indicate that perfumes, garlands, and other (Upaéaras) must be
offered between (the last two acts).’—Haradatta,
106 APASTAMBA. II, 2, 3.
16. (At the Vaisvadeva sacrifice) he shall offer
the oblations with his hand, (throwing them) into
the kitchen-fire or into the sacred (Grzhya)-fire, and
reciting (each time one of) the first six Mantras
(prescribed in the N4rayamt Upanishad).
17. He shall sprinkle water all around both times
(before and after the oblations), as (has been declared) above.
_ 18. In like manner water is sprinkled around once
only after the performance of those Bali-offerings
that are performed in one place.
19. (If a seasoning) has been prepared, (the
Bali-offering should consist of rice) mixed with that
seasoning.
20. With the seventh and eighth Mantras (Balis
16. It is a disputed point with the commentators whether every
Brahmana may offer the Vaisvadeva in the common kitchen-fire, or
those persons only who do not keep a sacred domestic fire. The
six Mantras, which are given Taitt. Ar. X, 67, I, are: 1. Agnaye
sviha, ‘to Agni sviha’; 2. Somaya svaha, ‘to Soma svaha’;
3. Visvebhyo devebhyad svah, ‘to all the gods svaha’; 4. Dhruvaya
bhfmaya svah4, ‘to Dhruva Bhima svah4’; 5. Dhruvakshitaye svaha,
‘to Dhruvakshiti svaha’; 6. Afyutakshitaye svaha, ‘to Afyutakshiti
svaha.’ Haradatta adds that some add a seventh formula, addressed
to Agni svish/akrzt, ‘to the fire which causes the proper performance of the sacrifice,’ while others leave out the second Mantra and
give that addressed to Agni svish/akrzt the sixth place. This latter
is the order given in the Calcutta edition of the Taittiriya Aranyaka.
17. ‘Above, i.e. Grzhya-sfitra, I, 2, 3, 8. —Haradatta. The Mantras recited are: 1. at the first sprinkling, Adite ’numanyasva, ‘Aditi
permit’; Anumate ’numanyasva, ‘ Anumati permit’; Sarasvaty anumanyasva, ‘Sarasvati permit’ ; Deva Savitat prasuva, ‘Divine Savitr?
permit’; 2. at the second sprinkling, the same as above, anvamamsthah and prasdvih, ‘thou hast permitted,’ being substituted
for anumanyasva and prasuva.
18. This Sfitra is a restriction of Sftra 15.
20. The first six offerings constitute the Devayag#a or Vaisva-
TI, 2, 4. THE DUTIES OF A HOUSEHOLDER. 107
must be offered to Dharma and Adharma) behind
the fire, and must be placed the one to the north of
the other.
21, With the ninth (Mantra a Bali offered to the
waters must be placed) near the water-vessel (in
which the water for domestic purposes is kept).
22. With the tenth and eleventh (Mantras, Balis,
offered to the herbs and trees and to Rakshodevagana, must be placed) in the centre of the house,
and the one to the east of the other.
22. With the tenth and eleventh (Mantras, Balis,
offered to the herbs and trees and to Rakshodevagana, must be placed) in the centre of the house,
and the one to the east of the other.
23. With the following four (Mantras, Balis must
be placed) in the north-eastern part of the house
(and the one to the east of the other).
Prasna II, Parata 2, Kuawona 4.
1. Near the bed (a Bali must be offered) with
(a Mantra) addressed to Kama (Cupid).
2. On the door-sill (a Bali must be placed) with
(a Mantra) addressed to Antariksha (the air).
3. With (the Mantra) that follows (in the Upanishad, he offers a Bali) near the door.
deva, which is offered in the fire. Now follow the Bali-offerings,
which are merely placed on the ground. ‘Behind the fire’ means
‘to the east of the fire’; for the sacrificer must face the east.
21. The Mantra is, Adbhyad svah4, ‘to the Waters svaha.’
22. The Mantras are, OshadhivanaspatibhyaA svaha, ‘to the
herbs and trees svaha’; Rakshodevaganebhyah svaha, ‘to the
Rakshasas and the servants of the gods svaha.’
23. These four Balis are sacred to the Grzhds, to the Avasanas,
to the Avas4napatis, and to all creatures.
4.2. ‘Others explain dehali, “the door-sill,” to mean “the
door-case.” ’—-Haradatta.
3. ‘Others explain apidhana, “the panels of the door,” to mean
“the bolt of the door.”’—Haradatta. The offering is made to
Nama, ‘the name, or essence of things.’
108 APASTAMBA. II, 2, 4.
4. With the following (ten Mantras, addressed to
Earth, Air, Heaven, Sun, Moon, the Constellations,
Indra, Brzhaspati, Pragdpati, and Brahman, he offers
ten Balis, each following one to the east of the preceding one), in (the part of the house called) the
seat of Brahman.
5. He shall offer to the south (of the Balis offered
before, a Bali) with a Mantra addressed to the Manes;
his sacrificial cord shall be suspended over the right
shoulder, and the (palm of his right hand: shall be
turned upwards and) inclined to the right.
6. To the north (of the Bali given to the Manes,
a Bali shall be offered) to Rudra, in the same manner
as to the (other) gods.
7. The sprinkling with water (which precedes and
follows the oblation) of these two (Balis, takes place)
separately, on account of the difference of the rule
(for each case).
4. Haradatta gives two explanations of the word Brahmasadana,
‘the seat of Brahman.’ According to some, it is an architectural
term, designating the centre of the house; according to others, it
denotes the place where, at the time of the burnt-oblations, the
Brahman or superintending priest is seated, i.e. a spot to the south
of the sacred fire.
5. Balis and water for the Manes are placed or poured into the
palm of the hand and thrown out between the thumb and forefinger. That part of the palm is, therefore, sometimes called ‘the
tirtha sacred to the Manes.’ See Manu II, 39.
a spot to the south
of the sacred fire.
5. Balis and water for the Manes are placed or poured into the
palm of the hand and thrown out between the thumb and forefinger. That part of the palm is, therefore, sometimes called ‘the
tirtha sacred to the Manes.’ See Manu II, 39.
6. ‘That is to say, the sacrificial cord shall: not be suspended
over the right shoulder, nor shall the Bali be thrown out between
the thumb and forefinger.’-—Haradatta.
7. In sprinkling around an offering to the gods, the sacrificer
turns his right hand towards the oblation and pours out the water,
beginning in the south and ending in the east. In sprinkling around
an offering to the Manes, exactly the opposite order is to be
followed.
II, 2, 4. THE DUTIES OF A HOUSEHOLDER. 10g
8. At night only he shall offer (the Bali to the
goblins), throwing it into the air and reciting the last
(Mantra).
9. He who devoutly offers those (above-described
Balis and Homas), according to the rules, (obtains)
eternal bliss in heaven and prosperity.
10. And (after the Balis have been performed, a
portion of the food) must first be given as alms.
11. He shall give food to his guests first,
12. And to infants, old or sick people, female
(relations, and) pregnant women.
13. The master (of the house) and his wife shall
not refuse a man who asks for food at the time (when
the Vaisvadeva offering has been performed).
14. If there is no food, earth, water, grass, and
a kind word, indeed, never fail in the house of a
good man. Thus (say those who know the law).
8. At night, i.e. before the evening meal. The Mantra is, ‘To
those beings which, being servants of Vituda, roam about day and
night, desiring a Bali-offering, I offer this Bali, desirous of prosperity. May the Lord of prosperity grant me prosperity, svaha.’
Haradatta adds, that according to another commentator, no other
Bali but this is to be offered in the evening, and that some modify
the Mantra for each occasion, offering the Bali in the morning to
‘the Bhfttas that roam about during the day,’ and in the evening
‘to the night-walkers.’ Compare for the whole section Manu III,
90-92; YAg#. I, 102-104.
to. Manu ITI, 94 seq.
1x. Manu III, 115; Yaga. I, 105.
12, Manu III, 114; Yag#. I, 105.
14. Manu III, 101; Y4g#. I, 107. As read in the text, the
first line of the verse has one syllable in excess. This irregularity
would disappear if trzn4, the Vedic form of the nom. acc. plural,
were read for trm4ni, and it seems to me not improbable that
trirani is a correction made by a Pandit who valued grammatical
correctness higher than correctness of metre.
1IO APASTAMBA. II, 2, 4.
15. Endless worlds are the portion (of those
householders and wives) who act thus. ,
16. To a Brahmama who has not studiéd the
Veda, a seat, water, and food must be given. But
(the giver) shall not rise (to do him honour).
17. But if (such a man) is worthy of a salutation
(for other reasons), he shall rise to salute him.
,
16. To a Brahmama who has not studiéd the
Veda, a seat, water, and food must be given. But
(the giver) shall not rise (to do him honour).
17. But if (such a man) is worthy of a salutation
(for other reasons), he shall rise to salute him.
18. Nor (shall a Braéhmama rise to receive) a
Kshatriya or Vaisya (though they may be learned).
19. Ifa Sddra comes as a guest (to a Brahmaza),
he shall give him some work to do. He may feed
him, after (that has been performed).
20. Or the slaves (of the Brahmaza householder)
shall fetch (rice) from the royal stores, and honour
the Sddra as a guest.
21. (A householder) must always wear his garment
over (his left shoulder and under his right arm).
22. Or he may use a cord only, slung over his
left shoulder and passed under his right arm, instead
of the garment.
23. He shall sweep together (the crumbs) on the
place where he has eaten, and take them away.
He shall sprinkle water on that place, turning the
palm downwards, and remove the stains (of food
from the cooking-vessels with a stick), wash them
with water, and take their contents to a clean place
to the north (of the house, offering them) to Rudra.
In this manner his house will become prosperous.
16. Manu III, gg.
18. Manu III, 110-112; Yag#. I, 107.
19. Manu loc. cit.
20. ‘Hence it is known that the king ought to keep stores of
rice and the like in every village, in order to show hospitality to
Sfdra guests.’—Haradatta.
II, 2, 5. THE DUTIES OF A HOUSEHOLDER. III
24. It is declared in the Smrztis that a Brahmama alone should be chosen as teacher (or spiritual
guide).
25. In times of distress a Brahmaza may study
under a Kshatriya or Vaisya.
26. And (during his pupilship) he must walk
behind (such a teacher).
27. Afterwards the Brahmavza shall take precedence before (his Kshatriya or Vaisya teacher).
Prasna II, Parata 2, Kuawpa 5.
1. On the day on which, beginning the study of
the whole sacred science, the Upanishads (and the
rest, he performs the Updkarma in the morning),
he shall not study (at night).
2. And he shall not leave his teacher at once after
having studied (the Veda and having returned home).
24. Manu II, 241, 242. From here down to II, 3, 6, 2, Apastamba again treats of the duties of students and teachers, a subject
which appears to have in his eyes a greater importance than any
other. The rules given now apply chiefly to householders. It
would seem that they have been inserted in this particular place,
because the reception of a former teacher is to be described II, 3,
5, 4-11, and that of a ‘learned guest’ II, 3, 6, 3 seq.
The rules given now apply chiefly to householders. It
would seem that they have been inserted in this particular place,
because the reception of a former teacher is to be described II, 3,
5, 4-11, and that of a ‘learned guest’ II, 3, 6, 3 seq.
5. 1. This rule refers to the Upakarma, to be performed yearly
by householders. In our days, too, the custom is observed, and the
whole Brahminical community change on this occasion their Genvis
or sacrificial cords in the month of Sravaza. The adherents of
the various Sakhas of the Vedas, however, perform the ceremony
on different days. According to Haradatta, the Upanishads are
named, in order to show that they are of the highest importance.
See also Satapatha-brahmaza X, 3, 5, 12.
2. Others consider that this Sfitra refers to the annual Upakarma
of the householder. In that case the translation would be, ‘And
after having performed the Up4karma,’ &c. Probably Apastamba
means to give a general rule, applicable _ nd
to students who have returned hoes Q bk THs
i> _UNION
i ~ THEOLOGICAL
Q SEMINARY
St Nica YORE
112 APASTAMBA. TI, 2, 5.
3. If he is in a hurry to go, he shall perform the
daily recitation of the Veda in the presence of his
teacher,and then go at his pleasure. In this manner
good fortune will attend both of them.
4. If the (former) teacher visits him after he has
returned home, he shall go out to meet him, embrace
his (feet), and he shall not wash himself (after that
act), showing disgust. He then shall let him pass
first into the house, fetch (the materials necessary for
a hospitable reception), and honour him according to
the rule.
5. If (his former teacher is) present, he himself
shall use a seat, a bed, food, and garments inferior
to, and lower (than those offered to the teacher).
6. Standing (with his body bent), he shall place
his left hand (under the water-vessel, and bending
with his other hand its mouth downwards), he shall
offer to his teacher water for sipping.
7. And (he shall offer water for sipping in this
manner) to other guests also who possess all (good
qualities) together.
8. He shall imitate (his teacher) in rising, sitting,
walking about, and smiling.
4. ‘Though he may suspect that the teacher had been defiled by
the touch of a Kandla or the like, still he shall not show disgust
nor wash himself..—Haradatta. Regarding the rule of receiving
guests, see below, II, 4, 8, 6 seq.
6. According to Haradatta, the repetition of the word a#aryam,
‘the teacher,’ in this Sfitra, indicates that the rule holds good not
only when the teacher comes as a guest to his former pupil, but on
every occasion when he receives water for sipping.
7. ‘He is called samudeta, “ possessed of all (good qualities)
together,” who is endowed with (good) birth, disposition, behaviour,
(great) learning, and a (venerable) age.’-—Haradatta.
8. The word syat is to be understood from Sfira 5.
II, 2, 5- THE DUTIES OF A HOUSEHOLDER. 113
7. ‘He is called samudeta, “ possessed of all (good qualities)
together,” who is endowed with (good) birth, disposition, behaviour,
(great) learning, and a (venerable) age.’-—Haradatta.
8. The word syat is to be understood from Sfira 5.
II, 2, 5- THE DUTIES OF A HOUSEHOLDER. 113
9. In the presence (of his teacher) he shall not
void excrements, discharge wind, speak aloud, laugh,
spit, clean his teeth, blow his nose, frown, clap his
hands, nor snap his fingers.
to. Nor shall he tenderly embrace or address
caressing words to his wife or children.
11. He shall not contradict his teacher,
12. Nor any of his betters.
13. (He shall not) blame or revile any creature.
14. (He shall not revile one branch of) sacred
learning by (invidiously comparing it with) another.
15. If he is not well versed in a (branch of) sacred
learning (which he studied formerly), he shall again
go to the (same) teacher and master it, observing
the (same) rules as (during his first studentship).
16. The restrictions (to be kept) by the teacher
from the beginning of the course of teaching to its
end are, to avoid cutting the hair on the body, partaking of meat or of oblations to the Manes, and
connection (with a woman).
17. Or (he may have conjugal intercourse) with
his wife at the proper season.
18. He shall be attentive in instructing his pupils
in the sacred learning, in such a manner that they
13. Haradatta states that ‘speaking evil’ is forbidden here once
more in order that it should be particularly avoided.
14. ‘For example, he shall not say, “ The Azg-veda is sweet to
the ear, the other Vedas grate on the ear,” or “the Taittiriya-veda
is a Sakha consisting of leavings,” or “the Bréhmaza proclaimed
by Yagfavalkya is of modern origin.” ’—Haradatta. The second
sentence refers to the story that Yagfavalkya vomited the Black
Yagur-veda, and his fellow-students, becoming partridges, picked it
up. Regarding the third sentence, see Varttika on PAzini IV, 3, 105,
and Max Miiller’s History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 363.
16. Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 42.
[2] I
114 APASTAMBA, IT, 3, 6.
master it, and in observing the restrictions (imposed
upon householders during their teaching). He who
acts thus, gains heavenly bliss for himself, his
descendants and ancestors.
19. He who entirely avoids with mind, word,
nose, eye, and ear the sensual objects (such as are)
enjoyed by the touch, the organ, or the stomach,
gains immortality.
Prasna II, Parata 3, Kuawpa 6.
1. If he has any doubts regarding the caste and
conduct of a person who has come to him in order
to fulfil his duty (of learning the Veda), he shall
kindle a fire (with the ceremonies prescribed for
kindling the sacrificial fire) and ask him about his
" caste and conduct.
1. If he has any doubts regarding the caste and
conduct of a person who has come to him in order
to fulfil his duty (of learning the Veda), he shall
kindle a fire (with the ceremonies prescribed for
kindling the sacrificial fire) and ask him about his
" caste and conduct.
2. If he declares himself to be (of) good (family
and conduct, the teacher elect) shall say, ‘ Agni who
sees, Vayu who hears, Aditya who brings to light,
vouch for lis goodness; may it be well with this
person! He is free from sin. Then he shall
begin to teach him.
3. A guest comes to the house resembling a
burning fire.
6. 1. The person desirous to study addresses his teacher elect with
the following Mantra: Bhagavan maitreza sakshusha pasya sivena
manasanugrzhaza prasida mam adhyapaya, ‘venerable Sir, look on
me with a friendly eye, receive me with a favourable mind, be kind
and teach me.’ The teacher elect then asks: Kimgotro’si saumya,
kimafarah, ‘friend, of what family art thou? what is thy rule of
conduct?’
3. The object of this Sftra is to show the absolute necessity of
feeding a guest. For, if offended, he might burn the house with
the flames of his anger,
TI, 3, 6. THE DUTIES OF A HOUSEHOLDER. II5
4. He is called a Srotriya who, observing the law
(of studentship), has learned one recension of the
Veda (which may be current in his family).
5. He is called a guest (who, being a Srotriya),
approaches solely for the fulfilment of his religious
duties, and with no other object, a householder who
lives intent on the fulfilment of his duties.
6. The reward for honouring (such a guest) is
immunity from misfortunes, and heavenly bliss.
7. He shall go to meet such (a guest), honour him
according to his age (by the formulas of salutation
prescribed), and cause a seat to be given to him.
8. Some declare that, if possible, the seat should
have many feet.
9. The (householder himself) shall wash the feet
of that (guest) ; according to some, two Sidras shall
do it.
10. One of them shall be employed in pouring
water (over the guest, the other in washing his
feet).
11. Some declare that the water for the (guest)
shall be brought in an earthen vessel.
4. The object of this Stra is to complete the definition of the
term ‘ guest’ to be given in the following Stra. In my translation
I have followed Haradatta’s gloss. The literal sense of Apastamba’s words is, ‘He who, observing the law, has studied one
recension of each (of the four) Vedas, becomes a Srotriya.’ Haradatta says this definition would be contrary to the current acceptation of the term. That argument proves, however, nothing for
Apastamba’s times.
5. Manu III, 102, 103; Yaga. I, 111.
6. Y4g#. 1, 109; Manu III, ror.
8. Haradatta states that this is also Apastamba’s opinion.
11, According to Haradatta, Apastamba is of opinion that it
should be brought in a pot made of metal.
I2
116 APASTAMBA. II, 3, 6.
12. But (a guest) who has not yet returned home
from his teacher shall not be a cause for fetching
water.
Haradatta states that this is also Apastamba’s opinion.
11, According to Haradatta, Apastamba is of opinion that it
should be brought in a pot made of metal.
I2
116 APASTAMBA. II, 3, 6.
12. But (a guest) who has not yet returned home
from his teacher shall not be a cause for fetching
water.
13. In case a (student comes, the host) shall
repeat the Veda (together with him) for a longer
time (than with other guests).
14. He shall converse kindly (with his guest),
and gladden him with milk or other (drinks), with
eatables, or at least with water.
15. He shall offer to his guest a room, a bed,
a mattress, a pillow with a cover, and ointment, and
what. else (may be necessary).
16. (If the dinner has been finished before the
arrival of the guest), he shall call his cook and give
him rice or yava for (preparing a fresh meal for) the
guest.
17. (If dinner is ready at the arrival of the guest),
hé himself shall portion out the food and look at it,
saying (to himself), ‘Is this (portion) greater, or
this ?’
18. He shall say, ‘ Take out a larger (portion for
the guest).’
19. A guest who is at enmity (with his host) shall
not eat his food, nor (shall he eat the food of a host)
who hates him or accuses him of a crime, or of one
who is suspected of a crime.
20. For it is declared in the Veda that he (who
eats the food of such a person) eats his guilt.
12. I.e. it is unnecessary to offer water for washing the feet to
a student.
15. ‘Ointment, (i.e.) oil or clarified butter for anointing the
feet..— Haradatta. Manu III, 107.
16. Manu III, 108.
19. Manu IV, 213; Yaga. I, 162.
TT, 3, 7- THE DUTIES OF A HOUSEHOLDER. 117
Prasna II, Parata 3, Kuawpa 7.
1. This reception of guests is an everlasting
(Srauta)-sacrifice offered by the householder to
Pragdpati.
2. The fire in the stomach of the guest (represents) the Ahavantya, (the sacred fire) in the house
of the host represents the Garhapatya, the fire at
which the food for the guest is cooked (represents)
the fire used for cooking the sacrificial viands (the
DakshizAgni).
3. He who eats before his guest consumes the
food, the prosperity, the issue, the cattle, the merit
which his family acquired by sacrifices and charitable
works.
4. Food (offered to guests) which is mixed with
milk procures the reward of an Agnish¢oma-sacrifice,
food mixed with clarified butter procures the reward
of an Ukthya, food mixed with honey the reward of
an Atiratra, food accompanied by meat the reward
of a DvAdasdha, (food and) water numerous offspring
and long life.
5. It is declared in the Veda, ‘ Both welcome and
indifferent guests procure heaven (for their host).’
7.1. ‘Prag&patya may mean either “created by Pragapati” or
“sacred to PragApati.” ’—Haradatta.
5. It is declared in the Veda, ‘ Both welcome and
indifferent guests procure heaven (for their host).’
7.1. ‘Prag&patya may mean either “created by Pragapati” or
“sacred to PragApati.” ’—Haradatta.
2. In the first Sfitra the reception of guests had been compared
to an everlasting Vedic sacrifice. This analogy is traced further
in detail in this Stra. One of the chief characteristics of a Vedic
sacrifice is the vitana, or the use of three sacred fires. Hence
Apastamba shows that three fires also are used in offering hospitality to guests.
4. Regarding the Agnishfoma and the other sacrifices mentioned, see Aitareya-brahmaaa III, 8; IV, 1; IV, 4.
118 APASTAMBA. II, 3, 7.
6. When he gives food in the morning, at noon,
and in the evening, (these gifts) are the Savanas (of
that sacrifice offered to PragApati).
7. When he rises after his guest has risen (to
depart), that act represents the Udavasantya ish¢i
(of a Vedic sacrifice).
8. When he addresses (the guest) kindly, that
kind address (represents) the Dakshiwa.
g. When he follows (his departing guest, his steps
represent) the steps of Vishzu.
10. When he returns (after having accompanied
his guest), that (act represents) the Avabhrctha,
(the final bath performed after the completion of
a sacrifice.)
11. Thus (a Brahmaza shall treat) a Brahmaza,
(and a Kshatriya and a Vaisya their caste-fellows.)
12. Ifa guest comes toa king, he shall make (his
Purohita) honour him more than himself.
13. Ifa guest comes to an Agnihotrin, he himself
6. The morning, midday, and evening offerings offered at the
great Vedic sacrifices are called Savanas. The object of this
Sfitra is to prescribe the hospitable reception of guests at all times
of the day, and to further describe the similarity of a guest-offering
to a Vedic sacrifice.
4. Regarding the Udavasantya ishfi, see Aitareya-brahmana
VIII, 5. It is the ‘concluding ishi.’
8. Dakshiva is the reward given to priests who officiate at a
sacrifice.
9. ‘The steps of Vishnu’ are three steps which the sacrificer
has to make between the Vedi and the Ahavantya-fire. See Pet.
Dict. s. v.
12. ‘A guest,’ i.e. such a one as described above, II, 3, 6, 4
and 5.
13. An Agnihotrin is a Brahmana who offers certain daily burntofferings called Agnihotra. The translation of the last clause
renders tarpayantu, the reading of the Atharve-veda.
II, 3, 7 THE DUTIES OF A HOUSEHOLDER. 119
shall go to meet him and say to him: ‘O faithful
fulfiller of thy vows, where didst thou stay (last
night) ?’ (Then he offers water, saying) : ‘ O faithful
fulfiller of thy vows, here is water.’ (Next he offers
milk or the like, saying) : ‘O faithful fulfiller of thy
vows, may (these fluids) refresh (thee).’
14. (If the guest stays at the time of the Agnihotra, he shall make him sit down to the north of
the fire and) murmur in a low voice, before offering
the oblations : ‘O faithful fulfiller of thy vows, may
it be as thy heart desires;’ ‘O faithful fulfiller of
thy vows, may it be as thy will is;’ ‘O faithful
fulfiller of thy vows, may it be as thy wish is;’
‘O faithful fulfiller of thy vows, may it be as thy
desire is.’
15. If a guest comes, after the fires have been
placed (on the altar), but before the oblations have
been offered, (the host) himself shall approach him
and say to him: ‘O faithful fulfiller of thy vows,
give me permission ; I wish to sacrifice.’ Then he
shall sacrifice, after having received permission. A
Brahmaza declares that he commits a sin if he sacrifices without permission.
16. He who entertains guests for one night
obtains earthly happiness, a second night gains the
middle air, a third heavenly bliss, a fourth the world
of unsurpassable bliss ; many nights procure endless
worlds. That has been declared in the Veda.
17. If an unlearned person who pretends to be
14. According to some, all these sentences must be pronounced ;
according to Haradatta, one only, which may be selected optionally.
15. Haradatta states that the Brahmaza mentioned in the text
is the Atharvana-brahmana. See Atharva-veda XV, 11-12.
120 APASTAMBA. II, 4, 8
(worthy of the appellation) ‘guest’ comes to him, he
shall give him a seat, water, and food, (thinking) ‘I
give it to a learned Brahmaza.’ Thus (the merit) of
his (gift) becomes (as) great (as if a learned Brahmaza had received it).
Prasna II, Parata 4, Kuawna 8.
1. On the second and following days of the
guest's stay, the host shall not rise or descend
(from his couch) in order to salute his (guest), if
he has been saluted before (on the first day).
2. He shall eat after his guests.
3. He'shall not consume all the flavoured liquids
in the house, so as to leave nothing for guests.
4. He shall not cause sweetmeats to be prepared
for his own sake.
5. (A guest) who can repeat the (whole) Veda
(together with the supplementary books) is worthy
to receive a cow and the Madhuparka,
6. (And also) the teacher, an officiating priest,
a Snataka, and a just king (though not learned in
the Veda).
7. A cow.and the Madhuparka (shall be offered)
to the teacher, to .an officiating priest, to a fatherin-law, and to a king, .if they come after a year has
elapsed (since their former visit).
8. 2. Manu IIT, 117; Yag#. I, 105.
3. Flavoured liquids, i.e. milk, whey, &c.
4. Manu III, 106.
5. Manu III, 119 and:120; YAg#.I,110; Weber, Ind. Stud. X,
125. A guest is also called goghna, ‘ cow-killer,’ because formerly
a cow used to be killed | on the arrival of a distinguished guest.
The rite is described by Asvalayana Grihya-sitra I, 24, 31-33.
II, 4, 8. THE DUTIES OF A HCUSEHOLDER. 12!
8. The Madhuparka shall consist of curds mixed
with honey, or of milk mixed with honey.
The rite is described by Asvalayana Grihya-sitra I, 24, 31-33.
II, 4, 8. THE DUTIES OF A HCUSEHOLDER. 12!
8. The Madhuparka shall consist of curds mixed
with honey, or of milk mixed with honey.
g. On failure (of these substances) water (mixed
with honey may be used).
10. The Veda has six Angas (auxiliary works).
11. (The six auxiliary works are) the Kalpa
(teaching the ritual) of the Veda, the treatises on
grammar, astronomy, etymology, phonetics, and
metrics.
12, (If any one should contend that) the term
Veda (on account of its etymology, implying that
which teaches duty or whereby one obtains spiritual
merit) applies to the complete collection of (works
which contain) rules for rites to be performed
on the authority of precepts, (that, consequently,
the Kalpa-sftras form part of the Veda, and
that thereby) the number (fixed above) for those
(Angas) is proved to be wrong,
13. (Then we answer), All those who are learned
in Mim4msé are agreed that (the terms Veda, Brahmama, and the like, which are applied to) the principal
(works), do not include the Angas (the Kalpa-sdtras
and the rest).
14. If he remembers at any time during dinner,
that he has refused a guest, he shall at once leave
off eating and fast on that day,
8. Asvalayana Grthya-sfitra I, 24, 5 and 6.
10. This Sftra explains the term vedddhydya, ‘(a guest) who
can repeat the (whole) Veda,’ which occurs above, Sfitra 5.—
Haradatta. See Max Miiller’s History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 111.
12. This Sftra and the following one are directed against those
who consider the Kalpa-sfitras to be a part of the Veda, the revealed texts. See also Max Miller's History of Ancient Sanskrit
Literature, p. 95 seq.
122 APASTAMBA. II, 4, 9.
Prasna II, Parata 4, Kuawpa 9,
1. And on the following day (he shall search for
him), feast him to his heart’s content, and accompany
him (on his departure).
2. (If the guest) possesses a carriage, (he shall
accompany him) as far as that.
3. Any other (guest he must accompany), until
permission to return is given.
4. If (the guest) forgets (to give leave to depart),
the (host) may return on reaching the boundary of
his village.
5. To all (those who come for food) at (the end
of) the Vaisvadeva he shall give a portion, even to
dogs and KandAlas.
6. Some declare that he shall not give anything
to unworthy people (such as KazdAlas).
7. A person who has been initiated shall not eat
the leavings of women or of an uninitiated person.
8. All gifts are to be preceded by (pouring out)
water.
9. (But gifts offered to priests) at sacrifices (are to
be given) in the manner prescribed by the Veda.
10. The division of the food must be made in
such a manner that those who receive daily portions
(slaves) do not suffer by it.
9.1. Yag#. I, 113.
9. (But gifts offered to priests) at sacrifices (are to
be given) in the manner prescribed by the Veda.
10. The division of the food must be made in
such a manner that those who receive daily portions
(slaves) do not suffer by it.
9.1. Yag#. I, 113.
7. After a long discussion on the object of this Sitra, Haradatta
comes to the conclusion that it is given ‘against the improper
custom to dine out of the same vessel with one’s wife and uninitiated
children, which prevails in some countries.’
8. ‘Consequently a gift of food also.’ The custom is to pour
water, usually with the spoon called Darvi (Pallf), into the extended
palm of the recipient’s right hand.
II, 5, 10. THE DUTIES OF A HOUSEHOLDER. 123
11. At his pleasure, he may stint himself, his wife,
or his children, but by no means a slave who does
his work.
12. And he must not stint himself so much that
he becomes unable to perform his duties.
13. Now they quote also (the following two
verses) :
‘Eight mouthfuls are the meal of an ascetic,
sixteen that of a hermit living in the woods, thirtytwo that of a householder, and an unlimited quantity
that of a student. An Agnihotrin, a draught-ox,
and a student, those three can do their work only
if they eat; without eating (much), they cannot
do it.
Prasna II, Paraca 5, Kuanpa 10.
1. The reasons for (which) begging (is permissible
are), (the desire to collect the fee for) the teacher,
(the celebration of) a wedding, (or of) a Srauta-sacrifice, the desire to keep one’s father and mother, and
the (impending) interruption of ceremonies performed
by a worthy man.
2. (The person asked for alms) must examine the
qualities (of the petitioner) and give according to his
power.
3. But if persons ask for alms for the sake of
sensual gratification, that is improper; he shall not
take heed of that.
4. The lawful occupations of a Brahmaza are,
13. Manu VI, 28; Yaga. III, 55.
10. 1. Manu IV, 251; XI, 1 seq.; Yg#. 1, 216. By the term
arhat, ‘a worthy person,’ a Brahmava is here designated who has
studied the Veda and performs an Agnihotra.
4. Manu I, 88; X, 75; Yag#. I, 118.
124 APASTAMBA. II, 5, 10.
studying, teaching, sacrificing for himself, officiating
as priest for others, giving alms, receiving alms, inheriting, and gleaning corn in the fields ;
5. And (he may live by taking) other things which
belong to nobody.
6. (The lawful occupations) of a Kshatriya are
the same, with the exception of teaching, officiating
as priest, and receiving alms. (But) governing and
fighting must be added.
7. (The lawful occupations) of a Vaisya are the
same as those of a Kshatriya, with the exception of
governing and fighting. (But in his case) agriculture,
the tending of cattle, and trade must be added.
8. He (shall) not choose (for the performance of
a Srauta-sacrifice) a priest who is unlearned in the
Veda, nor one who haggles (about his fee).
9. (A priest) shall not officiate for a person
unlearned in the Veda.
(But in his case) agriculture,
the tending of cattle, and trade must be added.
8. He (shall) not choose (for the performance of
a Srauta-sacrifice) a priest who is unlearned in the
Veda, nor one who haggles (about his fee).
9. (A priest) shall not officiate for a person
unlearned in the Veda.
10. In war (Kshatriyas) shall act in such a
manner as those order, who are learned in that
(art of war).
11. The Aryas forbid the slaughter of those who
have laid down their arms, of those who (beg for
mercy) with flying hair or joined hands, and of
fugitives.
12, The spiritual guide shall order those who,
5. I.e. wild roots and fruits.
6. Manu I, 89; X, 77, 79; YAga. I, 118, 119.
7. Manu I, 90; X, 78, 79; Yaga. loc. cit.
11. Manu VII, g1 seq.; Yaga. I, 325.
12. Haradatta explains the words Sastrair adhigaténam, ‘who
whilst participating, according to the sacred law, (in the rights of
their caste,)’ by ‘who have been sanctified according to the law
by the sacraments, such as the Garbhadh4na, and are entitled (to
the rights and occupations of their caste).’
II, 5, 11. THE DUTIES OF A HOUSEHOLDER. 125
(whilst) participating according to sacred law (in the
rights of their caste), have gone astray through the
weakness of their senses, to perform penances proportionate to (the greatness of) their sins, according
to the precepts (of the Smr“ti).
13. If (such persons) transgress their (AéArya's)
order, he shall take them before the king.
14. The king shall (send them) to his domestic
priest, who should be learned in the law and the
science of governing.
15. He shall order (them to perform the proper
penances if they are) Brahmazas.
16. He shall reduce them (to reason) by forcible
means, excepting corporal punishment and servitude.
Prasna II, Parata 5, Kuawoa 11.
1. In the cases of (men of) other castes, the king,
after having examined their actions, may punish
them even by death.
2. And the king shall not punish on suspicion.
3. But having carefully investigated (the case) by
means of questions (addressed to witnesses) and
even of ordeals, the king may proceed to punish.
4. A king who acts thus, gains both (this and the
next) world.
5. The road belongs to the king except if he
meets a Braéhmaza.
16. Probably this Sftra is meant to give a general rule, and to
exempt Bréhmazas in every case from corporal punishment and
servitude. Manu VIII, 379-380.
11. 3. See also below, II, 11, 29, 6.
5. Manu II, 139; Yaga.1, 117. According to Haradatta this
Sfitra is given, though the precedence among the various castes
has been already settled, in order to show that common Kshatriyas
must make way for an anointed king.
126 APASTAMBA. II, 5, 13.
6. But if he meets a Brahmaza, the road belongs
to the latter.
7. All must make way for a (laden) vehicle, for
a person who carries a burden, for a sick man, for
a woman and others (such as old men and infants).
8. And (way must be made), by the other castes,
for those men who are superior by caste.
7. All must make way for a (laden) vehicle, for
a person who carries a burden, for a sick man, for
a woman and others (such as old men and infants).
8. And (way must be made), by the other castes,
for those men who are superior by caste.
9. For their own welfare all men must make way
for fools, outcasts, drunkards, and madmen.
10. In successive births men of the lower castes
are born in the next higher one, if they have fulfilled
their duties.
11. In successive births men of the higher castes
_are born in the next lower one, if they neglect their
duties.
12. If he has a wife who (is willing and able) to
perform (her share of) the religious duties and who
bears sons, he shall not take a second.
13. If a wife is deficient in one of these two
(qualities), he shall take another, (but) before he
kindles the fires (of the Agnihotra).
14. For a wife who assists at the kindling of the
fires, becomes connected with those religious rites of
which that (fire-kindling) forms a part.
6. Manu II, 138; Yaga. I, 117.
10. Manu X, 64, 65; Yaga. 1, 96.
12. Manu IX, 95; Y4ga. I, 76.
13. Manu IX, 80, 81; Yag#. I, 73.
14. A wife who assists at the kindling of the fires for any
sacrificial rite, becomes connected with that rite like any priest,
and in that rite no other woman can take her place. Hence in
the case of an Agnihotra, which lasts during the performer's
lifetime, or at least as long as he is a householder, the performer
cannot take another principal wife after he once has begun his
sacrifice. If the wife of an Agnihotrin dies, he must marry again,
and also kindle his fires afresh. Manu V, 167, 168;. Yaga. I, 89.
TI, 5, rr. THE DUTIES OF A HOUSEHOLDER. 127
15. He shall not give his daughter to a man
belonging to the same family (Gotra),
16. Nor to one related (within six degrees) on
the mother’s or (the father’s) side. —
17. At the wedding called Brahma, he shall give
away (his daughter) for bearing children and performing the rites that must be performed together
(by a husband and his wife), after having enquired
regarding (the bridegroom’s) family, character,
learning, and health, and after having given (to the
bride) ornaments according to his power.
18. At the wedding called Arsha, the bridegroom
shall present to the father of thebride a bull and acow.
19. At the wedding called Daiva, (the father)
shall give her to an officiating priest, who is performing a Srauta-sacrifice.
18. At the wedding called Arsha, the bridegroom
shall present to the father of thebride a bull and acow.
19. At the wedding called Daiva, (the father)
shall give her to an officiating priest, who is performing a Srauta-sacrifice.
15. The term Gotra corresponds to the Latin Gens. It may
be of two kinds, Vaidika for Brahmazas and Laukika, ‘worldly,’
for men of other castes. In the first case it denotes ‘ persons
descended from the same Rishi;’ in the second, ‘persons distinguished by the same family name, or known to be descended
from the same ancestor.’ In our days Brahmamas also have Laukika Gotras, which form subdivisions of the very large Vedic
Gotras. Regarding the Vaidika Gotras, see Max Miller’s History
of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, pp. 379-390, and _ particularly
p- 387. Manu III, 5; Yaga. 1, 33; Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 75 seq.
16. The term yonisambandha, ‘related (within six degrees),’
corresponds to the more common Sapinda of Manu, YAgfavalkya,
and others; see the definitions given below, II, 6, 15, 2. In
Apastamba’s terminology Sapinda has probably a more restricted
sense. It seems very doubtful whether Haradatta’s explanation of
ka, translated by ‘or,’ is correct, and whether his interpolation of
‘the father’s’ ought to be admitted. Probably Sftra 15 refers to
the father’s side, and Stra 16 to the mother’s side.
17. Manu III, 27; Yaga. I, 58.
18, Manu III, 29; Y4g#. I, 59.
19. Manu III, 28; Yaga. I, 59.
128 APASTAMBA. II, 5, 12.
20. If a maiden and a lover unite themselves
through love, that is called the Gandharva-rite.
Prasna II, Parata 5, Kuanpa 12.
1. If the suitor pays money (for his bride) according to his ability, and marries her (afterwards), that
(marriage is called) the Asura-rite.
2. If the (bridegroom and his friends) take away
(the bride),after having overcome (by force) her father
(or relations), that is called the Rakshasa-rite.
3. The first three amongst these (marriage-rites
are considered) praiseworthy ; each. preceding one
better than the one following.
4. The quality of the offspring is according to the
quality of the marriage-rite.
5. He shall not step on a spot which has been
touched by the hand of a Brahmaza, without having
sprinkled it with water.
6. He shall not pass between a fire and a
Brahmazaa,
7. Nor between Brahmazas.
8. Or he may pass between them after having
received permission to do so.
9. He shall not carry fire and water at the same
time.
20. Manu III, 32; Yaga. I, 61.
12.1. ManuIII, 31; Y4g#.1, 61. It must be understood that,
at this rite, a regular sale of the bride must take place. Ifa suitor
merely gives presents to the bride, that is not an Asura-marriage.
2. Manu III, 33; Y4g#. 1,61. Haradatta points out that the
other law-books enumerate two additional marriage-rites, the Prag4patya or Kaya and the Paisé#a. But Vasish/ha I, 29-35, like
Apastamba, gives six rites only.
3. Manu III, 24, 25; Yag#. 1, 58-60.
2. Manu III, 33; Y4g#. 1,61. Haradatta points out that the
other law-books enumerate two additional marriage-rites, the Prag4patya or Kaya and the Paisé#a. But Vasish/ha I, 29-35, like
Apastamba, gives six rites only.
3. Manu III, 24, 25; Yag#. 1, 58-60.
4. I.e. from praiseworthy marriages virtuous children are born,
and from blamable marriages bad ones. Manu III, 42.
II, 5, 12. THE DUTIES OF A HOUSEHOLDER. 129
10. He shall not carry fires (burning in) separate
(places) to one (spot).
11. If, whilst he walks, fire is being carried
towards him, he shall not walk around it with his
right hand turned towards it, except after it has
been placed on the ground.
12. He shall not join his hands on his back.
13. If the sun sets whilst he sleeps, he shall sit
up, fasting and silent, for that night. On the following morning he shall bathe and then raise his voice
(in prayer).
14. If the sun rises whilst he is asleep, he shall
stand during that day fasting and silent.
15. Some declare that he shall restrain his breath
until he is tired.
16. And (he shall restrain his breath until he is
_ tired) if he has had a bad dream,
17. Or if he desires to accomplish some object,
18. Or if he has transgressed some other rule.
19. (If he is) doubtful (whether) the result (of an
action will be good or evil), he shall not do it.
20. (He shall follow) the same principle (if he is
in doubt whether he ought) to study or not.
21. He shall not talk of a doubtful matter as if it
were clear.
22. In the case of a person who slept at sunset, of
to, Another commentator says, ‘He shall not throw (brands
taken from) one fire into another fire. —Haradatta.
11. The Satra implies that under other circumstances he must
show this respect to a fire.
13. Manu II, 220.
18. Manu XI, 200.
21. See above, I, 11, 32, 22.
22. These sinners are enumerated in nearly the same order,
(2] K
130 APASTAMBA. II, 6, 13.
one who slept at sunrise, of one who has black nails,
or black teeth, of one who married a younger sister
before the elder one was married, of one who married an elder sister whose younger sister had been
married already, (of a younger brother who has
kindled the sacred Grzhya-fire before his elder brother,) of one whose younger brother has kindled the
sacred fire first, (of a younger brother who offers a
Soma-sacrifice before his elder brother,) of an elder
brother whose younger brother offered a Somasacrifice first, of an elder brother who marries or
receives his portion of the inheritance after his
younger brother, and of a younger brother who
takes a wife or receives his portion of the inheritance before his elder brother,—penances ordained
for crimes causing impurity, a heavier one for each
succeeding case, must be performed.
23. Some declare, that after having performed
that penance, he shall remove its cause.
Prasna II, Parata 6, Kuawna 13.
1. Sons begotten by a man who approaches in
the proper season a woman of equal caste, who has
23. Some declare, that after having performed
that penance, he shall remove its cause.
Prasna II, Parata 6, Kuawna 13.
1. Sons begotten by a man who approaches in
the proper season a woman of equal caste, who has
Taittirlya-brahmana III, 2,8, rr and 12, and Ap. Srauta-sfitra IX,
12,11. See also Manu XI, 44-49. Regarding the crimes causing
impurity, see above, I, 7, 21, 12-19.
23. ‘Its cause, i.e. the black nails, &c. According to another
Smriti, one shall not put away a wife or extinguish a fire, for the
taking or kindling of which the penance had to be performed.’—
Haradatta. But see Vasishtha XX, 7 seq.
13. 1. ‘SAstravihité (translated by “‘ who has been married to him
legally ”) means either “married according to the rites prescribed
in the SAstras,” or “ possessed of the qualities (which have been
described) by (the rule of) the Sastras, He shall not give his
daughter to a man of the same Gotra,” and in similar (passages).’—
Haradatta. See also Colebrooke, Digest, Book V, Text cxcix.
II, 6, 13. HOUSEHOLDER; INHERITANCE. 131
not belonged to another man, and who has been
married legally, have a right to (follow) the
occupations (of their castes),
2. And to (inherit the) estate,
3. If they do not sin against either (of their
parents).
4. If a man approaches a woman who had been
married before, or was not legally married to him, or
belongs to a different caste, they both commit a sin.
5. Through their (sin) their son also becomes
sinful.
6. A Brahmama (says), ‘The son belongs to the
begetter.’
7. Now they quote also (the following Gatha from
the Veda) : ‘(Having considered myself) formerly a
father, I shall not now allow (any longer) my wives
(to be approached by other men), since they have
declared that a son belongs to the begetter in the
world of Yama. The giver of the seed carries off the
son after death in Yama’s world; therefore they guard
3. Another (commentator) says, ‘Neither of the parents shall
pass them over at (the distribution of) the heritage. Both (parents)
must leave their property to them. —Haradatta. The text of the
Sftra admits of either explanation.
6. See also Manu IX, 32 seq., where the same difference of
opinion occurs.
7. According to Haradatta this Gatha gives the sentiments of
a husband who neglected to watch his wives, and who had heard
from those learned in the law that the sons of his unfaithful wives
would in the next world belong to their natural fathers, and that
he would not derive any spiritual benefit from their oblations. He
adds that this verse does not refer to or prevent the appointment
of a eunuch’s wife or of a childless widow to a relation. He also
quotes a passage from the Srauta-sftra I, 9, 7, in which the dvipita,
‘the son of two fathers,’ is mentioned. But Haradatta’s view
cannot be reconciled with the statements made below, IJ, 10, 27,
K 2
132 APASTAMBA. II, 6, 13.
He also
quotes a passage from the Srauta-sftra I, 9, 7, in which the dvipita,
‘the son of two fathers,’ is mentioned. But Haradatta’s view
cannot be reconciled with the statements made below, IJ, 10, 27,
K 2
132 APASTAMBA. II, 6, 13.
their wives, fearing the seed of strangers. Carefully
watch over (the procreation of) your children, lest
stranger seed be sown on your soil. In the next
world the son belongs to the begetter, an (imprudent) husband makes the (begetting of) children
vain (for himself).’
8. Transgression of the law and violence are
found amongst the ancient (sages).
9. They committed no sin on account of the
greatness of their lustre.
10. A man of later times who seeing their (deeds)
follows them, falls.
11. The gift (or acceptance of a child) and the
right to sell (or buy) a child are not recognised.
12. It is declared in the Veda that at the time of
marriage a gift, for (the fulfilment of) his wishes,
should be made (by the bridegroom) to the father
2-7, where the Niyoga is plainly forbidden. Baudhdyana, who
(II, 2, 3, 34) quotes the same Géth4, reads in the first line the
vocative ‘ganaka’ instead of the nominative ‘ganakaf,’ and in
the fifth line ‘pare bigani’ instead of ‘parabigani. The commentator Govindasvimin adds that the verses are addressed by
the Reshi Aupaganghani to king Ganaka of Videha. The translation of the first line must therefore run thus: ‘O Ganaka, now
I am jealous of my wives, (though I was) not so formerly,’ &c.
Baudhayana’s readings are probably the older ones, and Govindasvamin’s explanation the right one. See also Colebrooke, Digest,
Book V, Text ccli.
. Haradatta thinks that, as most other Smrrtis enumerate the
adopted son, and ‘ the son | bought’ in their lists of substitutes for
lawful sons of the body, Apastamba’s tule can refer only to the
gift or sale of an eldest son, or to the gift or sale of a child
effected by a woman. Though it is possible that he may be right
in his interpretation, it remains a remarkable fact that Apastamba
does not mention the ‘twelve kinds of sons,’ which are known to
other Smritis.
12. This Sfitra seems to be directed against Vasish/fa I, 36.
II, 6, 14. HOUSEHOLDER; INHERITANCE. 133
of the bride, in order to fulfil the law. ‘ Therefore
he should give a hundred (cows) besides a chariot ;
that (gift) he should make bootless (by returning it
to the giver).’ In reference to those (marriage-rites),
the word ‘sale’ (which occurs in some Smritis is
only used as) a metaphorical expression; for the
union (of the husband and wife) is effected through
the law.
13. After having gladdened the eldest son by
some (choice portion of his) wealth,
Prasna II, Pataca 6, Kuanpa 14.
1. He should, during his lifetime, divide his
wealth equally amongst his sons, excepting the
eunuch, the mad man, and the outcast.
2. On failure of sons the nearest Sapizda (takes
the inheritance).
1. He should, during his lifetime, divide his
wealth equally amongst his sons, excepting the
eunuch, the mad man, and the outcast.
2. On failure of sons the nearest Sapizda (takes
the inheritance).
14. 1. The last Sftra of Khanda 13 and the first of Khanda
14 are quoted by Colebrooke, Digest, Book V, Text xlii, and
Mitakshara, Chap. I, Sect. iii, Par. 6. Colebrooke translates gfvan,
‘during his lifetime,’ by ‘who makes a partition during his lifetime.’
I think that this is not quite correct, and that Apastamba intends
to exhort householders to make a division during their lifetime, as
later they ought to become ascetics or hermits. Haradatta introduces into his commentary on this Sfitra the whole chapter on the
division of a father’s estate amongst his sons, supplementing
Apastamba’s short rule by the texts of other lawyers. No doubt,
Apastamba means to lay down, in these and the following Sftras,
only the leading principles of the law of inheritance, and he intends
that the remaining particulars should be supplied from the law of
custom or other Smritis.
2. Haradatta gives in his commentary a full summary of the
rules on the succession of remoter relations. One point only
deserves special mention. He declares that it is the opinion of
Apastamba, that widows cannot inherit. In this he is probably
right, as Apastamba does not mention them, and the use of the
134 APASTAMBA. II, 6, 14.
3. On failure of them the spiritual teacher (inherits); on failure of the spiritual teacher a pupil
shall take (the deceased’s wealth), and use it for
religious works for the (deceased’s) benefit, or (he
himself may enjoy it) ;
4. Or the daughter (may take the inheritance).
5. On failure of all (relations) let the king take
the inheritance.
6. Some declare, that the eldest son alone inherits.
7. In some countries gold, (or) black cattle, (or)
black produce of the earth is the share of the eldest.
8. The chariot and the furniture in the house are
the father’s (share).
masculine singular ‘sapindah’ in the text precludes the possibility
of including them under that collective term. It seems to me
certain, that Apastamba, like Baudh4yana, considered women,
especially widows, unfit to inherit.
4. ‘Some say “on failure of sons,” others that the rule refers
to the preceding Sftra (i.e. that the daughter inherits on failure
of pupils only).’—Haradatta. The latter seems to be the correct
interpretation.
5. ‘Because the word “all” is used, (the king shall take the
estate) only on failure of Bandhus and Sagotras, i.e. gentiles within
twelve degrees.’ Haradatta.
6. ‘The other sons shall live under his protection.’ —Haradatta.
Colebrooke, Mitakshar&, Chap, I, Sect. iii, Par. 6.
4. ‘“Black produce of the earth,” i.e. black grain, or according
to others black iron.’—Haradatta. Compare for this and the
following Sfitras Colebrooke, Mitaékshar4, Chap. I, Sect. iii, Par. 6,
and Digest, Book V, Text xlviii.
Colebrooke, Mitakshar&, Chap, I, Sect. iii, Par. 6.
4. ‘“Black produce of the earth,” i.e. black grain, or according
to others black iron.’—Haradatta. Compare for this and the
following Sfitras Colebrooke, Mitaékshar4, Chap. I, Sect. iii, Par. 6,
and Digest, Book V, Text xlviii.
8. The translation given above agrees with what I now recognise
to be Haradatta’s explanation, and with Colebrooke, Mitakshara,
Chap. I, Sect. iii, Par. 6. Both the P. U. and Mr. U. MSS. of the
Uggvala read rathak pituramso grzhe yatparibhandam upakarazam
pihadi tadapi, ‘the chariot (is) the father’s share; the furniture
which (is) in the house, that also. To this reading Mahddeva’s
Uggvala on the Hiramyakesi Sfitra points likewise, which gives
pitur antas. The N. U. MS. of the Uggvala, according to which
II, 6, 14. HOUSEHOLDER ; INHERITANCE. 135
g. According to some, the share of the wife consists of her ornaments, and the wealth (which she
may have received) from her relations.
10. That (preference of the eldest son) is forbidden by the SAstras.
11. For it is declared in the Veda, without
(marking) a difference (in the treatment of the
sons) :. Manu divided his wealth amongst his sons.
12. Now the Veda declares also in conformity
with (the rule in favour of the eldest son) alone:
They distinguish the eldest by (a larger share of)
the heritage.
I made the translation given in the Appendix to West and Bihler’s
Digest (1st edition), leaves out the word amsah, and therefore
makes it necessary to combine this Sfitra with the preceding one,
and to translate, ‘The father’s chariot and the furniture in the
house (are) also (the share of the eldest).’ This latter translation
agrees nearly with that given by Colebrooke, Digest, Book V,
Text xlviii, where this and the preceding Sfitra have been joined ;
but the chariot is not mentioned. A further variation in the interpretation of this Sfitra occurs in Colebrooke’s Digest, Book V,
Text Ixxxix, and Mitékshar§, loc. cit., where the words ‘ the furniture in the house’ are joined with Sftra 9, and the furniture is
declared to be the wife’s share. Considering that Sfitra 9 is again
quoted in Colebrooke’s Digest, Book V, Text cccclxxii, and is not
joined with the latter part of Sftra 8, it is not too much to say that
Gagannatha has not shown any greater accuracy than his brethren
usually do.
9. The Mitékshar4, loc. cit., apparently takes the words ‘according to some’ as referring only to property received from
relations, I follow Haradatta, The former interpretation is, however, admissible, if the Sftra is split into two.
‘10. The SAstras are, according to Haradatta, the Vedas.
11. Taittirfya Samhit4 III, 1, 9, 4.
12, ‘Athapi (now also) means “and certainly.” They distinguish, they set apart the eldest son by wealth: this has been
declared in the Veda in conformity with (the rule regarding) one
(heir, Sdtra 6). He denies (Stra 13) that a passage also, which
136 APASTAMBA, IT, 6, 14.
12, ‘Athapi (now also) means “and certainly.” They distinguish, they set apart the eldest son by wealth: this has been
declared in the Veda in conformity with (the rule regarding) one
(heir, Sdtra 6). He denies (Stra 13) that a passage also, which
136 APASTAMBA, IT, 6, 14.
13. (But to this plea in favour of the eldest I
answer) : Now those who are acquainted with the
interpretation of the law declare a statement of facts
not to be a rule, as for instance (the following) :
‘Therefore amongst cattle, goats and sheep walk
together ;’ (or the following), ‘Therefore the face
of a learned Brahmaza (a Snataka) is, as it were,
resplendent ;’ (or), ‘A Brahmawza who has studied
the Vedas (a Srotriya) and a he-goat evince the
strongest sexual desires.’
14. Therefore all (sons) who are virtuous inherit.
15. But him who expends money unrighteously,
he shall disinherit, though he be the eldest son.
16. Nodivision takes place between husband and
wife.
agrees with the statement that the eldest son alone inherits, is
found in the Veda.—Haradatta. See Taittirty4 Samhita II, 5, 2, 7.
13. Those who are acquainted with the interpretation of the
law are the Mimamsakas. The translation of the second Vedic
passage is by no means certain, as the root ribh, translated by ‘ to
be resplendent,’ usually means ‘to give a sound.’ Haradatta
thinks that Apastamba means to show that the passage ‘Manu
divided his wealth among his sons’ is likewise merely a statement
of facts, and cannot be considered a rule. This is probably
erroneous, as Sitras ro and 11 distinctly state, that the practice
to allow the eldest alone to inherit, is forbidden by the abovementioned passage of the Veda.
15. Compare for this Stra and the following one Colebrooke’s
Digest, Book V, Text cccxv. The translation of pratipadayati,
‘expends,’ by ‘gains,’ which is also proposed by Gagannatha, is
against Apastamba’s usage, see II, 5, 11, 17, and below, II, 8,
20, 19.
16. According to Haradatta, this Stra gives the reason why,
in SQtra 1, no share has been set apart for the wife. Compare
Colebrooke’s Digest, Book V, Text Ixxxix, for this SQtra and the
following two.
II, 6, 15. HOUSEHOLDER; INHERITANCE. 137
17. For, from the time of marriage, they are united
in religious ceremonies,
18, Likewise also as regards the rewards for
works by which spiritual merit is acquired,
19. And with respect to the acquisition of
property.
20. For they declare that it is not a theft if a
wife expends money on occasions (of necessity)
during her husband’s absence.
Prasna II, Parata 6, KuHanpa 15,
1. By this (discussion) the law of custom, which
is observed in (particular) countries or families, has
been disposed of.
2. On account of the blood relations of his
mother and (on account of those) of his father
within six degrees, or, as far as the relationship is
traceable, he shall bathe if they die, excepting
children that have not completed their first year.
2. On account of the blood relations of his
mother and (on account of those) of his father
within six degrees, or, as far as the relationship is
traceable, he shall bathe if they die, excepting
children that have not completed their first year.
3. On account of the death of the latter the
parents alone bathe,
4. And those who bury them.
5. Ifa wife or one of the chief Gurus (a father or
Afarya) die, besides, fasting (is ordained from the
time at which they die) up to the same time (on the
following day).
20. See below, II, 11, 29, 3.
15. 1. Customs are to be followed only if they are not opposed
to the teaching of the Vedas and Smritis.
2. Manu V, 60; YAg#. I, 53; Manu V, 60; Manu V, 58;
Yaga. UI, 3.
4. Manu V, 69 and 70.
5. Manu V, 80.
138 APASTAMBA. II, 6, 15.
6. (In that case) they shall also show the (following) signs of mourning :
7. Dishevelling their hair and covering themselves with dust (they go outside the village), and,
clothed with one garment, their faces turned to the
south, stepping into the river they throw up water
for the dead once, and then, ascending (the bank),
they sit down.
8. This (they repeat) thrice.
9. They pour out water consecrated in such
a manner that the dead will know it (to be given
to them). Then they return to the village without
looking back, and perform those rites for the dead
which (pious) women declare to be necessary.
10. Some declare, that these same (observances)
shall also be kept in the case (of the death) of other
(Sapizdas).
11. At all religious ceremonies, he shall feed
Brahmazas who are pure and who have (studied
and remember) the Veda.
12. He shall distribute his gifts at the proper
places, at the proper times, at the occasion of purificatory rites, and to proper recipients.
13. That food must not be eaten of which (no
portion) is offered in the fire, and of which no portion is first given (to guests).
4-9. YAga. III, 5, 7 seq. The Mantra to be spoken in throwing
the water is, ‘I give this water to you N. N. of the family of N. N.’
The water ought to be mixed with sesamum. According to Haradatta those who know the correct interpretation, declare that the
word ‘ women’ denotes in this Sfitra ‘the Smritis.’ But I fear these
learned interpreters will find few adherents among those who pay
attention to the last Sftra of this work.
11, Manu III, 128. 12. Manu III, 98.
II, 6, 15. HOUSEHOLDER; INHERITANCE. 139
14. No food mixed with pungent condiments or
salt can be offered as a burnt-offering.
15. Nor (can food) mixed with bad food (be used
for a burnt-oblation).
16. If (he is obliged to offer) a burnt-offering of
food unfit for that purpose, he shall take hot ashes
from the northern part of his fire and offer the
food in that. That oblation is no oblation in the
fire.
17. A female shall not offer any burnt-oblation,
18. Nora child, that has not been initiated.
19. Infants do not become impure before they
receive the sacrament called Annaprdsana (the first
feeding).
That oblation is no oblation in the
fire.
17. A female shall not offer any burnt-oblation,
18. Nora child, that has not been initiated.
19. Infants do not become impure before they
receive the sacrament called Annaprdsana (the first
feeding).
20. Some (declare, that they cannot become
impure) until they have completed their first
year,
21. Or, as long as they cannot distinguish the
points of the horizon.
22. The best (opinion is, that they cannot be
defiled) until the initiation has been performed.
23. For at that (time a child) according to the
rules of the Veda obtains the right (to perform the
various religious ceremonies).
14. ‘ That (substance) is called kshara, “ of pungent or alkaline
taste,” the eating of which makes the saliva flow. —Haradatta.
15. Avardnna, ‘bad food,’ is explained by ‘kulittha and the
like.’ Kulittha, a kind of vetch, is considered low food, and eaten
by the lower castes only. The meaning of the Sfitra, therefore, is,
“If anybody has been forced by poverty to mix his rice or Dal
with kulittha or similar bad food, he cannot offer a burnt-oblation
at the Vaisvadeva ceremony with that. He must observe the rule,
given in the following Sftra.
17. Manu V, 155; XI, 36.
18. Manu II, 171.
140 APASTAMBA. II, 7, 16.
24. That ceremony is the limit (from which the
capacity to fulfil the law begins).
25. And the Smzti (agrees with this opinion).
Prasna II, Parata 7, Kuawoa 16.
1. Formerly men and gods lived together in this
world. Then the gods in reward of their sacrifices
went to heaven, but men were left behind. Those
men who perform sacrifices in the same manner as
the gods did, dwell (after death) with the gods and
Brahman in heaven. Now (seeing men left behind),
Manu revealed this ceremony, which is designated
by the word Srdddha (a funeral-oblation).
2. And (thus this rite has been revealed) for the
salvation of mankind.
3. At that (rite) the Manes (of one’s father, grandfather, and great-grandfather) are the deities (to
whom the sacrifice is offered). But the Brahmamas,
(who are fed,) represent the Ahavantya-fire.
4. That rite must be performed in each month.
25. Haradatta quotes Gautama II, 1-3, on this point, and is
apparently of opinion that Apastamba alludes to the same passage.
But he is probably wrong, as all Smrctis are agreed on the point
mentioned by Apastamba.
16.1. ‘Intending to give the rules regarding the monthly Sraddha,
he premises this explanatory statement in order to praise that sacrifice.’ —Haradatta.
2. The reading ‘ niksreyasa ka’ apparently has given great trouble
to the commentators. Their explanations are, however, grammatically impossible. The right one is to take nifsreyas& as a
Vedic instrumental, for nifsreyasena, which may designate the
‘reason.’ If the dative is read, the sense remains the same.
3. ‘The comparison of the Brahmazas with the Ahavantya
indicates that to feed Brahmamas is the chief act at a Sraddha.’—
Haradatta.
4. Manu IH, 122, 123; Yaga. 1, 217.
3. ‘The comparison of the Brahmazas with the Ahavantya
indicates that to feed Brahmamas is the chief act at a Sraddha.’—
Haradatta.
4. Manu IH, 122, 123; Yaga. 1, 217.
II, 7, 16. HOUSEHOLDER ; INHERITANCE, I4I
5. The afternoon of (a day of) the latter half is
preferable (for it).
6. The last days of the latter half (of the month)
likewise are (preferable to the first days).
7. (A funeral-oblation) offered on any day of the
latter half of the month gladdens the Manes. But it
procures different rewards for the sacrificer according
to the time observed.
8. If it be performed on the first day of the halfmonth, the issue (of the sacrificer) will chiefly consist
of females.
g. (Performed on the second day it procures)
children who are free from thievish propensities.
10. (If it is performed) on the third day children
will be born to him who will fulfil the various vows
for studying (portions of the Veda).
11. (The sacrificer who performs it) on the fourth
day becomes rich in small domestic animals.
12. (If he performs it) on the fifth day, sons (will
be born to him). He will have numerous and distinguished offspring, and he will not die childless.
13. (If he performs it) on the sixth day, he will
become a great traveller and gambler.
14. (The reward of a funeral-oblation performed)
on the seventh day is success in agriculture.
15. (Ifhe performs it) on the eighth day (its reward
is) prosperity
16. (If he performs it) on the ninth day (its reward
consists in) one-hoofed animals.
5. Manu III, 255, 278.
7. Manu III, 277; Yaga. I, 264, 265.
12, The translation follows the corrected reading given in the
Addenda to the Critical Notes.
142 APASTAMBA. II, 7, 16.
17. (If he performs it) on the tenth day (its reward
is) success in trade.
18. (If he performs it) on the eleventh day (its
reward is) black iron, tin, and lead.
19. (If he performs a funeral-oblation) on the
twelfth day, he will become rich in cattle.
20. (If he performs it) on the thirteenth day, he
will have many sons (and) many friends, (and) his
offspring will be beautiful. But his (sons) will die
young.
(If he performs it) on the fourteenth day (its
reward is) success in battle.
. (If he performs it) on the fifteenth day (its
reward is) prosperity.
23. The substances (to be offered) at these (sacrifices) are sesamum, masha, rice, yava, water, roots,
and fruits.
24. But, if food mixed with fat (is offered), the
satisfaction of the Manes is greater, and (lasts) a
longer time,
25. Likewise, if money, lawfully acquired, is given
to worthy (persons).
26. Beef satisfies (the Manes) for a year,
20. Others read the last part of the Sftra, ayuvamarinas-tu
bhavanti, ‘they will not die young.’—Haradatta. If the two
halves of the Sftra are joined and Darsantyapatyoyuvamarizah is
read, the Sandhi may be dissolved in either manner.
26. Beef satisfies (the Manes) for a year,
20. Others read the last part of the Sftra, ayuvamarinas-tu
bhavanti, ‘they will not die young.’—Haradatta. If the two
halves of the Sftra are joined and Darsantyapatyoyuvamarizah is
read, the Sandhi may be dissolved in either manner.
21. Manu III, 276, and Yaga. I, 263, declare the fourteenth
day to be unfit for a Sraddha, and the latter adds that Sraddhas
for men killed in battle may be offered on that day. This latter
statement explains why Apastamba declares its reward to be
“success in battle.’ The nature of the reward shows that on that
day Kshatriyas, not Brahmazas, should offer their Sraddhas.
23. Manu III, 267; Yag#. I, 257.
26. Manu III, 271.
IJ, 7,17. HOUSEHOLDER ; FUNERAL-OBLATIONS. 143
27. Buffalo’s (meat) for a longer (time) than that.
28. By this (permission of the use of buffalo’s
meat) it has been declared that the meat of (other)
tame and wild animals is fit to be offered.
Prasna II, Parata 7, Kuanpa 17.
1. (If) rhinoceros’ meat (is given to Brahmazas
seated) on (seats covered with) the skin of a rhinoceros, (the Manes are satisfied) for a very long time.
2. (The same effect is obtained) by (offering the)
flesh (of the fish called) Satabali,
3. And by (offering the) meat of the (crane called)
Vardhramasa.
4. Pure, with composed mind and full of ardour,
he shall feed Brahmazas who know the Vedas, and
who are not connected with him by marriage, blood
relationship, by the relationship of sacrificial priest
and sacrificer, or by the relationship of (teacher and)
pupil.
5. If strangers are deficient in the (requisite)
good qualities, even a full brother who possesses
them, may be fed (at a Srdddha).
6. (The admissibility of) pupils (and the rest) has
been declared hereby.
7. Now they quote also (in regard to this matter
the following verse) :
8. The food eaten (at a sacrifice) by persons
related to the giver is, indeed, a gift offered to the
goblins. It reaches neither the Manes nor the
17.1. Manu III, 272; Yaga. I, 259.
2. Manu V, 16, where Rohita is explained by Satabali.
4. Manu III, 128-138, and 149, 188; YAga. I, 225.
8. See Manu III, 141, where this Trish‘ubh has been turned
into an Anush/ubh.
144 APASTAMBA. II, 7, 17.
gods. Losing its power (to procure heaven), it errs
about in this world as a cow that has lost its calf
runs into a strange stable.
9. The meaning (of the verse) is, that gifts which
are eaten (and offered) mutually by relations, (and
thus go) from one house to the other, perish in this
world.
10. If the good qualities (of several persons who
might be invited) are equal, old men and (amongst
these) poor ones, who wish to come, have the
preference.
11. On the day before (the ceremony) the (first)
invitation (must be issued).
12. On the following day the second invitation
takes place.
13. (On the same day also takes place) the third
invitation (which consists in the call to dinner).
11. On the day before (the ceremony) the (first)
invitation (must be issued).
12. On the following day the second invitation
takes place.
13. (On the same day also takes place) the third
invitation (which consists in the call to dinner).
14. Some declare, that every act at a funeralsacrifice must be repeated three times.
15. As (the acts are performed) the first time,
so they must be repeated) the second and the third
times.
16. When all (the three oblations) have been
11. Manu III, 187; Yag#. I, 225. According to Haradatta
the formula of invitation is, Sva sraddham bhavita, tatrahavaniyarthe bhavadbhiZ prasddaf kartavya iti, ‘to-morrow a Sraddha
will take place. Do me the favour to take at that the place of
the Ahavantya- fire.’
12. The formula is, Adya sraddham, ‘to-day the Sraddha takes
place.’
13. The call to dinner is, Siddham 4gamyatém, ‘the food is
ready ; come.’
16. Apastamba Grthya-sftra VIII, 21, 9. ‘He shall eat it pronouncing the © Mantra, “ Prane nivish/osmritam guhomi.”’ Taitt.
Ar. X, 34, 1
II, 7,17. HOUSEHOLDER; FUNERAL-OBLATIONS. 145
offered, he shall take a portion of the food of
all (three), and shall eat a small mouthful of the
remainder in the manner described (in the Grzhyasitra).
17. But the custom of the Northerners is to pour
into the hands of the Br&hmawas, when they are
seated on their seats, (water which has been taken
from the water-vessel.)
18. (At the time of the burnt-offering which is
offered at the beginning of the dinner) he addresses
the Brahmazas with this Mantra: ‘ Let it be taken
out, and let it be offered in the fire.’
19. (They shall give their permission with this
Mantra): ‘Let it be taken out at thy pleasure, let
it be offered in the fire at thy pleasure. Having
received this permission, he shall take out (some of
the prepared food) and offer it.
20. They blame it, if dogs and Apapdatras are
allowed to see the performance of a funeral-sacrifice.
21. The following persons defile the company if
they are invited to a funeral-sacrifice, viz. a leper,
a bald man, the violator of another man’s bed, the
son of a Br&ahmaza who follows the profession of
a Kshatriya, and the son of (a Brahmawza who by
marrying first a Sidra wife had himself become) a
Sfidra, born from a Brahmaza woman.
17. The North of India begins to the north of the river Saravati.
The rule alluded to is given by Yag#.I, 226,229; Manu III, 210.
18. Yag#. I, 235. 20. Manu III, 239.
21. Manu III, 152-166, and particularly 153 and 154; Yaga.
I, 222-224. Haradatta’s explanation of the word ‘ Sfdra’ by
‘a Brahmaza who has become a Sidra’ is probably right, because
the son of a real Sidra and of a Brahmamna female is a Kandala,
and has been disposed of by the preceding Sfitra.
(2] \
146 APASTAMBA. II, 7,17.
I, 222-224. Haradatta’s explanation of the word ‘ Sfdra’ by
‘a Brahmaza who has become a Sidra’ is probably right, because
the son of a real Sidra and of a Brahmamna female is a Kandala,
and has been disposed of by the preceding Sfitra.
(2] \
146 APASTAMBA. II, 7,17.
22. The following persons sanctify the company
if they eat at a funeral-sacrifice, viz. one who has
studied the three verses of the Veda containing the
word ‘Madhu, each three times ; one who has studied
the part of the Veda containing the word ‘Suparza’
three times; a TrizA4siketa; one who has studied
the Mantras required for the four sacrifices (called
Asvamedha, Purushamedha, Sarvamedha, and Pitvzmedha) ; one who keeps five fires; one who knows
the Sdman called Gyesh¢ka; one who fulfils the
duty of daily study; the son of one who has studied
and is able to teach the whole Veda with its Angas,
and a Srotriya.
23. He shall not perform (any part of) a funeralsacrifice at night.
24. After having begun (a funeral-sacrifice), he
shall not eat until he has finished it.
25. (He shall not perform a funeral-sacrifice at
22. Compare Manulll, 185, 186; Yag#.1, 219-221. The three
verses to be known by a Trimadhu are, Madhu vata ritayate, &e.,
which occur both in the Taitt. Samh. and in the Taitt. Ar. The
explanation of Trisuparza is not certain. Haradatta thinks that it
may mean either a person who knows the three verses Katushkaparda
yuvatiz supesa, &c., Taittirtya-brahmaza I, 2, 1, 27, &c., or one who
knows the three Anuvakas from the Taittirtya Aranyaka X, 48-50,
beginning, Brahmametu mam, &c. The word ‘ Trindkiketa’ has
three explanations:—a. A person who knows the Naéiketa-fire
according to the Taittirtyaka, Kashavallf, and the Satapatha, i.e. has
studied the portions on the Né&éiketa-fire in these three books.
6. A person who has thrice kindled the Nafiketa-fire. c. A person
who has studied the Anuvaka, called Viragas. aturmedha may
also mean ‘one who has performed the four sacrifices’ enumerated
above.
23. Manu III, 280.
24. ‘The Sraddha is stated to begin with the first invitation to
the Brahmans.’—Haradatta.
25. ‘The Northerners do not generally receive this Sftra, and
II, 8, 18. HOUSEHOLDER ; FUNERAL-OBLATIONS. 147
night), except if an eclipse of the moon takes
place.
Prasna II, Parata 8, Kuawnpa 18.
1. He shall avoid butter, butter-milk, oil-cake,
honey, meat.
2. And black grain (such as kulittha), food given
by Sadras, or by other persons, whose food is not
considered fit to be eaten.
3. And food unfit for oblations, speaking an untruth, anger, and (acts or words) by which he might
excite anger. He who desires a (good) memory,
fame, wisdom, heavenly bliss, and prosperity, shall
avoid these twelve (things and acts) ;
3. And food unfit for oblations, speaking an untruth, anger, and (acts or words) by which he might
excite anger. He who desires a (good) memory,
fame, wisdom, heavenly bliss, and prosperity, shall
avoid these twelve (things and acts) ;
4. Wearing a dress that reaches from the navel
to the knees, bathing morning, noon, and evening,
living on food that has not been cooked at a fire,
never seeking the shade, standing (during the day),
and sitting (during the night), he shall keep this vow
for one year. They declare, that (its merit) is equal to
that of a studentship continued for forty-eight years.
5. (Now follows) the daily funeral-oblation.
6. Outside the village pure (men shall) prepare
(the food for that rite) in a pure place.
therefore former commentators have not explained it.’—Haradatta.
18. 1. Sfitras 1-4 contain rules for a vow to be kept for the special
objects mentioned in Satras 3 and 4 for one year only. Haradatta
(on Sfitra 4) says that another commentator thinks that Sftras 1-3
prescribe one vow, and Sfitra 4 another, and that the latter applies
both to householders and students. <A passage from Baudhayana
is quoted in support of this latter view.
5. Manu III, 82 seq.
6. The term ‘pure (men) ’ is used in order to indicate that they
must be so particularly, because, by II, 2, 3, 1, purity has already
been prescribed for cooks.
L2
148 APASTAMBA. II, 8, 18.
7. New vessels are used for that,
8. In which the food is prepared, and out of
which it is eaten.
g. And those (vessels) he shall present to the
(Brahmazas) who have been fed.
10. And he shall feed (Brahmamas) possessed of
all (good qualities).
11. And he shall not give the residue (of that
funeral-dinner) to one who is inferior to them in
good qualities.
12. Thus (he shall act every day) during a
year.
13. The last of these (funeral-oblations) he shall
perform, offering a red goat.
14. And let him cause an altar to be built, concealed (by a covering and outside the village).
15. Let him feed the Brahmazas on the northern
half of that.
16. They declare, that (then) he sees both the
Brahmazas who eat and the Manes sitting on the
altar.
17. After that he may offer (a funeral-sacrifice
once a month) or stop altogether.
18. For (by appearing on the altar) the Manes
signify that they are satisfied by the funeraloffering.
19. Under the constellation Tishya he who desires prosperity,
4. For the unusual meaning of dravya, ‘vessel,’ compare the
term sitadravy4zi, ‘implements of husbandry,’ Manu IX, 293, and
the Petersburg Dict. s. v.
13. The red goat is mentioned as particularly fit for a Sraddha,
Yaga. I, 259, and Manu III, 272.
II, 8, 19. HOUSEHOLDER ; FUNERAL-OBLATIONS. 149
Prasna II, Parata 8, Kuawnpa 19.
s. v.
13. The red goat is mentioned as particularly fit for a Sraddha,
Yaga. I, 259, and Manu III, 272.
II, 8, 19. HOUSEHOLDER ; FUNERAL-OBLATIONS. 149
Prasna II, Parata 8, Kuawnpa 19.
1. Shall cause to be prepared powder of white
mustard-seeds, cause his hands, feet, ears, and
mouth to be rubbed with that, and shall eat (the
remainder). Ifthe wind does not blow too violently,
he shall eat sitting, silent and his face turned towards
the south, on a seat (facing the) same (direction)—
the first alternative is the skin of a he-goat.
2. But they declare, that the life of the mother
of that person who eats at this ceremony, his face
turned in that direction, will be shortened.
3. A vessel of brass, the centre of which is gilt, is
best (for this occasion).
4. And nobody else shall eat out of that vessel.
5. He shall make a lump of as much (food) as he
can swallow (at once).
6. (And he shall) not scatter anything (on the
ground).
7. He shall not let go the vessel (with his left
hand) ;
8. Or he may let it go.
19. 1. The ceremony which is here described, may also be performed daily. If the reading prasya is adopted, the translation
must run thus: ‘and he shall scatter (the remainder of the powder).
If the wind,’ &c.
2. ‘Therefore those whose mothers are alive should not perform this ceremony.’— Haradatta.
4. If the masculine bhoktavyad is used instead of bhoktavyam,
the participle must be construed with Aamasa/.
5. The verbum finitum, which according to the Sanskrit text
ought to be taken with the participle samnayan, is grasita, Sitra 9.
8 ‘Why is this second alternative mentioned, as (the first
Sfitra) suffices? True. But according to the maxim that “restrictions are made on account of the continuance of an action
once begun,” the meaning of this second Sfitra is that he shall
a \
150 APASTAMBA. II, 8, 19.
9. He shall swallow the whole mouthful at once,
introducing it, together with the thumb, (into the
mouth.)
10. He shall make no noise with his mouth (whilst
eating).
11. And he shall not shake his right hand (whilst
eating).
12. After he (has eaten and) sipped water, he
shall raise his hands, until the water has run off (and
they have become dry).
13. After that he shall touch fire.
14. And (during this ceremony) he shall not eat
in the day-time anything but roots and fruit.
15. And let him avoid Sthdlipaka-offerings, and
food offered to the Manes or to the Gods.
16. He shall eat wearing his upper garment over
his left shoulder and under his right arm.
17. At the (monthly) Sraddha which must necessarily be performed, he must use (food) mixed with
fat.
18. The first (and preferable) alternative (is to
employ) clarified butter and meat.
19. On failure (of these), oil of sesamum, vegetables, and (similar materials may be used).
20. And under the asterism Magha he shall feed
the Brahmazas more (than at other times) with (food
mixed with) clarified butter, according to the rule of
the Sraddha.
19. On failure (of these), oil of sesamum, vegetables, and (similar materials may be used).
20. And under the asterism Magha he shall feed
the Brahmazas more (than at other times) with (food
mixed with) clarified butter, according to the rule of
the Sraddha.
continue to the end to handle the vessel (in that manner in which)
he has handled it when eating for the first time.’ —Haradatta.
16. Haradatta remarks that some allow, according to II, a, 4,
22, the sacred thread to be substituted, and others think that both
the thread and the garment should be worn over the left shoulder
and under the right arm.
II, 8, 20. THE FOUR ORDERS. 15!
Prasna II, Parata 8, Kuanpa 20.
1. At every monthly Sraddha he shall use, in
whatever manner -he may be able, one droza of
sesamum.
2. And he shall feed Brahmazas endowed with all
(good qualities), and they shall not give the fragments
(of the food) to a person who does not possess the
same good qualities (as the Brahmamzas).
3. He who desires prosperity shall fast in the
half of the year when the sun goes to the north,
under the constellation Tishya, in the first half of
the month, for (a day and) a night at least, prepare
a Sthalipaka-offering, offer burnt-oblations to Kubera
(the god of riches), feed a Brahmaza with that (food
prepared for the Sth4lipaka) mixed with clarified
butter, and make him wish prosperity with (a
Mantra) implying prosperity.
4. This (rite he shall repeat) daily until the next
Tishya(-day).
5. On the second (Tishya-day and during the
second month he shall feed) two (Brahmamzas).
6. On the third (Tishya-day and during the third
month he shall feed) three (Brahmamzas).
7. In this manner (the Tishya-rite is to be performed) for a year, with a (monthly) increase (of the
number of Brahmamas fed).
20. 1. A droza equals 128 seers or seras. The latter is variously
reckoned at 1-3 Ibs.
3. The reason why the constellation Tishya has been chosen
for this rite seems to be that Tishya has another name, Pushya,
i.e. ‘prosperous.’ This sacrifice is to begin on the Tishya-day of
the month called Taisha or Pausha (December—January), and to
continue for one year.
152 APASTAMBA. II, 8, 20.
8. (Thus) he obtains great prosperity.
9. But the fasting takes place on the first.
(Tishya-day) only.
to. He shall avoid to eat those things which
have lost their strength (as butter-milk, curds, and
whey).
11. He shall avoid to tread on ashes or husks of
grain.
12. To wash one foot with the other, or to place
one foot on the other,
13. And to swing his feet,
14. And to place one leg crosswise over the knee
(of the other),
15. And to make his nails
16. Or to make (his finger-joints) crack without
a (good) reason,
17. And all other (acts) which they blame.
18. And let him acquire money in all ways that
are lawful.
19. And let him spend money on worthy (persons
or objects).
20. And let him not give anything to an unworthy
(person), of whom he does not stand in fear.
And all other (acts) which they blame.
18. And let him acquire money in all ways that
are lawful.
19. And let him spend money on worthy (persons
or objects).
20. And let him not give anything to an unworthy
(person), of whom he does not stand in fear.
21. And let him conciliate men (by gifts or
kindness).
22. And he may enjoy the pleasures which are
not forbidden by the holy law.
23. (Acting) thus he conquers both worlds.
11. Manu IV, 78.
16. ‘Good reasons for cracking the joints are fatigue or rheumatism.’—Haradatta.
19. Manu XI, 6, and passim.
II, 9, 21. THE HERMIT. 153
Prasna II, Parata 9, KHanpa 21.
1. There are four orders, viz. the order of householders, the order of students, the order of ascetics,
and the order of hermits in the woods.
2. If he lives in all these four according to the
rules (of the law), without allowing himself to be
disturbed (by anything), he will obtain salvation.
3. The duty to live in the teacher’s house after
the initiation is common to all of them.
4. Not to abandon sacred learning (is a duty
common) to all.
5. Having learnt the rites (that are to be performed in each order), he may perform what he
wishes.
6. Worshipping until death (and living) according
to the rule of a (temporary) student, a (professed)
student may leave his body in the house of his
teacher.
7. Now (follow the rules) regarding the ascetic
(SamnyAsin).
8. Only after (having fulfilled) the duties of that
(order of students) he shall go forth (as an ascetic),
remaining chaste.
21.1. ‘Though four (orders) are enumerated, he uses the word
“four,” lest, in the absence of a distinct rule of the venerable
teacher, one order only, that of the householder, should be allowed,
as has been taught in other Smrctis.—Haradatta. Manu VI, 87.
2. Manu VI, 88.
3- Manu II, 247-249, and above.
8. The meaning of the Sfitra is, that the studentship is a
necessary preliminary for the Samnydsin. If a man considers
himself sufficiently purified by his life in that order, he may become a Samnydsin immediately after its completion. Otherwise he
may first become a householder, or a hermit, and enter the last
154 APASTAMBA. II, 9, 21.
g. For him (the Samenydsin) they prescribe (the
following rules) :
10. He shall live without a fire, without a house,
without pleasures, without protection. Remaining
silent and uttering speech only on the occasion of
the daily recitation of the Veda, begging so much
food only in the village as will sustain his life, he
shall wander about neither caring for this world nor
for heaven.
11. It is ordained that he shall wear clothes
thrown away (by others as useless).
12. Some declare that he shall go naked.
13. Abandoning truth and falsehood, pleasure
and pain, the Vedas, this world and the next, he
shall seek the Atman.
14. (Some say that) he obtains salvation if he
knows (the Atman).
I ‘5, (But) that (opinion) is opposed to the Sastras.
12. Some declare that he shall go naked.
13. Abandoning truth and falsehood, pleasure
and pain, the Vedas, this world and the next, he
shall seek the Atman.
14. (Some say that) he obtains salvation if he
knows (the Atman).
I ‘5, (But) that (opinion) is opposed to the Sastras.
6. (For) if salvation were obtained by the knowledge of the Atman alone, then he ought not to feel
any pain even in this (world).
17. Thereby that which follows has been declared.
order, when his passions are entirely extinct. See also Manu VI,
36; Yaga. III, 56-57.
to. Manu VI, 33, 42-45; Yaga. III, 58 seq.
12. ‘Another (commentator) says, “Some declare that he is
free from all injunctions and prohibitions, i.e. he need neither
ae nor avoid any (particular actions).” ’"—Haradatta.
. ‘He shall seek, i.e. worship, the Atman or Self, which has
been described i in the section on transcendental knowledge (I, 8).’—
Haradatta.
15. Haradatta apparently takes the word Sastras to mean ‘ Dharmasastras.
17. ‘That which follows’ are the Yogas, which must be employed
in order to cause the annihilation of pain, after the knowledge of
the Atman or Self has been obtained.
IT, 9, 22. THE HERMIT. 155
18. Now (follow the rules regarding) the hermit
living in the woods.
19. Only after (completing) that (studentship) he
shall go forth, remaining chaste.
20. For him they give (the following rules) :
21. He shall keep one fire only, have no house,
enjoy no pleasures, have no protector, observe
silence, uttering speech on the occasion of the daily
recitation of the Veda only.
Prasna II, Parata 9, Kuawnpa 22.
1. A dress of materials procured in the woods
(skins or bark) is ordained for him.
2. Then he shall wander about, sustaining his
life by roots, fruits, leaves, and grass.
3. In the end (he shall live on) what has become
detached spontaneously.
4. Next he shall live on water, (then) on air, then
on ether.
5. Each following one of these modes of subsistence is distinguished by a (greater) reward.
6. Now some (teachers) enjoin for the hermit the
21. ‘But which is that one fire? Certainly not the Grrhya-fire,
because he must remain chaste. Therefore the meaning intended
is, “He shall offer a Samidh morn and evening in the common
fire, just as formerly, (during his studentship).” Another commentator says, “Gautama declares that he shall kindle a fire
according to the rule of the Srémamaka Sftra. The Sramanaka
Sfitra is the Vaikhanasa Sftra. Having kindled a fire in the
manner prescribed there, he shall sacrifice in it every morning
and every evening.” ’—Haradatta. See also Manu VI, 4; Yaga.
III, 45.
' 22.1. Manu VI, 6. 2. Manu VI, 5, 21; YAg#. III, 46.
4. ‘Then he shall live on ether, ie. eat nothing at all’—
Haradatta. Manu VI, 31; Yaga. III, 55.
156 APASTAMBA. TI, 9, 22.
successive performance (of the acts prescribed for
the several orders).
See also Manu VI, 4; Yaga.
III, 45.
' 22.1. Manu VI, 6. 2. Manu VI, 5, 21; YAg#. III, 46.
4. ‘Then he shall live on ether, ie. eat nothing at all’—
Haradatta. Manu VI, 31; Yaga. III, 55.
156 APASTAMBA. TI, 9, 22.
successive performance (of the acts prescribed for
the several orders).
7. After having finished the study of the Veda,
having taken a wife and kindled the sacred fires,
he shall begin the rites, which end with the Somasacrifices, (performing) as many as are prescribed in
the revealed texts.
8. (Afterwards) he shall build a dwelling, and
dwell outside the village with his wife, his children,
and his fires,
g. Or (he may live) alone.
10. He shall support himself by gleaning corn.
11. And after that he shall not any longer take
presents.
12. And he shall sacrifice (only) after having
bathed (in the following manner) :
13. He shall enter the water slowly, and bathe
without beating it (with his hand), his face turned
towards the sun.
14. This rule of bathing is valid for all (castes
and orders).
15. Some enjoin (that he shall prepare) two sets
of utensils for cooking and eating, (and) of choppers,
hatchets, sickles, and mallets.
6. ‘The word atha, “now,” introduces a different opinion.
Above, it has been declared that the life in the woods (may be
begun) after the studentship only. But some teachers enjoin just
for that hermit a successive performance of the acts.
8. Manu VI, 3 seq.; YAga. III, 45.
10, Haradatta thinks that this rule refers both to the hermit
who lives with his family and to him who lives alone. Others
refer it to the latter only.
15. According to Haradatta, the word kaga appears to designate
‘a mallet ;’ in the passage from the Ram4yaza quoted in the Petersburg Dict. the commentator explains it by pe/aka, ‘ basket.’
IT, 9, 23. COMPARISON OF THE FOUR ORDERS. 157
16. He shall take one of each pair (of instruments), give the others (to his wife), and (then) go
into the forest.
17. After that time (he shall perform) the burntoblations, (sustain) his life, (feed) his guests, and
(prepare) his clothes with materials produced in the
forest.
18. Rice must be used for those sacrifices for
which cakes mixed with meat (are employed by the
householder).
19. And all (the Mantras), as well as the daily
portion of the Veda, (must be recited) inaudibly.
20. He shall not make the inhabitants of the
forest hear (his recitation).
21. (He shall have) a house for his fire (only).
22. He himself (shall live) in the open air.
23. His couch and seat must not be covered (with
mats).
24. If he obtains fresh grain, he shall throw away
the old (store).
Prasna II, Parata 9, KuHanpa 23.
1. If he desires (to perform) very great austerities,
he (shall not make a hoard of grain, but) collect food
every day only, morning and evening, in his vessel.
2. Afterwards he shall wander about, sustaining
his life with roots, fruits, leaves, and grass (which he
17. Y4ga. III, 46.
20, This Sftra explains the word up4msu, ‘inaudibly.’
2. Afterwards he shall wander about, sustaining
his life with roots, fruits, leaves, and grass (which he
17. Y4ga. III, 46.
20, This Sftra explains the word up4msu, ‘inaudibly.’
24. Manu VI, 15; Y4ga#. III, 47.
23. 1. The following rules apply to a solitary hermit.
2. These Sfitras are repeated in order to show that, according
to the opinion of those who allow hermits to live with their families,
the end should be the same.
158 APASTAMBA. IT, 9, 23.
collects). Finally (he shall content himself with)
what has become detached spontaneously. Then he
shall live on water, then on air, (and finally) upon
ether. Each succeeding mode of subsistence procures greater rewards.
3. Now they quote (the following) two verses
from a Puraza:
4. Those eighty thousand sages who desired
offspring passed to the south by Aryaman’s road
and obtained burial-grounds.
5. Those eighty thousand sages who desired no
offspring passed by Aryaman’s road to the north
and obtained immortality.
6. Thus are praised those who keep the vow of
chastity.
7. Now they accomplish also their wishes merely
by conceiving them,
8. For instance, (the desire to procure) rain, to
bestow children, second-sight, to move quick as
thought, and other (desires) of this description.
9. Therefore on account of (passages) of the revealed texts, and on account of the visible results,
some declare these orders (of men keeping the vow
of chastity to be) the most excellent.
10. But (to this we answer) : It is the firm opinion
of those who are well versed in the threefold sacred
learning, that the Vedas are the highest authority.
3. ‘The “orders” have been described. Now, giving conflicting opinions, he discusses which of them is the most important.’-—
Haradatta. .
4. This verse and the next are intended to disparage the order
of householders. Haradatta explains ‘burial-grounds’ by ‘ new
births which lead to new deaths;’ but see below, Sfitra 10. See
also Yag#. III, 186-187.
IT, 9, 24. THE KING. 159
They consider that the (rites) which are ordered
there to be performed with rice, yava, animals, clarified butter, milk, potsherds, (in conjunction) with
a wife, (and accompanied) by loud or muttered
(Mantras), must be performed, and that (hence)
a rule of conduct which is opposed to these (rites)
is of no authority.
11. But by the term burial-ground (in the text
above given) it is intended to ordain the last rites
for those who have performed many sacrifices, (and
not to mean that dead householders become demons
and haunt burial-grounds.)
12. The revealed texts declare that after (the
burial follows) a reward without end, which is designated by the term ‘heavenly bliss.’
Prasna II, Parata 9, Kuanpa 24,
1. Now the Veda declares also one’s offspring to
be immortality (in this verse) : ‘In thy offspring thou
art born again, that, mortal, is thy immortality.’
Now the Veda declares also one’s offspring to
be immortality (in this verse) : ‘In thy offspring thou
art born again, that, mortal, is thy immortality.’
2. Now it can also be perceived by the senses
that the (father) has been reproduced separately (in
the son); for the likeness (of a father and of a son)
is even visible, only (their) bodies are different.
3. ‘These (sons) who live, fulfilling the rites
taught (in the Veda), increase the fame and heavenly
bliss of their departed ancestors.’
4. ‘In this manner each succeeding (generation
increases the fame and heavenly bliss) of the preceding ones.’
1x. The Sfitra is intended to remove the blame thrown on the
order of householders by the verse quoted. Haradatta seems to
have forgotten his former explanation of Smasanani.
160 APASTAMBA. TI, 9, 24.
5. ‘ They (the ancestors) live in heaven until the
(next) general destruction of created things.’
6. At the new creation (of, the world) they
become the seed. That has been declared in the
Bhavishyatpuraza.
7. Now Pragdpati also says,
8. ‘ Those dwell with us who fulfil the following
(duties): the study of the three Vedas, the studentship, the procreation of children, faith, religious austerities, sacrifices, and the giving of gifts. He who
praises other (duties), becomes dust and perishes.’
9. Those among these (sons) who commit sin,
perish alone, just as the leaf of a tree (which has
been attacked by worms falls without injuring its
branch or tree). They do not hurt their ancestors.
10. (For) the (ancestor) has no connection with
the acts committed (by his descendant) in this world,
nor with-their results in the next.
11. (The truth of) that may be known by the
following (reason) :
12. This creation (is the work) of Pragapati and
of the sages.
13. The bodies of those (sages) who stay there
(in heaven) on account of their merits appear visibly
most excellent and brilliant (as, for instance, the
constellation of the seven Azshis).
14. But even though some (ascetic), whilst still
24. 6. ‘They become the seed,’ i.e. ‘The Prag4patis.’
8. ‘Other (duties), i.e. the order of ascetics and the like..—
Haradatta.
13. As the Azshis have not lost heaven through the sins of their
sons, the dogma according to which ancestors lose heaven through
the sins of their sons, must be false.
14. Apastamba’s own opinion is apparently against pure asceticism.
IT, to, 25. THE KING, 161
in the body, may gain heaven through a portion of
(the merit acquired by his former) works or through
austerities, and though he may accomplish (his
objects) by his mere wish, still this is no reason
to place one order before the other.
Prasna II, Parata 10, Kuawnoa 25.
1. The general and special duties of all castes
have been explained. But we will now declare those
of a king in particular.
2. He shall cause to be built a town and a palace,
the gates of both of which (must look) towards the
south.
3. The palace (shall stand) in the heart of the
town.
1. The general and special duties of all castes
have been explained. But we will now declare those
of a king in particular.
2. He shall cause to be built a town and a palace,
the gates of both of which (must look) towards the
south.
3. The palace (shall stand) in the heart of the
town.
4. In front of that (there shall be) a hall. That
is called the hall of invitation.
5. (At a little distance) from the town to the
south, (he shall cause to be built) an assembly-house
with doors on the south and on the north sides, so
that one can see what passes inside and outside.
6. In all (these three places) fires shall burn
constantly.
7. And oblations must be offered in these fires
daily, just as at the daily sacrifice of a householder.
8. In the hall he shall put up his guests, at least
those who are learned in the Vedas.
25. 3. ‘In the heart of the town, i.e. in that town which is surrounded by all the walls’——Haradatta. Compare Manu VII, 76.
6. According to Haradatta, the fires are to be common, Not
consecrated ones.
y. Manu VII, 78; Yag#. I, 313.
8. Manu VII, 82 seq.
(2] M
162 APASTAMBA. II, 10, 25.
9g. Rooms, a couch, food and drink should be
given to them according to their good qualities.
10. Let him not live better than his Gurus or
ministers.
11. And in his realm no (Brahmaza) should suffer
hunger, sickness, cold, or heat, be it through want,
or intentionally.
12. In the midst of the assembly-house, (the
superintendent of the house) shall raise a play-table
and sprinkle it with water, turning his hand downwards, and place on it dice in even numbers, made
of Vibhitaka (wood), as many as are wanted.
13. Men of the first three castes, who are pure
and truthful, may be allowed to play there.
14. Assaults of arms, dancing, singing, music, and
the like (performances) shall be held only (in the
houses) of the king’s servants.
15. That king only takes care of the welfare of
his subjects in whose dominions, be it in villages
or forests, there is no danger from thieves.
1o. ‘The Gurus are the father and other (venerable relations).’—Haradatta.
11. Manu VII, 134. ‘Or intentionally; with reference to
that the following example may be given. If anybody is to be
made to pay his debts or taxes, then he is to be exposed to cold
or heat, or to be made to fast (until he pays). The king shall
punish (every one) who acts thus.’—Haradatta.
13. ‘Having played there, they shall give a fixed sum to the
gambling-house keeper and go away. The latter shall, every day
or every month or every year, give that gain to the king. And
the king shall punish those who play elsewhere or quarrel in the
assembly-house. —Haradatta.
14. ‘At festivals and the like occasions (these performances)
take place also elsewhere, that is the custom. —Haradatta.
15. Manu VII, 143, and passim; Yaga. I, 335.
II, 10, 26. CIVIL AND CRIMINAL LAW. 163
Prasna II, Parara 10, Kuawpa 26.
—Haradatta.
14. ‘At festivals and the like occasions (these performances)
take place also elsewhere, that is the custom. —Haradatta.
15. Manu VII, 143, and passim; Yaga. I, 335.
II, 10, 26. CIVIL AND CRIMINAL LAW. 163
Prasna II, Parara 10, Kuawpa 26.
1. A (king) who, without detriment to his servants,
gives land and money to Brahmamas according to
their deserts gains endless worlds.
2. They say (that) a king, who is slain in attempting to recover the property of Brahmamzas,
(performs) a sacrifice where his body takes the place
of the sacrificial post, and at which an unlimited fee
is given.
3. Hereby have been declared (the rewards of)
other heroes, who fall fighting for a (worthy)
cause.
4. He shall appoint men of the first three castes,
who are pure and truthful, over villages and towns
for the protection of the people.
5. Their servants shall possess the same qualities.
6. They must protect a town from thieves in
every direction to the distance of one yogana.
7. (They must protect the country to the distance
of) one krosa from each village.
8. They must be made to repay what is stolen
within these (boundaries).
26.1. Manu VII, 83, 84, 88; Yaga. I, 314.
2. According to Haradatta the king’s body represents the post
(yfpa), his soul the sacrificial animal, the recovered property the ©
reward for the priests or fee.
3. Manu VII, 89; Yaga. I, 323, 324.
4- Manu VII, 115-124; Yag#. I, 321.
6. Yag#. Il, 271-272. A yogana is a distance of 4 krosa, kos,
7. A krosa, kos, or gau, literally ‘the lowing of a cow,’ is
variously reckoned at 13-4 miles.
8. Y4g#.I,272. This law is, with certain modifications, still in
force. See Bombay Regulations, XII, 27 par.
M 2
164 APASTAMBA. II, ro, 26.
9. The (king) shall make them collect the lawful
taxes (sulka).
10. A learned Br&hmaza is free from taxes,
tr. And the women of all castes,
12, And male children before the marks (of
puberty appear),
13. And those who live (with a teacher) in order
to study,
14. And those who perform austerities, being
intent on fulfilling the sacred law,
15. And a Sddra who lives by washing the
feet,
16. Also blind, dumb, deaf, and diseased persons
(as long as their infirmities last),
17. And those to whom the acquisition of property
is forbidden (as Sannydsins).
18. A young man who, decked with ornaments,
enters unintentionally (a place where) a married
woman or a (marriageable) damsel (sits), must be
reprimanded.
g. According to Haradatta, who quotes Gautama in his commentary, the sulka is the jth part of a merchant’s gains. On
account of the Sftras immediately following, it is, however,
more probable that the term is here used as a synonym of
‘kara,’ and includes all taxes. ‘Lawful’ taxes are, of course,
those sanctioned by custom and approved of by the Smritis.
to. Manu VII, 133.
11. Haradatta thinks that the rule applies to women of the
Anuloma, the pure castes, only.
‘Lawful’ taxes are, of course,
those sanctioned by custom and approved of by the Smritis.
to. Manu VII, 133.
11. Haradatta thinks that the rule applies to women of the
Anuloma, the pure castes, only.
14. ‘Why does he say “intent on fulfilling the holy law?”
Those shall not be free from taxes who perform austerities in order
to make their magic charms efficacious. —Haradatta.
18. The ornaments would indicate that he was bent on mischief. Compare above, I, 11, 32, 6.
TI, 10, 27. CIVIL AND CRIMINAL LAW. 16
7
19. But if he does it intentionally with a bad
purpose, he must be fined.
20. If he has actually committed adultery, his
organ shall be cut off together with the testicles.
21. But (if he has had intercourse) with a (marriageable) girl, his property shall be confiscated and
he shall be banished.
22. Afterwards the king must support (such
women and damsels),
23. And protect them from defilement.
24. If they agree to undergo the (prescribed)
penance, he shall make them over to their (lawful)
guardians.
Prasna II, Parata 10, Kuanpa 27,
1. If (adulteresses) have performed (the prescribed penance), they are to be treated as before
(their fault). For the connection (of husband and
wife) takes place through the law.
2. (A husband) shall not make over his (wife),
who occupies the position of a ‘gentilis, to others
(than to his ‘gentiles’), in order to cause children to
be begot for himself.
19. ‘The punishment must be proportionate to his property
and the greatness of his offence. The term “with a bad purpose”
is added, because he who has been sent by his teacher (to such
a place) should not be punished.’-— Haradatta. Manu VIII, 354;
Yaga. II, 284.
24. ‘I.e.a married woman to her husband or father-in-law, an
unmarried damsel to her father or to her brother. — Haradatta.
27. 2. This Sfitra refers to the begetting of a Kshetraga son,
and gives the usual rule, that only the Sagotras in the order of the
grade of relationship, a brother-in-law, a Sapiada, &c., shall be
employed for this purpose.
166 APASTAMBA. II, 10, 27.
3. For they declare, that a bride is given to the
family (of her husband, and not to the husband
alone).
4. That is (at present) forbidden on account of
the weakness of (men’s) senses.
5. The hand (of a gentilis is considered in law to
be) that of a stranger, and so is (that of any other
person except the husband).
6. If the (marriage vow) is transgressed, both
(husband and wife) certainly go to hell.
7. The reward (in the next world) resulting from
obeying the restrictions of the law is preferable
to offspring obtained in this manner (by means of
Niyoga).
8. A man of one of the first three castes (who
commits adultery) with a woman of the Sidra caste
shall be banished.
9. A Sidra (who commits adultery) with a
woman of one of the first three castes shall suffer
capital punishment.
8. A man of one of the first three castes (who
commits adultery) with a woman of the Sidra caste
shall be banished.
9. A Sidra (who commits adultery) with a
woman of one of the first three castes shall suffer
capital punishment.
10. And he shall emaciate a woman who has
committed adultery with a (Sddra, by making her
undergo penances and fasts, in case she had no
child).
11. They declare, that (a Brahmaza) who has
4. ‘For now-a-days the senses of men are weak, and therefore
the peculiar (law formerly) in force regarding gentiles is so no
longer, lest husbands should be set aside under the pretended
sanction of the SAstras.’—Haradatta.
9. Manu VIII, 374; Yag#. II, 286. According to Haradatta,
this refers to a Sidra servant who seduces a woman committed to
his charge. In other cases the punishment prescribed, II, 10, 26,
10, is to take effect. The same opinion is expressed by Gautama.
11. This refers to the wife of a Srotriya, as Haradatta states
according to Gautama. The penance is three years’ chastity.
II, 10, 27. CIVIL AND CRIMINAL LAW. 167
once committed adultery with a married woman of
equal class, shall perform one-fourth of the penance
prescribed for an outcast.
12. In like manner for every repetition (of the
crime), one-fourth of the penance (must be added).
13. (If the offence be committed) for the fourth
time, the whole (penance of twelve years must be
performed).
14. The tongue of a Sddra who speaks evil of
a virtuous person, belonging to one of the first three
castes, shall be cut out.
15. A Sfdra who assumes a position equal (to
that of a member of one of the first three castes),
in conversation, on the road, on a couch, in sitting
(and on similar occasions), shall be flogged.
16. In case (a Sadra) commits homicide or theft,
appropriates land (or commits similar heinous crimes),
his property shall be confiscated and he himself
shall suffer capital punishment.
17. But if these (offences be committed) by a Brahmaza, he shall be made blind (by tying a cloth over
his eyes).
18. He shall keep in secret confinement him who
violates the rules (of his caste or order), or any
other sinner, until (he promises) amendment.
19. If he does not amend, he shall be banished.
20. A spiritual teacher, an officiating priest, a
15. In conversation, i.e. addressing Aryas familiarly, with tvam,
‘thou,’ &c.
17. Haradatta states expressly that the eyes of a Brahmaaa
must not be put out by any sharp instrument. He should be kept
blindfold all his life.
20. ‘The intercession is to take effect in this manner: that
mutilation is commuted to a fine, a fine to a flogging, a flogging
to a reprimand.’—Haradatta.
168 APASTAMBA. II, 11, 28.
Snataka, and a prince shall be able to protect (a
criminal from punishment by their intercession),
except in case of a capital offence.
Prasna II, Parata 11, Kuanpna 28.
168 APASTAMBA. II, 11, 28.
Snataka, and a prince shall be able to protect (a
criminal from punishment by their intercession),
except in case of a capital offence.
Prasna II, Parata 11, Kuanpna 28.
1. If a person who has taken (a lease of) land
(for cultivation) does not exert himself, and hence
(the land) bears no crop, he shall, if he is rich, be
made to pay (to the owner of the land the value of
the crop) that ought to have grown
2. A servant in tillage who abandons his work
shall be flogged.
3. The same (punishment shall be awarded) toa
herdsman (who leaves his work) ;
4. And the flock (entrusted) to him shall be taken
away (and be given to some other herdsman).
5. If cattle, leaving their stable, eat (the crops of
other persons, then the owner of the crops, or the
king’s servants), may make them lean (by impounding them); (but) he shall not exceed (in such
punishment).
28.1. This Sftra shows that the system of leasing land against
a certain share of the crops, which now prevails generally in Native
States, and is not uncommon in private contracts on British territory, was in force in Apastamba’ s times.
2. See Colebrooke, Digest, Book III, Text lxviii, for this Sfitra
and the following two. Another commentator, quoted by Haradatta, connects this Sfitra with the preceding, and refers it to a
poor lessee of land, who cannot pay the value of the crop which
was lost through his negligence. A third explanation refers the
Sfitra to a cultivator who neglects to till his land. Gagannatha’s
authorities, the Kint4mazi and Ratnakara, agree with Haradatta’s
first explanation.
5. Manu VIII, 240; Y4g@. I, 159-16.
IT, 11, 29. CIVIL AND CRIMINAL LAW, 169
6. If (a herdsman) who has taken cattle under
his care, allows them to perish, or loses (them by
theft, through his negligence), he shall replace them
(or pay their value) to the owners.
7. If (the king’s forester) sees cattle that have
been sent into the forest through negligence (without a herdsman), he shall lead them back to the
village and make them over to the owners.
8. If the same negligence (occur) again, he shall
once impound them (and afterwards give them
back).
g. (If the same fault be committed again) after
that (second time), he shall not take care (of them).
10. He who has taken unintentionally the property of another shall be reprimanded, in case (the
property be) fuel, water, roots, flowers, fruits, perfumes, fodder, or vegetables.
11. (If he takes the above-mentioned kinds of
property) intentionally, his garment shall be taken
away.
12. He who takes intentionally food when he is
in danger of his life shall not be punished.
13. If the king does not punish a punishable
offence, the guilt falls upon him.
Prasna II, Parata 11, Kuawpa 29.
1. He who instigates to, he who assists in, and
he who commits (an act, these three) share its
rewards in heaven and its punishments in hell.
2. He amongst these who contributes most to
If the king does not punish a punishable
offence, the guilt falls upon him.
Prasna II, Parata 11, Kuawpa 29.
1. He who instigates to, he who assists in, and
he who commits (an act, these three) share its
rewards in heaven and its punishments in hell.
2. He amongst these who contributes most to
6. Manu VIII, 232; Yaga. II, 164.
13. Manu VIII, 18, 308; Yag@. I, 336.
170 APASTAMBA. IT, rr, 29-
the accomplishment (of the act obtains) a greater
share of the result.
3. Both the wife and the husband have power
over (their) common property.
4. By their permission, others also may act for
their good (in this and the next world, even by
spending money).
5. Men of learning and pure descent, who are
aged, clever in reasoning, and careful in fulfilling
the duties (of their caste and order, shall be the
judges) in lawsuits.
6. In doubtful cases (they shall give their decision) after having ascertained (the truth) by inference, ordeals, and the like (means).
7. A person who is possessed of good qualities
(may be called as a witness, and) shall answer the
questions put to him according to the truth on an
auspicious day, in the morning, before a kindled fire,
standing near (a jar full of) water, in the presence of
the king, and with the consent of all (of both parties
and of the assessors), after having been exhorted (by
the judge) to be fair to both sides.
8. If (he is found out speaking) an untruth, the
king shall punish him.
29. 3. ‘Though this is so, still the wife cannot spend (money)
without the permission of her husband, but the husband can do
(so without the consent of his wife). That may be known by
Sfitra II, 6, 14, 11, “‘ They do not declare it to be a theft if the
wife spends money for a good reason during the absence of her
husband.” ’—Haradatta.
‘ Others, i.e. the sons and the rest.’—Haradatta.
Yaga. II, 2.
‘ And the like, i.e. by cross-examination, &c.’— Haradatta.
Manu VIII, 87 seq.; Yaga. II, 68-75.
Manu VIII, 119g seq.
Sw ANS
IT, 11, 29. CIVIL AND CRIMINAL LAW. 17!
g. Besides, in that case, after death, hell (will be
his punishment).
10. If he speaks the truth, (his reward will be)
heaven and the approbation of all created beings.
11. The knowledge which Sidras and women
possess is the completion (of all study).
12. They declare, that (this knowledge) is a
supplement of the Atharva-veda.
13. It is difficult to learn the sacred law from
(the letter of) the Vedas (only); but by following
the indications it is easily accomplished.
14. The indications for these (doubtful cases are),
‘ He shall regulate his course of action according to
the conduct which is unanimously recognised in all
countries by men of the three twice-born castes, who
have been properly obedient (to their teachers),
who are aged, of subdued senses, neither given to
avarice, nor hypocrites. Acting thus he will gain
both worlds.’
15. Some declare, that the remaining duties
(which have not been taught here) must be learnt
from women and men of all castes.
Acting thus he will gain
both worlds.’
15. Some declare, that the remaining duties
(which have not been taught here) must be learnt
from women and men of all castes.
g. Manu VIII, 89 seq.
ro. Manu VIII, 81 seq.
11. Manu II, 223. The meaning of the Sitra is, that men
ought not to study solely or at first such Sastras as women or
Sfidras also learn, but that at first they must study the Veda. See
Manu II, 168. The knowledge which women and Sfdras possess
is dancing, music, and other branches of the ArthasAstra.
14. See above, I, 7, 20, 8 and 9.
Digitized by G 008 le
GAUTAMA,
INSTITUTES OF THE SACRED LAW.
Digitized by G 008 le
GAUTAMA,
INSTITUTES OF THE SACRED LAW.
tized by Google
GAUTAMA,
INSTITUTES OF THE SACRED LAW.
CHAPTER I.
1. THE Veda is the source of the sacred law,
2. And the tradition and practice of those who
know the (Veda).
3. Transgression of the law and violence are observed (in the case) of (those) great (men) ; but both
are without force (as precedents) on account of the
weakness of the men of later ages.
4. If (authorities) of equal force are conflicting,
(either may be followed at) pleasure.
5. The initiation of a Brahmamza (shall ordinarily
take place) in his eighth year;
I. 1-2. Apastamba I, 1, 1, 1-2.
3. Apastamba II, 6, 13, 8-10. Instances of transgressions of
the law are the adultery of Kataka and Bharadvaga, Vasish¢ha’s
marriage with the Kandali Aksham4la, Rama Gamadagnya’s murder
of his mother. Haradatta explains the term ‘avara,’ translated by
“men of later ages,’ to mean ‘ men like ourselves’ (asmadadi). In
his comment on the parallel passage of Apastamba he renders
it by idanintana, ‘belonging to our times;’ and in his notes on
Apastamba I, 2, 5, 4, he substitutes arvafina kaliyugavartin, ‘men
of modern times living in the Kaliyuga.’ The last explanation
seems to me the most accurate, if it is distinctly kept in mind that
in the times of Gautama the Kaliyuga was not a definite period
of calculated duration, but the Iron Age of sin as opposed to the
happier times when justice still dwelt on earth.
176 GAUTAMA. I, 6.
6. (It may also be performed) in the ninth or
fifth (years) for the fulfilment of (some particular)
wish.
7. The number of years (is to be calculated) from
conception.
8. That (initiation) is the second birth.
g. The (person) from whom he receives that
(sacrament is called) the A#Arya (teacher).
10, And (the same title is also bestowed) in consequence of the teaching of the Veda.
11. (The initiation) of a Kshatriya (shall ordinarily take place) in the eleventh (year after conception), and that of a Vaisya in the twelfth.
12. Up to the sixteenth year the time for the
Savitri of a Brahmamza has not passed,
13. Nor (for the initiation) of a Kshatriya up to
the twentieth (year).
14. (And the limit for that) of a Vaisya (extends)
two years beyond (the latter term).
12. Up to the sixteenth year the time for the
Savitri of a Brahmamza has not passed,
13. Nor (for the initiation) of a Kshatriya up to
the twentieth (year).
14. (And the limit for that) of a Vaisya (extends)
two years beyond (the latter term).
15. The girdles (worn by students) shall be strings
of Muza grass, a bow-string, or a (wool) thread,
according to the order (of the castes).
16. (Their upper garments shall be) skins of
black-bucks, spotted deer, (or) he-goats.
Apastamba I, I, I, 20-21.
Apastamba I, I, I, 1g. 8. Apastamba I, 1, 1, 17-18.
. Apastamba I,1,1,14. 10. Manull, 140; YAagd#avalkya I, 34.
II. Apastamba I, 1, I, 19.
12. Apastamba I, 1, 1, 24. SAvitrt, literally the 2 sacred to
Savitrz, is here used as an equivalent for upanayana, initiation,
because one of the chief objects of the ceremony is to impart to
the neophyte the Mantra sacred to Savitr/, Rig-veda III, 62, ro.
13-14. Apastamba I, 1, 1, 27.
15. Apastamba I, 1, 2, 33-36. 16. Apastamba I, 1, 3, 3-6.
7D
=)
I, 26. INITIATION. 177
17- Hempen or linen cloth, the (inner) bark (of
trees), and woollen blankets (may be worn as lower
garments by students) of all (castes),
18. And undyed cotton cloth.
19. Some (declare that it) even (may be dyed) red.
20. (In that case the garment) of a Braéhmaza
(shall be dyed with a red dye) produced from a tree,
21. (And those of students) of the other two
(castes shall be) dyed with madder or turmeric.
22. The staff (carried by a student) of the Brahmama (caste shall be) made of Bilva or Paldsa wood.
22. Staves made of Asvattha or Pilu wood (are
fit) for (students of) the remaining (two castes).
24. Or (a staff cut from a tree) that is fit to be
used at a sacrifice (may be carried by students) of all
(castes).
25. (The staves must be) unblemished, bent (at the
top) like a sacrificial post, and covered by their bark.
26. They shall reach the crown of the head, the
forehead, (or) the tip of the nose (according to the
caste of the wearer).
17. Haradatta explains ira, the inner bark of a tree, by ‘made
of Kusa grass and the like.” Regarding dresses made of Kusa
grass, see the Petersburg Dict.s.v. Kusafira. ira may also mean
‘rags,’ such as were worn by Sannydsins (see below, III, 19) and
Bauddha ascetics.
19-21. Apastamba I, 1, 2, 41—I, 1, 3, 2.
22, Apastamba I, 1, 2, 38.
24. ‘Because the term “fit to be used at a sacrifice” is employed, the Vibhitaka and the like (unclean trees) are excluded.’—
Haradatta. Regarding the Vibhitaka, see Report of Tour in
Kasmir, Journal Bombay Br. Roy. As. Soc. XXXIV A, p. 8.
25. Manu II, 47. ‘Unblemished means uninjured by worms
and the like.’— Haradatta.
26. Manu II, 46.
[7] N
178 GAUTAMA. I, 24.
27. (It is) optional (for students) to shave (their
heads), to wear the hair tied in a braid, (or) to keep
(merely) a lock on the crown of the head tied ina
braid (shaving the other portions of the head).
26. Manu II, 46.
[7] N
178 GAUTAMA. I, 24.
27. (It is) optional (for students) to shave (their
heads), to wear the hair tied in a braid, (or) to keep
(merely) a lock on the crown of the head tied ina
braid (shaving the other portions of the head).
28. If he becomes impure while holding things
in his hands, he shall (purify himself) by sipping
water without laying (them on the ground).
27. Apastamba I, 1, 2, 31-32. ‘The above translation follows
the reading of my MSS. mundaga/ilasikhagafa va, which seems
more in accordance with the Sfitra style. It must, however, be
understood that the arrangement of the hair is not regulated by the
individual choice of the student, but by the custom of his family,
school, or country. In the commentary, as given by one of my
MSS,, it is stated the custom of shaving the whole head prevailed
among the KAandogas. Max Miiller, History of Ancient Sanskrit
Literature, p. 53; Weber, Indische Studien, X, 95.
28. The above translation agrees with Professor Stenzler’s text
and Manu V, 143. But according to Haradatta the meaning of
the Sfitra is not so simple. His explanation is as follows: ‘If
while holding things in his hands he becomes impure, i.e. he is
defiled by urine, faeces, leavings of food, and the like (impurities)
which are causes for sipping water, then he shall sip water after
placing those things on the ground. This refers to uncooked
food, intended to be eaten. And thus VasishéAa (III, 4, 3, Benares
edition) declares: “If he who is occupied with eatables touches
any impure substance, then he shall place that thing on the ground,
sip water, and afterwards again use it.” But the following text of
another Smrvti, “A substance becomes pure by being sprinkled
with water after having been placed on the ground,” refers to cooked
food, such as boiled rice and the like. Or (the above Satra may
mean), “If he becomes impure while holding things in his hands,
then he shall sip water without laying them on the ground.” And
thus Manu (V, 143) says: “He who carries in any manner anything in his hands and is touched by an impure substance shall
cleanse himself by sipping water without Jaying his burden down.”
This rule refers to things not destined to be eaten, such as garments. And in the (above) Sfitra the words, “He who becomes
impure shall sip water,” must be taken as one sentence, and (the
whole), “If while holding things in his hands he becomes impure,
I, 31. PURIFICATION. 179
29. (As regards) the purification of things, (objects)
made of metal must be scoured, those made of clay
should be thoroughly heated by fire, those made of
wood must be planed, and (cloth) made of thread
should be washed.
30. (Objects made of) stone, jewels, shells, (or)
mother-of-pearl] (must be treated) like those made of
metal.
31. (Objects made of) bone and mud (must be
treated) like wood.
he shall sip water without laying (them) down,” must be taken as
a second.’
30. (Objects made of) stone, jewels, shells, (or)
mother-of-pearl] (must be treated) like those made of
metal.
31. (Objects made of) bone and mud (must be
treated) like wood.
he shall sip water without laying (them) down,” must be taken as
a second.’
Though it may be doubted if the yogavibh4ga, or ‘ division of the
construction,’ proposed by Haradatta, is admissible, still it seems
to me not improbable that Gautama intended his Sfitra to be
taken in two different ways. For, if according to the ancient
custom it is written without an Avagraha and without separating
the words joined by Sandhi, dravyahasta ukshish/onidhay4kamet, the latter group may either stand for ué&hishfo nidhaya
akamet or for ukkhish/o anidhaya akamet. As the Sfitrakaras aim before all things at brevity, the SQtra may have to be
read both ways. If that had to be done, the correct translation
would be: ‘If while holding things in his hands, he becomes
impure, he shall (purify himself by) sipping water, either laying
(his burden) down (or) not laying it down, (as the case may
require.) ’
29. Apastamba I, 5, 17, 10-12; Manu V, 115, 122.
30. Manu V, 111-112.
31. ‘Bone, i.e. ivory and the like. Mud, i.e. (the mud floor
of) a house and the like. The purification of these two is the
same as that of wood, i.e. by scraping (or planing). How is
it proper that, since the author has declared (Sftra 29) that
objects made of wood shall be purified by planing, the expression “like wood” should be substituted (in this Stra)? (The
answer is that), as the author uses the expression “like wood,”
when he ought to have said “like objects made of wood,”
he indicates thereby that the manner of purification is the same
for the material as for the object made thereof.’—Haradatta. The
N 2
180 GAUTAMA. I, 32.
32. And scattering (earth taken from a pure spot
is another method of purifying defiled) earth.
33. Ropes, chips (of bamboo), and leather (must
be treated) like garments.
34. Or (objects) that have been defiled very
much may be thrown away.
35. Turning his face to the east or to the north,
he shall purify himself from personal defilement.
36. Seated in a pure place, placing his right arm
between his knees, arranging his dress (or his
Sfitra is, therefore, a so-called G#Apaka, intended to reveal the
existence of a general rule or paribhasha which has not been
given explicitly.
32. ‘Scattering over, i.e. heaping on (earth) after bringing it
from another spot is an additional method of purifying earth.
With regard to this matter Vasish/ha (III, 57) says: “Earth
is purified by these four (methods, viz.) by digging, burning,
scraping, being trodden on by cows, and, fifthly, by being smeared
with cowdung.” ’—Haradatta.
With regard to this matter Vasish/ha (III, 57) says: “Earth
is purified by these four (methods, viz.) by digging, burning,
scraping, being trodden on by cows, and, fifthly, by being smeared
with cowdung.” ’—Haradatta.
What Haradatta and probably Gautama mean, is that the mud
floors of houses, verandahs, and spots of ground selected for
sitting on, if defiled, should be scraped, and that afterwards fresh
earth should be scattered over the spot thus cleansed. See,
however, Manu V, 125, who recommends earth for the purification
of other things also. The Sfitra may also be interpreted so as
to agree with his rule.
33- ‘Chips (vidala), i.e. something made of chips of ratan-cane
or bamboo, or, according to others, something made of feathers.’ —
Haradatta.
34. ‘The word “or” is used in order to exclude the alternative
(i.e. the methods of purification described above).’—Haradatta.
For the explanation of the expression ‘very much’ Haradatta refers
to Vasish¢fa III, 58, with which Manu V, 123 may be compared.
35- ‘The alternative (position) depends on the pleasure of the
performer.’—Haradatta.
36. My MSS. more conveniently make five Sfitras of Professor
Stenzler’s one Sfitra. The divisions have been marked in the
translation by semicolons.
a. ‘How many times? Three times or four times; the alter-
T, 40. PURIFICATION. ; 181
sacrificial cord) in the manner required for a sacrifice
to the gods, he shall, after washing his hands up to
the wrist, three or four times, silently, sip water that
reaches his heart; twice wipe (his lips); sprinkle his
feet and (his head); touch the cavities in the head
(severally) with (certain fingers of his) right hand;
(and finally) place (all the fingers) on the crown of
his head and (on the navel).
37. After sleeping, dining, and sneezing (he shall)
again (sip water though he may have done so before).
38. (Remnants of food) adhering to the teeth (do
not make the eater impure as little) as his teeth,
except if he touches them with his tongue.
39. Some (declare, that such remnants do not
defile) before they fall (from their place).
40. If they do become detached, he should know
that he is purified by merely swallowing them, as
(in the case of) saliva.
native depends upon the pleasure of the performer. Another
(commentator says): When, according to a special rule of the
Vedas the sipping must be accompanied by the recitation of
sacred texts, then the act shall be repeated four times, else three
times.’—Haradatta.
6. The custom of touching the lips twice is noted as the
opinion of some, by Apastamba I, 5, 16, 4.
c. ‘“ Sprinkle his feet and.” On account of the word “and”
he shall sprinkle his head also.’—Haradatta.
d. ‘Touch the cavities,” &c. Here the word “and” indicates
that each organ is to be touched separately. ’—Haradatta. Regarding the manner of touching, see Apastamba I, 5, 16, 5 and 7 note,
c. ‘“ Sprinkle his feet and.” On account of the word “and”
he shall sprinkle his head also.’—Haradatta.
d. ‘Touch the cavities,” &c. Here the word “and” indicates
that each organ is to be touched separately. ’—Haradatta. Regarding the manner of touching, see Apastamba I, 5, 16, 5 and 7 note,
e. ‘“(And finally) place,” &c. Because the word “and” is used,
he shall touch the navel and the head with all the fingers.’—
Haradatta. Regarding the whole Azamanakalpa, see Apastamba
I, 5, 16, 1 seq.
37. Manu V, 145. 38. Manu V, 141.
39. VasishéAa III, 41.
40. ‘As the author ought to have said, “If they become de-
182 GAUTAMA. T, 41.
41. Drops (of saliva) falling from the mouth do
not cause impurity, except if they fall on a limb of
the body.
42. Purification (from defilement) by unclean substances (has been effected) when the stains and the
(bad) smell have been removed.
43. That (should be done) by first (using) water
and (afterwards) earth,
44. When urine, feeces, or semen fall on a (limb)
and when (a limb) is stained (by food) during meals
(water should be sipped).
45. And in case the Veda ordains (a particular
manner of purification, it must be performed according to the precept).
46. Taking hold with (his right) hand of the left
tached, he is purified by merely swallowing them,” the addition of
the words “he should know” and “as in the case of saliva” is
intended to indicate that in the case of saliva, too, he becomes
pure by swallowing it, and that purification by sipping need not be
considered necessary.—Haradatta. This Sftra consists of the
second half of a verse, quoted by Baudhayana I, 5, 8, 25, and
Vasishtha Ill, 41.
41. Apastamba I, 5, 16, 12.
42. In explanation of the term amedhya, ‘unclean substances,’
Haradatta quotes Manu V, 1 35.
43- Manu V, 134; see also Apastamba I, 5, 16, 15.
44. Apastamba I, 5, 16, 14.
45. ‘Ifthe Veda ordains any particular manner of purification
for any particular purpose, that alone must be adopted. Thus the
sacrificial vessels called Aamasa, which have been stained by remnants of offerings, must be washed with water on the heap of earth
called marg4liya.’— Haradatta.
46. This and the following rules refer chiefly to the teaching
of the Savitri, which forms part of the initiation. According to
Gobhila Grzhya-sfitra II, 10, 38, the complete sentence addressed
to the teacher is, ‘ Venerable Sir, recite! May the worshipful one
teach me the Savitri.’
T, 54. STUDENTSHIP. 183
hand (of his teacher), but leaving the thumb free,
(the pupil) shall address his teacher, (saying):
‘Venerable Sir, recite!’
47. He shall fix his eyes and his mind on the
(teacher).
48. He shall touch with Kusa grass the (seat of
the) vital airs.
49. He shall thrice restrain his breath for (the
space of) fifteen moments ;
50. And he shall seat himself on (blades of Kusa
grass) the tops of which are turned toward the east.
51. The five Vy4hvztis must (each) be preceded
by (the syllable) Om and end with Satya.
49. He shall thrice restrain his breath for (the
space of) fifteen moments ;
50. And he shall seat himself on (blades of Kusa
grass) the tops of which are turned toward the east.
51. The five Vy4hvztis must (each) be preceded
by (the syllable) Om and end with Satya.
52. (Every) morning the feet of the teacher must
be embraced (by the pupil),
53. And both at the beginning and at the end of
a lesson in the Veda.
54. After having received permission, the pupil
47. Apastamba I, 2, 5, 23; I, 2,6, 20; Manu II, 192.
48. ‘ The (seat of the) vital airs are the organs of sense located
in the head. The pupil shall touch these, his own (organs of sense)
located in the head, in the order prescribed for the Akamana (see
Apastamba I, 5, 16, 7 note).’—Haradatta. See also Manu II, 75.
49. ‘Passing one’s hand along the side of the knee, one will fill
the space of one Trufka. That is one moment (méatra).’—Haradatta. Manu II, 75.
50. Manu II, 75.
51. ‘In the Vy4hriti-simans (see Burnell, Arsheya-br., Index
s.v.) five Vyahretis are mentioned, viz. Bhi, Bhuvah, Svah, Satyam,
Purushak. Each of these is to be preceded by the syllable Om. But
they are to end with Purusha&, which (in the above enumeration)
occupies the fourth place. ’—Haradatta. See also Manu II, 75 seq.
52-53. Apastamba I, 2, 5, 18-20.
54. Apastamba I, 2, 6,24; Manu II, 193. ‘“ Turning his face
towards the east or towards the north.” This alternative depends
upon (the nature of) the business.’—Haradatta.
184 GAUTAMA. T, 55.
shall sit down to the right (of his teacher), turning
his face towards the east or towards the north,
55. And the Savitri must be recited ;
56. (All these acts must be performed) at the
beginning of the instruction in the Veda.
57. The syllable Om (must precede the recitation
of) other (parts of the Veda) also,
58. If (any one) passes between (the teacher and
the pupil) the worship (of the teacher must be
performed) once more.
59. If a dog, an ichneumon, a snake, a frog, (or)
a cat (pass between the teacher and the pupil) a
three days’ fast and a journey (are necessary).
55. Manu II, 77.
56. ‘All those acts beginning with the touching of the organs
of sense with Kusa grass and ending with the recitation of the
Savitri, which have been prescribed (Sftras 48-57‘, must be performed before the pupil begins to study the Veda with his teacher, but
should not be repeated daily. After the initiation follows the study of
the Savitri. The touching of the organs of sense and the other
(acts mentioned) form part of this (study). But the rules prescribed
in the three Sftras, the first of which is Sftra 52, and the rule to
direct the eye and mind towards the teacher (Sftra 47), must be
constantly kept in mind. This decision is confirmed by the rules
of other Smrvtis and of the Grzhya-sfitras..—Haradatta.
57- Apastamba I, 4, 13, 6-7.
This decision is confirmed by the rules
of other Smrvtis and of the Grzhya-sfitras..—Haradatta.
57- Apastamba I, 4, 13, 6-7.
58. ‘The worship of the teacher (upasadana) consists in the performance of the acts prescribed in Sftras 46-57, with the exception
of the study of the Savitrt and the acts belonging to that. The
meaning of the Sfitra is that, though the worship of the teacher may
have already been performed in the morning of that day, it must,
nevertheless, be repeated for the reason stated.’—Haradatta.
59. ‘A journey (vipravdsa) means residence in some other place
than the teacher’s house. —Haradatta. The commentator adds
that the somewhat different rule, given by Manu IV, 126, may be
reconciled with the above, by referring the former to the study for
the sake of remembering texts recited by the teacher (dh4ramddhyayana), and the latter to the first instruction in the sacred texts.
II, 1. UNINITIATED PERSONS. 185
60. (In case the same event happens) with other
(animals, the pupil) must thrice restrain his breath
and eat clarified butter,
61. And (the same expiation must be performed),
if (unwittingly) a lesson in the Veda has been given
on the site of a burial-ground.
CHAPTER II,
1. Before initiation (a child) may follow its
inclinations in behaviour, speech, and eating. (It
shall) not partake of offerings. (It shall remain)
chaste. It may void urine and feces according to
its convenience.
60. ‘This penance must be performed by the pupil, not by the
teacher. Others declare that both shall perform it. —Haradatta.
61. See also Apastamba I, 3,9, 6-8. The last clauses of this
and all succeeding chapters are repeated in order to indicate that
the chapter is finished.
II. 1. In concluding the explanation of this Sfitra, Haradatta
states that its last clause is intended to give an instance of the
freedom of behaviour permitted to a child. In his opinion Gautama
indicates thereby that a person who, before initiation, drinks
spirituous liquor, commits murder or other mortal sins, becomes
an outcast, and is liable to perform the penances prescribed for
initiated sinners. In support of this view he quotes a passage,
taken from an unnamed Smriti, according to which the parents
or other relatives of children between five and eleven years are
to perform penances vicariously for the latter, while children
between eleven and fifteen years are declared to be liable to half
the penances prescribed for initiated adults. Hence he infers that
though the above text of Gautama speaks of uninitiated persons
in general, its provisions really apply to children under five years
of age only. Though it would seem that some of Gautama’s rules
refer to half-grown persons rather than to infants or very young
boys, it is impossible to assume that Gautama meant to give full
licence of behaviour, speech, and eating to Brahmazas who were not
186 GAUTAMA., II, 2.
Though it would seem that some of Gautama’s rules
refer to half-grown persons rather than to infants or very young
boys, it is impossible to assume that Gautama meant to give full
licence of behaviour, speech, and eating to Brahmazas who were not
186 GAUTAMA., II, 2.
2. No rule of (purification by) sipping water is
prescribed for it. But (the stains of impure substances) shall be removed by wiping, by washing,
or by sprinkling water.
3. (Other persons) cannot be defiled by the touch
of such (a child).
4. But one must not employ a (child) to perform
oblations in the fire or Bali-offerings ;
5. Nor must one make it recite Vedic texts,
except in pronouncing Svadha.
6. The restrictive rules, (which will be enumerated
hereafter, must be obeyed) after initiation,
7. And (for a student the duty of) chastity, which
has been prescribed (above for a child is likewise
obligatory),
8. (Also) to offer (daily) sacred fuel in the fire,
and to beg, to speak the truth, (and) to bathe
(daily).
initiated before their sixteenth year, or to Kshatriyas and Vaisyas
up to the age of twenty and twenty-two. It seems more likely
that, as Haradatta thinks, his rules are meant in the first instance
for infants and very young children only, and that he intended
the special cases of half-grown or nearly grown up boys to be
dealt with according to the custom of the family or of the
country.
2. Haradatta points out that the Sfitra does not forbid uninitiated persons to sip water, but that it merely denies the applicability of the rules (kalpa) given above, I, 36. Uninitiated persons
may, therefore, sip water in the manner practised by women and
Sfdras,
4. Apastamba II, 6, 15, 18; Manu XI, 36.
5. ‘The expression “ pronouncing Svadha” includes by implication the performance of all funeral rites.’—-Haradatta.
7. Apastamba I, 1, 2, 26.
8. Apastamba I, 1, 4, 14-17; I, 1, 3, 25; I, 1, 2, 28-30;
Manu II, 176.
II, 15. STUDENTSHIP. 187
9. Some (declare, that the duty) to bathe (exists)
after (the performance of) the GodAna (only).
10. And the morning and evening devotions
(SandhyA must be performed) outside (the village).
11, Silent he shall stand during the former, and
sit during the latter, from (the time when one) light
(is still visible) until (the other) light (appears).
12. He shall not look at the sun.
13. He shall avoid honey, meat, perfumes, garlands, sleep in the day-time, ointments, collyrium, a
carriage, shoes, a parasol, love, anger, covetousness,
perplexity, garrulity, playing musical instruments,
bathing (for pleasure), cleaning the teeth, elation,
dancing, singing, calumny, (and) terror,
14. (And) in the presence of his Gurus, covering
his throat, crossing his legs, leaning (against a wall
or the like, and) stretching out his feet,
15. (As well as) spitting, laughing, yawning,
cracking the joints of the fingers,
g. Regarding the sacrament called Godana, see Gobhila Grzhyasftra I, 9, 26.
10. Apastamba I, 11, 30, 8.
(As well as) spitting, laughing, yawning,
cracking the joints of the fingers,
g. Regarding the sacrament called Godana, see Gobhila Grzhyasftra I, 9, 26.
10. Apastamba I, 11, 30, 8.
11. ‘From (the time when one) light (is still visible,’ &c.), i.e. in
the morning from the time when the stars are still visible until
the sun rises, and in the evening from the time when the sun
still stands above the horizon until the stars appear. Haradatta
observes that, as Manu II, ro2 prescribes the recitation of the
Gayatrt during the morning and evening devotions, either his or
Gautama’s rule may be followed. He adds that another commentator refers the injunction to keep silence to conversations
on worldly matters only. He himself has adopted this view in
his commentary on Apastamba I, 11, 30, 8
12, Apastamba I, II, 31, 18.
13. Apastamba I, I, 2, 23-28; 1, 1, 3, 11-14, 20-24; I, 2, 7, 5
14. Apastamba I, 2, 6, 3, 14,17-18. The term Guru includes,
besides Ahe teacher, the parents and other venerable persons.
15. Apastamba I, 2, 7, 6-7; II, 2, 5,9. Haradatta observes
188 GAUTAMA. II, 16.
16. To gaze at and to touch women, if there is
danger of a breach of chastity,
17. Gambling, low service, to take things not
offered, to injure animate beings,
18. To pronounce the names of the teacher, of
the (teacher's) sons and wives, and of a person
who has performed the Dikshaziyesh¢i of a Somasacrifice,
19. To make bitter speeches.
20. A Br&hmawa (shall) always (abstain from)
spirituous liquor.
21. (A student) shall occupy a seat and a couch
lower (than those of his teacher), shall rise before
(him) and retire to rest after (him).
22. He shall keep his tongue, his arms, and his
stomach in subjection.
23. (If it is absolutely necessary to pronounce)
that this Stra again contains a general rule, and does not merely
refer to the presence of Gurus.
16. Apastamba I, 2, 7, 3, 8-10.
17. Apastamba I, 1, 3,12. ‘“‘Low service,” i.e. service by wiping
off urine, faeces, and the like... . That is not even to be performed
for the teacher. Or the expression may mean that he shall not
serve a teacher deficient in learning and virtue. The same
opinion is expressed by Apastamba I, 1, 1, 11.’—Haradatta.
18. Manu II, 199. 19. Apastamba I, 2, 7, 24.
20. ‘A Brahmana shall avoid it always, i.e. even as a householder; Kshatriyas and Vaisyas need do it only as long as they
are students. But in their case, too, they forbid the use of
liquor distilled from bruised rice, under all circumstances.’—
Haradatta.
21. Apastamba I, 1, 2, 21; I, 1, 4, 22, 28.
22. Apastamba I, 1, 3, 13. ‘Keeping his arms in subjection
means that he shall not (without a cause) break clods of earth
and the like. Keeping his stomach in subjection, i.e. eating with
moderation.’— Haradatta.
23. ‘He shall indicate it by another synonymous word,
IT, 29. STUDENTSHIP. 189
his teacher's name and family-name, he ought to
indicate it by (using) a synonymous term.
Keeping his stomach in subjection, i.e. eating with
moderation.’— Haradatta.
23. ‘He shall indicate it by another synonymous word,
IT, 29. STUDENTSHIP. 189
his teacher's name and family-name, he ought to
indicate it by (using) a synonymous term.
24. (He must speak) in the same (respectful)
manner of a man who is (generally) revered and
of his betters.
25. (If the teacher speaks to him), he shall answer
after having risen from his couch or seat (in case
he was lying down or sitting).
26. At the command (of his teacher) he shall
approach, though the (teacher) may not be visible.
27. And if he sees his teacher standing or sitting
in a lower place or to the leeward or to the windward, he shall rise (and change his position).
28. If (his teacher) is walking, he shall walk
after him, informing him of the work (which he
is going to do and) telling (him what he has done).
29. He shall study after having been called (by
the teacher, and not request the latter to begin
the lesson).
e.g. instead of saying, ‘‘ Haradatta (given by Hara),” he shall say,
“the venerable Bhavarata (given by Bhava).” ’—Haradatta.
25. Apastamba I, 2, 6, 5-7.
26. He must not think that, as the teacher cannot sce him,
he need not obey the summons.
27. Apastamba I, 2, 6, 15, 23.
28. ‘Work (karma) means performance. The meaning is that
the pupil shall announce to his teacher the performance of all
he is going to do. But what is useful for the teacher, as fetching
water and the like, he shall inform him of the performance of
that, i.e. knowing himself (without being told) that such work is
necessary at a particular time (and acting on this knowledge).
Any other explanation of this Satra does not please me. ’—Haradatta. See also Apastamba I, 2, 6, 8. My MSS. divide this Satra
into two, beginning the second with ‘Informing’ &c. Haradatta’s
final remark, quoted above, seems to indicate that the division
was intended by him.
29. Apastamba I, 2, 5, 26.
190 GAUTAMA. II, 30.
30. He shall be intent on (doing) what is pleasing
and serviceable (to the teacher) ;
31. And (he shall behave) towards (the teacher's)
wives and sons just as (towards the teacher),
32. But not eat their leavings, attend them while
bathing, assist them at their toilet, wash their feet,
shampoo them nor embrace their feet.
33. On returning from a journey he shall embrace
the feet of the wives of his teacher.
34. Some declare, that (a pupil) who has attained
his majority is not (to act thus) towards young
(wives of his teacher).
35. Alms may be accepted from men of all castes,
excepting Abhisastas and outcasts.
36. (In begging) the word ‘Lady’ must be pronounced in the beginning, in the middle, or at the
end (of the request), according to the order of the
castes.
37. (He may beg in the houses) of the teacher,
of blood relations, (or) of Gurus, and in his own, if
he obtains no (alms) elsewhere.
30. Apastamba I, 1, 4, 23.
31. Apastamba I, 2, 7, 27, 30; Manu II, 207-212.
37. (He may beg in the houses) of the teacher,
of blood relations, (or) of Gurus, and in his own, if
he obtains no (alms) elsewhere.
30. Apastamba I, 1, 4, 23.
31. Apastamba I, 2, 7, 27, 30; Manu II, 207-212.
34. ‘One who has attained his majority, i.e. one who has completed his sixteenth year and is (already) a youth.’ —Haradatta.
35. Haradatta explains abhisasta by upapatakin, ‘one who has
committed a minor offence,’ apparently forgetting Apastamba I, 7,
21,7. See also Apastamba I, 1, 3, 25.
36. Apastamba I, 1, 3, 28-30, where the formulas have been
given in the notes. Haradatta remarks that the Gaimini Grthyasiitra forbids the lengthening or drawling pronunciation of the
syllables ksham and hi in begging. Baudhayana I, 2, 3, 16
likewise forbids it. In the text read varn4nupfrvyeza.
37. Manu II, 184. It is just possible that the translation
ought to be ‘in the houses of his teacher's blood relations,’
instead of ‘in the houses of his teacher (and) of blood relations.’
II. 48. STUDENTSHIP. IgI
38. Among these he shall avoid each preceding
one (more carefully than those named later).
39. Having announced to the teacher (what he
has received) and having received his permission,
the (student) may eat (the collected food).
40. If (the teacher) is not present, (he shall seek
the permission to eat) from his (teacher’s) wives or
sons, from fellow-students or virtuous (strangers).
41. Having placed water by his side, (he shall
eat) in silence, contented, (and) without greed.
42. (As a rule) a pupil shall not be punished
corporally.
43. If no (other course) is possible, (he may be
corrected) with a thin rope or a thin cane.
44. If (the teacher) strikes him with any other
(instrument), he shall be punished by the king.
45. He shall remain a student for twelve years
in order (to study) one (recension of the Veda),
46. Or, if (he studies) all (the Vedas) twelve
years for each,
47. Or during (as long a period as he requires
for) learning (them).
48. On completion of the instruction the teacher
must be offered a fee.
38. The meaning of the Sfitra is, that if a student does not
obtain anything from strangers, he shall first go to his own
family, next to the houses of Gurus, i.e. paternal and maternal
uncles and other venerable relatives, then to his other blood
relations, i.e. Sapindas, and in case of extreme necessity only
apply to the teacher’s wife.
39. Apastamba I, 1, 3, 31-32.
40, Apastamba I, 1, 3, 33-34- 41. Manu II, 53-54.
42. Apastamba I, 2, 8, 29; Macnaghten, Mitakshara IV, 1, 9.
43. Manu VIII, 299. 45-47- Apastamba I, 1, 2, 12-16.
48. Apastamba I, 2, 7, 19. .
192 GAUTAMA. IT, 49.
49. After (the pupil) has paid (that) and has
been dismissed, he may, at his pleasure, bathe (as
is customary on completion of the studentship).
50. The teacher is chief among all Gurus.
51. Some (say) that the mother (holds that |
place).
Cuapter III.
.
192 GAUTAMA. IT, 49.
49. After (the pupil) has paid (that) and has
been dismissed, he may, at his pleasure, bathe (as
is customary on completion of the studentship).
50. The teacher is chief among all Gurus.
51. Some (say) that the mother (holds that |
place).
Cuapter III.
Some (declare, that) he (who has studied the
Veda) may make his choice (which) among the
orders (he is going to enter).
(The four orders are, that of) the student,
(that of) the householder, (that of) the ascetic
(bhikshu), (and that of) the hermit in the woods
(vaikhanasa).
49. Apastamba I, 2, 8, 30. 50. Manu II, 225-237.
III. 1. Other Smritikdras maintain that a Brahmava must pass
through all the four orders. Compare Apastamba II, 9, 21, 5;
Manu VI, 34-38; and the long discussion on the comparative
excellence of the orders of householders and of ascetics. Apastamba II, 9, 23, 3—II, 9, 24, 14.
2. ‘ Though the order of studentship has already been described
above, still in the following chapter the rules for a professed
(naish¢hika) student will be given (and it had therefore again to
be mentioned). Bhikshu has generally been translated by ascetic
(sannydsin). Vaikhdnasa, literally, he who lives according to the
‘rule promulgated by Vikhanas, means hermit. For that (sage) has
chiefly taught that order. In all other SAstras (the order of) hermits
is the third, and (the order of) ascetics the fourth. Here a different
arrangement is adopted. The reason of the displacement of the
hermit is that the author considers the first-named three orders
preferable. Hence if a man chooses to pass through all four,
the sequence is that prescribed in other Sdstras,’—Haradatta.
In making these statements the commentator has apparently
forgotten that Apastamba (II, 9, 21, 1) agrees exactly with Gautama. It is, however, very probable that Haradatta has given
correctly the reason why the hermit is placed last by our author
and by Apastamba.
III, 13. ASCETIC. 193
3. The householder is the source of these, because
the others do not produce offspring.
4. Among them a (professed) student (must follow
the rules) given (in the preceding chapters).
5. He shall remain obedient to his teacher until
(his) end.
6. In (the time) remaining after (he has attended
to) the business of his Guru, he shall recite (the
Veda).
7. If the Guru dies, he shall serve his son,
8. (Or) if there is no (son of the teacher), an
older fellow-student, or the fire.
9. He who lives thus, gains the heaven of Brahman, and (of him it is said that) he has subdued
his organs (of sense and action).
10. And these (restrictions imposed on students
must also be observed by men) of other (orders,
provided they are) not opposed (to their particular
duties).
11. An ascetic shall not possess (any) store.
12. (He must be) chaste,
13. He must not change his residence during the
rainy season.
3. Manu VI, 87. 4. Apastamba I, 1, 4, 29.
5. Apastamba II, 9, 21, 6.
11. An ascetic shall not possess (any) store.
12. (He must be) chaste,
13. He must not change his residence during the
rainy season.
3. Manu VI, 87. 4. Apastamba I, 1, 4, 29.
5. Apastamba II, 9, 21, 6.
6. According to Haradatta the term Guru here includes the father.
But see the next Sfitra, where Guru can only mean the teacher.
10. Apastamba II, 9, 21, 3-4. My MSS. have uttaresham, ‘ of
the later named,’ instead of itaresham, ‘ of the other’ (orders), both
in the Sftra and in subsequent quotations of the same.
Ir. Apastamba II, 9, 21,8-10; Manu VI, 41-43; Colebrooke,
Mitakshara II, 8, 7.
13. This rule shows that the Vasso of the Bauddhas and Gainas
is also derived from a Brahmanical source ; see also Baudhayana
II, 6, 11, 20.
[2] 0
194 GAUTAMA. III, 14.
14. He shall enter a village (only) in order to beg.
15. He shall beg late (after people have finished
their meals), without returning (twice),
16. Abandoning (all) desire (for sweet food).
17. He shall restrain his speech, his eyes, (and)
his actions.
18. He shall wear a cloth to cover his nakedness,
19. Some (declare, that he shall wear) an old rag,
after having washed it.
20. He shall not take parts of plants and trees,
except such as have become detached (spontaneously).
21. Out of season he shall not dwell a second
night in (the same) village.
22. He may either shave or wear a lock on the
crown of the head.
23. He shall avoid the destruction of seeds.
24. (He shall be) indifferent towards (all) creatures, (whether they do him) an injury or a kindness.
25. He shall not undertake (anything for his
temporal or spiritual welfare).
15. Manu VI, 55-56.
19. Apastamba II, 9, 21, 11.
20. ‘ He shall not appropriate, i.e. take parts of these, ie. fruits,
leaves, and the like, which have not been detached, i.e. have not
fallen off. But he may take what has become detached spontaneously.’-—Haradatta,
21. Out of season, i.e, except in the rainy season, during which,
according to Stra 13, an ascetic must not wander about.
23. ‘He shall avoid, i.e. neither himself nor by the agency of
others cause the destruction, i.e. the pounding by means of a pestle
or the like, of seeds, i.e. raw rice and the like. Hence he shall
accept as alms cooked food only, not rice and the like.’—Haradatta.
IIT, 35. HERMIT. 195
26. A hermit (shall live) in the forest subsisting
on roots and fruits, practising austerities.
27. Kindling the fire according to the (rule of
the) Sramazaka (Sdtra, he shall offer oblations in
the morning and evening).
28. He shall eat wild-growing (vegetables only).
29. He shall worship gods, manes, men, goblins,
and Azshis.
30. He shall receive hospitably (men of) all
(castes) except those (with whom intercourse is)
forbidden.
31. He may even use the flesh of animals killed
by carnivorous beasts.
32. He shall not step on ploughed (land),
33. And he shall not enter a village.
34. He shall wear (his hair in) braids, and dress
in (garments made of) bark and skins.
31. He may even use the flesh of animals killed
by carnivorous beasts.
32. He shall not step on ploughed (land),
33. And he shall not enter a village.
34. He shall wear (his hair in) braids, and dress
in (garments made of) bark and skins.
35. He shall not eat anything that has been
hoarded for more than a year.
26. Apastamba II, 9, 21, 18—II, 9, 23, 2. ‘ Austerities (tapas)
means emaciating his body.’—Haradatta.
27. ‘He shall offer oblations in the morning and evening,’
(these words), though not expressed, are understood.
2g. I.e. he shall perform the five Mahayagéas, just like a householder, only using wild-growing fruits, roots, &c., for the oblations.
31. ‘They declare, that baishka means the flesh of an animal,
slain by a tiger or the like. He may use even that. The word
‘‘even” implies blame. Hence this is a rule for times of distress,
and it must be understood that such food is to be eaten only
on failure of roots and fruits and the like’—Haradatta. The
commentator adds that the flesh of forbidden animals must be
avoided.
. 34. According to Haradatta the lower garment shall be made of
Aira, which he again explains as cloth made of Kusa grass and the
like, and the upper of a skin.
35. Haradatta reads atisamvatsaram, not atisdmvatsaram, as in
02
196 GAUTAMA. II, 36.
36. But the venerable teacher (prescribes) one
order only, because the order of householders is
explicitly prescribed (in the Vedas).
Cuapter IV.
‘1. A householder shall take a wife (of) equal
(caste), who has not belonged to another man and
is younger (than himself).
2. A marriage (may be contracted) between persons who have not the same Pravaras,
3. (And) who are not related within six degrees
on the father’s side,
4. Or on the side of the begetter,
Professor Stenzler’s edition, though he notices the latter reading.
Manu VI, 15.
36. ‘The duties of a householder, the Agnihotra, and the like,
are frequently prescribed and praised in all Vedas, DharmasAstras,
and Itihdsas. As, therefore, the order of householders is explicitly
prescribed, this alone is the order (obligatory on all men). But the
other orders are prescribed only for those unfit for the (duties of
a householder). That is the opinion of many teachers. —Haradatta.
Haradatta’s explanation of 444ry4h, which he takes to mean ‘ many
teachers,’ seems to me inadmissible. Eke, ‘some (teachers),’ is
used in that sense, and 4éiryaA cannot possibly be a synonymous
term. Further on (IV, 23) Haradatta himself admits that by
akaryah one teacher is meant. It must be translated ‘ the venerable
teacher,’ because the Hindus are very fond of the use of the pluralis
majestatis. I have no doubt that Gautama means his own teacher,
whom, of course, etiquette forbids him to name. See also R. Garbe,
Ucbersetzung des Vaitana-sftra, I, 3.
IV. 1. Apastamba Il, 6, 13,1; Manu III, 4, 12; '; Yaga. J, 52.
2. Regarding the Pravaras, see ’ Max Miiller’s History of Ancient
Sanskrit Literature, p. 386. Apastamba II, 5, 11, 15.
See also R. Garbe,
Ucbersetzung des Vaitana-sftra, I, 3.
IV. 1. Apastamba Il, 6, 13,1; Manu III, 4, 12; '; Yaga. J, 52.
2. Regarding the Pravaras, see ’ Max Miiller’s History of Ancient
Sanskrit Literature, p. 386. Apastamba II, 5, 11, 15.
3. Apastamba II, s, 11, 16; Manu III, 5; Yaga. I, 52.
4. This rule refers to the case where a husband has made over his wife to another man and the bridegroom stands in the relation
of a son to the husband of his mother and to his natural father
(dvipita). See Yaga. I, 68.
IV, 15. HOUSEHOLDER. 197
5. (Nor) within four degrees on the mother's
side.
6. (If the father) gives (his daughter) dressed
(in two garments) and decked with ornaments to
a person possessing (sacred) learning, of virtuous
conduct, who has relatives and a (good) disposition,
(that is a) Brahma (wedding).
7. At the Pragapatya (wedding) the marriageformula is, ‘ Fulfil ye the law conjointly.’
8. At the Arsha (wedding the bridegroom) shall
present a cow and a bull to him who has (authority
over) the maiden.
9. (If the bride) is given, decked with ornaments,
to a priest at the altar, that is a Daiva wedding.
10. The spontaneous union with a willing (maiden
is called) a Gandharva wedding.
11. If those who have (authority over) a female
are propitiated by money, (that is) an Asura wedding.
12. (If the bride) is taken by force, (that is)
a R&kshasa wedding.
13. If (a man) embraces a female deprived of
consciousness, (that is) a Pais&é#a wedding.
14. The first four (rites) are lawful ;
15. Some say, (the first) six.
5. Yaga. I, 53.
6. Apastamba II, 5, 11, 17. ‘Virtuous conduct (é4ritra), i.e.
the performance of the acts prescribed (in the Vedas and Smritis),
. . +. good disposition (sila), i.e. faith in the ordinances of the
law.’—Haradatta.
7. Manu III, 30; Yaga. I, 60.
8. Apastamba II, 5, 11, 18. 9. Apastamba Il, 5, 11, 19.
10. Apastamba II, 5, 11, 20. 11. Apastamba Il, 5, 12, 1.
12. Apastamba II, 5, 12, 2. 13. Manu III, 34; Yag#.I, 61.
14. Manu III, 24, 39. 15. Manu III, 23.
198 GAUTAMA. IV, 16.
16. (Children) born in the regular order of
wives of the next, second or third lower castes
(become) Savarnas, Ambash¢das, Ugras, Nishddas,
Daushyantas or Parasavas.
17. (Children born) in the inverted order (of
wives of higher castes become) Sfitas, MAgadhas,
Ayogavas, Kshattvzs, Vaidehakas or KandAlas.
18. Some declare, that a woman of the Brahmaza
caste has born successively to (husbands of) the (four)
castes, sons (who are) Brahmamas, Sitas, M4gadhas
or KandAlas ;
19. (And that) a woman of the Kshatriya caste
(has born) to the same, MardhAvasiktas, Kshatriyas,
Dhivaras, Pulkasas ;
20. Further, a woman of the Vaisya caste to
the same, Bhvzgyakazthas, M4hishyas, Vaisyas, and
Vaidehas ;
21. (And) a woman of the Sidra caste to the
same, Parasavas, Yavanas, Karamas, and Sddras.
Further, a woman of the Vaisya caste to
the same, Bhvzgyakazthas, M4hishyas, Vaisyas, and
Vaidehas ;
21. (And) a woman of the Sidra caste to the
same, Parasavas, Yavanas, Karamas, and Sddras.
16. I.e. from a Brahmava and a Kshatriy4 springs a Savaraa,
from a Brahmana and a Vaisya a Nishada, from a Brahmamza and
a Sfdra a Parasava, from a Kshatriya and a Vaisya an Ambash/ha,
and from a Kshatriya and a Sidra a Daushyanta, from a Vaisya
and a Sidra an Ugra. Compare for this and the following five
Satras Manu X, 6-18; Y4g#. I, 91-95.
17. I.e. from a Kshatriya and a Brahmazf springs a Sfta, from
a Vaisya and a Kshatriya a Magadha, from a Sidra and a Vaisya
an Ayogava, from a Vaisya and a Brahmawt a Kshattrz, from a
Sfidra and a Kshatriya a Vaidehaka, from a Sidra and a Brahmani
a Kandala.
18. The words ‘ Some declare’ stand only at the end of Sftra
21. But Haradatta rightly declares that they refer to all the four
Sftras. The proof for the correctness of his interpretation lies in
the. use of the form agiganat, which refers to each of the Sfitras.
The four Satras are, however, probably spurious, as SQtra 28 refers
back to Sfitra 17 by calling the Kazdala ‘the last (named).’
IV, 25. HOUSEHOLDER. 199
22. In the seventh (generation men obtain) a
change of caste, either being raised to a higher
one or being degraded to a lower one.
23. The venerable teacher declares (that this
happens) in the fifth (generation).
24. And (the same rule applies) to those born
(from parents of different classes that are) intermediate between (two of the castes originally)
created (by Brahman).
25. But those born in the inverse order (from
fathers of a lower and mothers of a higher caste
stand) outside (the pale of) the sacred law,
22. Apastamba II, 5, 11, 10-11. ‘That is as follows: If a
Savarza female, born of the Kshatriya wife of a Braéhmana, is
married to a Brahmana, and her female descendants down to the
seventh likewise, then the offspring which that seventh female
descendant bears to her Brahmama husband is equal in caste to
a Brahmama. In like manner, if a Savarza male, the son of a
Brahmaza and of his Kshatriya wife, again marries a Kshatriya
wife and his male descendants down to the seventh likewise, then
the offspring of that seventh male descendant is equal in caste to
a Kshatriya. The same principle must be applied to the offspring
of Kshatriyas and wives of the Vaisya caste as well as to Vaisyas
and wives of the Sfidra caste.’—Haradatta.
‘(The venerable) teacher opines that the change of caste
takes place in the fifth generation. They declare that the plural
may be used to denote one teacher. This Sfira refers to (cases of
extraordinary merit acquired through) virtuous conduct and study
of the Veda.’—Haradatta. It is clear that in this case Haradatta,
too, has seen that the word 4f4ry4# has another force than the
more common eke; see above, note to III, 36.
This Sfira refers to (cases of
extraordinary merit acquired through) virtuous conduct and study
of the Veda.’—Haradatta. It is clear that in this case Haradatta,
too, has seen that the word 4f4ry4# has another force than the
more common eke; see above, note to III, 36.
24. ‘That is as follows: If the daughter of a Savarva, born
of a wife of the Ambash¢ha caste, is married again to a Savaraa,
and her female descendants down to the seventh likewise, then the
offspring of that seventh female descendant, begotten by a Savarza
husband, is equal in caste to a Savarva.’—Haradatta. Regarding
the birth of the four castes from Brahman, see Rig-veda X, go, 12.
25. Manu X, 41, 67-68.
200 GAUTAMA. IV, 26.
26. As well as (those born in the regular order)
from a female of the Sidra caste.
27. But he whom a Sidra (begets) on a female
of unequal caste shall be treated like an outcast.
28. The last (named, the Aamndala), is the
foulest.
29. Virtuous sons (born of wives of equal caste)
and wedded according to approved rites sanctify
(their father’s family).
30. (A son born of a wife married) according
to’ the Arsha rite (saves) three ancestors (from
hell),
31. (A son born of a wife married) according to
the Daiva rite ten,
32. (A son born of a wife married) according to
the PragApatya rite, also ten.
33. (But) the son of a wife married according to
the Brahma rite (saves) ten ancestors, ten descendants, and himself.
CuHaptTer V.
1. (A householder) shall approach (his wife) in
the proper season,
2. Or (he may do so) at any time except on
the forbidden (days).
26. Manu X, 68.
27. ‘**Shall be treated like an outcast,” i.e. one must avoid to
look at him, &c., just as in the case of an outcast.’— Haradatta.
28. Manu X, 51-56. 30. Manu III, 38; Yag#. I, 59.
31. Manu III, 38; Y4g#. I, 59.
32. Manu III, 38; Yaga. I, 60.
33- Manu III, 37; Yaga. 1, 58.
V. x. Apastamba II, 1, 1, 17. 2. Apastamba II, 1, 1, 18.
V, 9: HOUSEHOLDER. 20!
3. He shall worship gods, manes, men, goblins,
(and) Xzshis.
4. Every day he shall recite privately (a portion
of the Veda),
5. And the (daily) libation of water to the manes
(is obligatory on him).
6. Other (rites than these he may perform) according to his ability.
7. The (sacred) fire (must be kindled) on his
marriage or on the division of the family estate.
8. The domestic (ceremonies must be performed)
with (the aid of) that (fire).
g. (Also) the sacrifices to the gods, manes, (and)
men, and the private recitation (and) the Baliofferings.
3: Apastamba I, 4, 12, 15; I, 4, 13, 13; Manu III, 69-72; IV,
29, 21; Yaga. I, 99, 102-104.
4. Manu III, 81; Yaga. I, 104.
5. Manu III, 82; Yaga. 1, 104. ‘The word “and” indicates
that water must be offered to the gods and Rishis also.’—Haradatta.
3: Apastamba I, 4, 12, 15; I, 4, 13, 13; Manu III, 69-72; IV,
29, 21; Yaga. I, 99, 102-104.
4. Manu III, 81; Yaga. I, 104.
5. Manu III, 82; Yaga. 1, 104. ‘The word “and” indicates
that water must be offered to the gods and Rishis also.’—Haradatta.
6. ‘(Rites) other than those prescribed in Sfttras 3-5 he may
perform according to his energy, i.e. according to his ability. But
those he should zealously perform. As the oblations to the gods
and the other (Mahayag#as) are mentioned before the kindling of
the domestic fire, they must be performed by a person who has not
yet kindled the domestic fire with the aid of the common (kitchen)fire. — Haradatta.
4. As long as the family remains united, its head offers the
oblations for all its members.
8. ‘The domestic rites, i.e. the Pumsavana and the rest... .
Now with the aid of which fire must a man, who has not yet kindled
the domestic fire, perform the Pumsavana, &c.? Some answer that
he shall use a common fire. But the opinion of the teacher (Gautama) is that he shall use the sacred fire which has been kindled on
that occasion.’—Haradatta.
g. Haradatta states that the Mahayag#as are again enumerated
in order to show that a person who has kindled the sacred fire
202 GAUTAMA. V, ro.
10. The oblations (which are thrown) into the
(sacred) fire (at the Vaisvadeva-sacrifice are offered)
to Agni, to Dhanvantari, to all the gods, to Pragapati, (and to Agni) Svishéakr-t ;
11. And (Bali-offerings must be given) to the
deities presiding over the (eight) points of the
horizon, in their respective places,
12. At the doors (of the house) to the Maruts,
13. To the deities of the dwelling inside (the
house),
shall use this for them, not a common fire. He also states that
a passage of Usanas, according to which some teachers prescribe
the performance of the daily recitation near the sacred fire, shows
that this rite too has a connection with the sacred fire.
10. Apastamba II, 2, 3, 16, where, however, as in all other
works, the order of the offerings differs. Haradatta adds that the
word ‘oblations’ is used in the SAtra in order to indicate that the
word svah& must be pronounced at the end of each Mantra, and
that the expression ‘in the fire’ indicates that the Bali-offerings
described i in the following Sftra must be thrown on the ground.
. Compare Apastamba II, 2, 3, 2o—II, 2, 4, 8; Manu III,
ay 90, where, as elsewhere, the order of the offerings differs.
According to Haradatta the deities intended are, Indra, Agni, Yama,
Nirr:ti, Varuna, Vayu, Soma, and [sina. The first offering must
be placed to the east, the next to the south-east, south, &c.
12. At all the doors, as many as there are, a Bali must be
offered with the Mantra, ‘To the Maruts, svaha.’—Haradatta.
The first offering must
be placed to the east, the next to the south-east, south, &c.
12. At all the doors, as many as there are, a Bali must be
offered with the Mantra, ‘To the Maruts, svaha.’—Haradatta.
13. ‘As he says “inside” (pravisya, literally “ entering”) he must
stand outside while offering the Balis at the doors. ... At this
occasion some require the following Mantra, “ To the deities of
the dwelling, svaha,” because that is found in the Asvalayana
(Grthya-sitra I, 2, 4). Others consider it necessary to mention
the deities by name, and to present as many offerings as there are
deities, while pronouncing the required words.’ —Haradatta. The
commentator then goes on to quote a passage from Usanas, which
he considers applicable, because it contains the names of the
Grihadevatas. I doubt, however, if the ‘others’ are right, and
still more if, in case they should be right, it would be advisable to
supply the names of the Grihadevatas from Usanas.
V, 21. HOUSEHOLDER. 203
14. To Brahman in the centre (of the house),
15. Io the Waters near the water-pot,
_16. To the Ether in the air,
17. And to the Beings walking about at night
in the evening.
18. A gift of food shall be preceded by a libation
of water and (it shall be presented) after (the recipient) has been made to say, ‘ May welfare attend
thee,
19. And the same (rule applies) to all gifts presented for the sake of spiritual merit.
20. The reward of a gift (offered) to a person
who is not a Brahmama is equal (to the value of
the gift), those (of presents given) to a Brahmaza
twofold, to a Srotriya thousandfold, to one who
knows the whole Veda (vedap4raga) endless.
21. Presents of money (must be given) outside
the Vedi to persons begging for their Gurus, (or) in
order to defray the expenses of their wedding, (or
14. ‘Because the word “and” occurs in Sfitra 11 after the word
“to the deities presiding over the points of the horizon” a Balioffering must be presented to the deities mentioned by the author
in Sfitra 10, viz. to the earth, wind, Pragapati, and to all the gods,
after a Bali has been offered to Brahman.’—Haradatta.
16. ‘The Bali presented to Akasa, “ the ether,” must be thrown
up into the air, as Manu says, III, 90.’—Haradatta.
17. ‘Because of the word “and,” he must, also, present Balis to
the deities mentioned above.’— Haradatta. The commentator means
to say that in the evening not only the ‘Beings walking about
at night’ (naktaméara) are to receive a portion, but all the other
deities too, and that the Balikarma must be offered twice a day.
18-19. Apastamba II, 4, 9, 8
20. According to Haradatta the term Srotriya here denotes one
who has studied one Veda, (but see also Apastamba II, 3, 6, 43
II, 4, 8, 5.) Vedaparaga is a man who has studied one Veda,
together with the Angas, Kalpa-sfitras, and Upanishads.
21. Apastamba Il, 5, 10, 1-2. ‘Now he promulgates a Sfitra
204 GAUTAMA. V, 22.
21. Apastamba Il, 5, 10, 1-2. ‘Now he promulgates a Sfitra
204 GAUTAMA. V, 22.
to procure) medicine for the sick, to those who
are without means of subsistence, to those who are
going to offer a sacrifice, to those engaged in study,
to travellers, (and) to those who have performed
the Visvagit-sacrifice.
22. Prepared food (must be given) to other
beggars.
23. For an unlawful purpose he shall not give
(anything), though he may have promised it.
24. An untruth spoken by people under the influence of anger, excessive joy, fear, pain (or) greed,
by infants, very old men, persons labouring under
a delusion, those being under the influence of drink
(or) by mad men does not cause (the speaker) to fall.
25. Before (a householder eats) he shall feed his
guests, the infants, the sick people, the pregnant
women, the females under his protection, the very
aged men, and those of low condition (who may
be in his house).
which refers to those cases where one must necessarily make gifts,
and where one incurs guilt by a refusal. . . . As the expression
“outside the Vedi” is used, presents must be given to others also
“inside the Vedi” (i.e. fees to priests, &c.)’— Haradatta.
22. Apastamba II, 2, 4, 14.
23. Apastamba II, 5, 10, 3; Colebrooke II, Digest IV, 4q3
Mayfkha IX, 5. ‘As he says “for an unlawful purpose,” what
has been promised must in other cases necessarily be given.’ —
Haradatta.
24. Colebrooke II, Digest IV, 56. ‘‘‘ Does not cause (the
speaker) to fall,” i.e. produces no guilt. Hence such persons need
not even give a promised present.’—Haradatta.
25. Apastamba Il, 2, 4, 11-13; II, 4, 9, 10; Manu III, 116.
‘Females under his protection (suvdsinya), i.e. daughters and
sisters .. . , those of low condition (gaghany4’), i.e. servants,
slaves, and the like... .. The term “men of low condition” is
made a separate word in the text in order to show that they come
after the others.’ —Haradatta.
V, 32. HOUSEHOLDER. 205
26. But (when) his teacher, parents (or intimate)
friends (visit his house), he shall proceed to the
preparation of the dinner after asking them (for
orders).
27. When an officiating priest, his teacher, his
father-in-law, paternal or maternal uncles visit (him),
a Madhuparka (or honey-mixture must be offered
to them).
28. (If they have been once honoured in this
manner, the ceremony need be) repeated (only) after
a year.
29. (But) on (the occasion of) a sacrifice and
of the wedding (a Madhuparka must be offered,
though) less than a year (has passed since the last
visit of the persons thus honoured).
~ 30. And to a king who is a Srotriya (a Madhuparka must be offered as often as he comes),
(But to a king) who is not a Srotriya a seat
and water.
32. But for a Srotriya he shall cause to be prepared a foot-bath, an Arghya, and food of a superior
quality,
26. Manu Ill, 113.
27. Apastamba II, 4, 8, 5-9.
30. ‘And to a king a Madhuparka must be offered on his
arrival. If he is a Srotriya (this must be done) on each visit.’—
ee
32. But for a Srotriya he shall cause to be prepared a foot-bath, an Arghya, and food of a superior
quality,
26. Manu Ill, 113.
27. Apastamba II, 4, 8, 5-9.
30. ‘And to a king a Madhuparka must be offered on his
arrival. If he is a Srotriya (this must be done) on each visit.’—
ee
‘A king who is not a Srotriya shall be honoured with a seat
andy water, not with a Madhuparka.’— Haradatta.
32. Apastamba Il, 3, 6, 7-10, 14-15. ‘This Sitra may be
optionally taken as referring to a Brahmana, because the word
Srotriya is repeated. For a Srotriya who has come as a guest,
a foot-bath, i.e. water for washing the feet, an Arghya, i.e. water
mixed with Dfirva grass, flowers, &c., and food of a superior
quality, i.e. milk and rice; cakes and the like shall be particularly
prepared, if the host is able to afford it.’—Haradatta. °
206 GAUTAMA. V, 33.
33. Or his usual food distinguished by a (particularly careful) preparation.
34. To a (Brahmaza) who is not learned in the
Vedas, (but) of good conduct, food of a middling
(quality) shall be given,
35. To one who is the reverse (of virtuous) grass,
water, and earth,
36. (Or) at least a welcome.
37- Honour (must be shown to a guest, and the ~
host must) not dine better (than his guest).
38. A couch, a seat, (and) a lodging (of the)
same (quality as the host uses must be given) to
(a guest) of equal condition and to one’s betters;
they must be accompanied (on departure) and respectfully attended to (during their stay).
39. (The host shall show similar) though less
(attention) to (a guest) who is inferior (to himself).
33- ‘But if (the host is) not able (to afford dainties), he shall
prepare that same food which is daily used in his house, distinguished in the preparation, i.e. by adding pepper and the like
condiments, by frying it, and so forth.—Haradatta.
34. Apastamba II, 2, 4, 16; II, 3,6, 12. Haradatta points out
that in this case nothing but a simple dinner shall be given.
36. Apastamba II, 2, 4, 14. ‘On failure of grass and the rest,
a welcome, i.e. (the host shall say), “Thou art tired, sit down
here.” ’—Haradatta.
37- Manu III, 106-107. ‘This Sftra refers solely to such a
guest, as is described below, Sftra 40.’-—Haradatta.
38. ‘Accompanying, i.e. walking after him ; respectfully attending to, i.e. sitting with him and so forth. As it is not possible
that these two acts can be performed by the host in the same
manner as for himself, the meaning of the Sitra must be taken to
be merely that they are to be performed.’— Haradatta.
39. Haradatta says that some explain this Stra to mean, ‘(The
host shall show the same attention) even to a man who is a little
inferior (to himself in learning, &c.), but that he disapproves of
their opinion.
VI, 3. SALUTING. 207
40. He is called a guest who, belonging to a
different village (and) intending to stay for one
night only, arrives when the sun’s beams pass over
the trees.
VI, 3. SALUTING. 207
40. He is called a guest who, belonging to a
different village (and) intending to stay for one
night only, arrives when the sun’s beams pass over
the trees.
41. According (to his caste a guest) must be asked
about his well-being (kusala), about his being free
from hurt (andmaya), or about his health (4rogya).
42. The last (formula must also be used in addressing) a Sddra.
43. A man of a lower caste (is) not (to be considered) a guest by a Brahmama, except if he has
approached on (the occasion of) a sacrifice.
44. Buta Kshatriya must be fed after the Bréhmava (guests).
45. (Men of) other (castes he shall feed) with his
servants for mercy’s sake.
Cuarter VI,
1. (To salute) every day on meeting (by) an
embrace of the feet,
2. And (particularly) on return from a journey,
(Is prescribed in the case) of parents, of their
blood relations, of elder (brothers), of persons venera-
40. Apastamba II, 3, 6, 5. Haradatta states, that by ‘ the time
when the sun’s rays pass over the trees,’ either the middle of the
ea or the late afternoon may be meant.
. Apastamba I, 4, 14, 26-29.
3 Apastamba II, 2, 4, 18-19.
VI. 1. Apastamba I, 4, 14, 7-9; I, 2, 5, 18; I, 2, 8, 17-18.
3. ‘ Their blood relations, i.e. paternal and maternal uncles and
the rest; elders, i.e. elder brothers; persons venerable on account
of their learning, i.e. the teacher who has initiated him (aéarya),
the teacher who has instructed him (upadhy4ya), and the rest.’—
Haradatta.
208 GAUTAMA. VI, 4.
ble on account of their learning, and of the Gurus of
the latter.
4. On meeting (several persons, to whom such
a salutation is due), together, the most venerable
(must be saluted first).
5. On meeting persons who understand (the rule
of returning salutes) one shall salute (them) pronouncing one’s name, and (saying), ‘I N. N. (ho!
salute thee).’
6. Some (declare that) there is no restrictive rule
for salutations between man and wife.
4 Apastamba I, 2,6, 29; I, 2,8, 19. ‘On meeting his mother
and other persons whose feet must be embraced, he shall first
embrace the highest, i.e. the most excellent, afterwards the others.
Who the most excellent is has been declared above, II, 50-51.
4 Apastamba I, 2,6, 29; I, 2,8, 19. ‘On meeting his mother
and other persons whose feet must be embraced, he shall first
embrace the highest, i.e. the most excellent, afterwards the others.
Who the most excellent is has been declared above, II, 50-51.
5. Apastamba I, 2, 5, 12-15. Professor Stenzler reads ag#asamavaye, while my copies and their commentary show that
ghasamavaye has to be read. Besides, it seems impossible to
make any sense out of the former reading without assuming
that the construction is strongly elliptical. ‘On meeting, i.e. on
coming together with him who knows the rule of returning a
salute, he shall utter, i.e. loudly pronounce his name, i.e. the
name which he has received on the tenth day (after his birth), and
which is to be employed in saluting, and speak the word “I” as
well as the word “this.” They declare that instead of the word
“this,” which here is explicitly prescribed, the word “I am” must
be used. Some salute thus, “I Haradatta by name;” others, “I
Haradattasarman ;” and the common usage is to say, “I Haradattasarman by name.” Thus the salutation must be made. Salutation
means saluting. The affix aé is added to causatives and the rest.
With reference to this matter the rule for returning salutes has
been described by Manu II, 126... . As (in the above Sfitra)
the expression “on meeting persons knowing” is used, those who
are unacquainted with the manner of returning a salute must not be
saluted in this manner. How is it then to be done? It is described
by Manu III, 123.’—Haradatta.
' 6. ‘As Gautama says, “ Some declare,” the restrictive rule must,
in his opinion, be followed.’—Haradatta.
VI, 13. SALUTING. 209
(The feet of) other female (relations) than the
mother, a paternal uncle’s wife and (elder) sisters
(need) not (be embraced, nor need they be saluted)
except on return from a journey.
8. The feet of wives of brothers and of the motherin-law (need) not’ be embraced (on any occasion).
g. But (on the arrival of an) officiating priest,
a father-in-law, paternal and maternal uncles who
are younger (than oneself), one must rise; they
need not be saluted (as prescribed above, Sftra 5).
10. In like manner (any) other aged fellow-citizen,
even a Sidra of eighty years and more, (must be
honoured) by one young enough to be his son,
11. (And) an Arya, though (he be) younger, by
a Sddra ;
12. And he shall avoid (to pronounce) the name
of that (person who is worthy of a salutation).
13. And an official who (is) not (able to) recite
(the Veda shall avoid to pronounce the name) of
the king.
7. Manu II, 132; Apastamba I, 4, 14, 6, 9.
9. Apastamba I, 4, 14, II.
And he shall avoid (to pronounce) the name
of that (person who is worthy of a salutation).
13. And an official who (is) not (able to) recite
(the Veda shall avoid to pronounce the name) of
the king.
7. Manu II, 132; Apastamba I, 4, 14, 6, 9.
9. Apastamba I, 4, 14, II.
10. ‘Old (pfirva), i.e. of greater age..... A Sfidra even, who
answers this description, must be honoured by rising, not, however,
be saluted by one young enough to be his son, i.e. by a Brahmana who is very much younger. The Sfdra is mentioned as
an instance of a man of inferior caste. Hence a Sfidra must
(under these circumstances) be honoured by rising, not be saluted
by men of the three higher castes, a Vaisya by those of the two
higher castes, and a Kshatriva by a Brahmana.’—-Haradatta.
ir. ‘An Arya, i i.e. a man of the three twice-born castes, though
he be inferior, i.e. younger, must be honoured by rising, not be
saluted by a Sidra. The Sfidra is mentioned in order to give an
instance of (a man of) inferior caste.’ — Haradatta.
12. ‘An inferior shall avoid to take his name, i.e. that of a
superior.’—Haradatta.
(2) P
210 GAUTAMA. VI, 14.
14. A contemporary who is born on the same day
(shall be addressed with the terms) bho/ or bhavan
(your honour),
15. (Likewise) a fellow-citizen who is ten years
older (than oneself),
16. (Also) an artist who is five years (older),
17. Anda Srotriya belonging to one’s own Vedic
school who is three years older,
18, (Further), Brahmazas destitute of learning
and those who follow the occupations of Kshatriyas
or Vaisyas,
19. And (a contemporary) who has performed the
Dikshamtyesh¢i of a Soma-sacrifice before he buys
(the Soma).
20. Wealth, relations, occupation, birth, learning,
and age must be honoured ; (but) each later named
14. Haradatta says that samfnehani, ‘on the same day,’ means
‘in the same year. He is probably right in thinking that the
expression must not be interpreted too strictly. But his assertion
that ahah means also ‘year’ cannot be proved by his quotation
from the Nighazfuka, abde samvatsaram ahargaram.
15. ‘A person aged by ten years, i.e. at least ten years older,
who lives in the same town as oneself, is to be addressed as bhod,
bhavan, though he may be deficient in good qualities. —Haradatta.
16. ‘The words “years older” must be understood. He who
lives by the fine arts (kala), i.e. the knowledge of music, painting,
leaf-cutting, and the like, and is at least five years older than
oneself, must be addressed as bhod or bhavan.’-—Haradatta.
17. Haradatta notes that Apastamba I, 4, 14, 13 gives a somewhat different rule.
18. Haradatta adds that a person destitute of learning, be he
ever so old, may still be treated as an equal, and addressed as
bho4, bhavan, by a more learned man.
20. Manu II, 136. ‘As wealth and the rest cannot be directly
honoured, the persons possessing them are to be honoured... . .
Respect (mana) means honour shown by saluting and the like. —
Haradatta.
20. Manu II, 136. ‘As wealth and the rest cannot be directly
honoured, the persons possessing them are to be honoured... . .
Respect (mana) means honour shown by saluting and the like. —
Haradatta.
Y
VIT, 4. TIMES OF DISTRESS, 2I!I
(quality) is more important (than the preceding
ones).
21. But sacred learning is more important than
all (other good qualities),
22. Because that is the root of the sacred law,
23. And because the Veda (expressly declares it).
24. Way must be made for a man seated in
a carriage, for one who is in his tenth (decade), for
one requiring consideration, for a woman, for a
Snataka, and for a king.
25. Buta king (must make way) for a Srotriya.
Cuapter VII.
1. The rule for (times of) distress (is) that a
Brahmamza may study under a teacher who is not
a Brahmavza.
2. (A student is bound) to walk behind and to
obey (his non-Brahmanical teacher).
3. (But) when (the course of study) has been
finished, the Brahmaza (pupil is more) venerable
(than his teacher).
4. (In times of distress it is permissible) to offer
21. Manu II, 154.
23. Haradatta says that a passage to this effect occurs in the
Khandogya-brahmana. He also refers to Manu II, 151.
24. Apastamba II, 5, 11, 5, 7-9. ‘A person requiring consideration, i.e. one afflicted by disease. A woman, i.e. a bride
or a pregnant woman. A Snataka, i.e. a person who has bathed
after completing his studies and after having kept the vow of
studentship.'— Haradatta.
25. Apastamba II, 5, 11, 6.
VII. 1. Apastamba II, 2, 4, 25.
2. Apastamba II, 2, 4, 26. 3. Apastamba II, 2, 4, 27.
4. Haradatta quotes Manu X, 103 in support of the above
explanation, and adds that another commentator interprets the
P2
212 GAUTAMA. VII, 5.
sacrifices for (men of) all (castes), to teach (them),
and to accept (presents from them).
5. Each preceding (mode of living is) preferable
(to those named later).
6. On failure of the (occupations lawful for a
Braéhmama) he may live by the occupations of a
Kshatriya.
7. On failure of those, he may live by the
occupations of a Vaisya.
8. (Goods) that may not be sold by a (Brahmaza
are),
9. Perfumes, substances (used for) flavouring
(food), prepared food, sesamum, hempen and linen
cloth, skins,
10. Garments dyed red or washed,
11, Milk and preparations from it,
12. Roots, fruits, flowers, medicines, honey, flesh,
grass, water, poison,
Stra to mean, that in times of distress men of all castes may
support themselves by sacrificing for others, teaching, and the
acceptance of gifts, though in ordinary times these modes of
living are reserved for Brahmazas.
5. The use of the masculine in the text, ‘pfirvak pfirvo guru,’
may, I think, be explained by the fact that the compound in the
preceding Sfitra ends with a noun of the masculine gender.
6. Manu X, 81; YAea. III, 35. 7. Apastamba I, 7, 20, 11.
5. The use of the masculine in the text, ‘pfirvak pfirvo guru,’
may, I think, be explained by the fact that the compound in the
preceding Sfitra ends with a noun of the masculine gender.
6. Manu X, 81; YAea. III, 35. 7. Apastamba I, 7, 20, 11.
9. Apastamba I, 7, 20, 12-13. ‘Substances used for flavouring
(rasa), i.e. oil, sugar, clarified butter, salt, and the like.’—Haradatta. From Sftra 1g it is clear that ‘rasa’ does not simply mean
‘liquids.’
ro. My MSS. read nirnikte for nikte, and nirziktam is explained
by ‘washed by a washerman or the like person.’ It is possible to
translate Professor Stenzler’s reading in accordance with Manu X,
87, ‘ pairs of (i.e. upper and lower) garments dyed red.’
1x. ‘Preparations from it, i.e. sour milk and the like.’—
Haradatta.
VII, 24. TIMES OF DISTRESS. 213
13. Nor animals for slaughter,
14. Nor, under any circumstances, human beings,
heifers, female calves, cows big with young.
15. Some (declare, that the traffic in) land, rice,
barley, goats, sheep, horses, bulls, milch-cows, and
draught-oxen (is) likewise (forbidden).
16. But (it is permissible) to barter,
17. One kind of substances used for flavouring
others,
18. And animals (for animals).
19. Salt and prepared food (must) not (be
bartered),
20. Nor sesamum.
21. But for present use an equal (quantity of) uncooked (food may be exchanged) for cooked (food).
22. But if no (other course is) possible (a Brahmaza) may support himself in any way except by
(following the occupations) of a Sddra.
23. Some (permit) even this in case his life is
in danger.
24. But to mix with that (caste) and forbidden
food must be avoided (even in times of distress).
14. ‘Under any circumstances (nityam, literally ‘always ”’)
means even when they are not sold for slaughter. Another
(commentator) says, that, as the expression ‘under any circumstances” is used here, the prohibition regarding the above-mentioned things, i.e. sesamum and the like, does not hold good under
all circumstances, and that hence self-grown sesamum and other
grain may be sold, see Manu X, go.’—Haradatta.
15. Manu X, 88. Haradatta explains ‘land’ by ‘houses.’
16-21. Apastamba I, 7, 20, 14-15.
19. ‘ The sale of salt and prepared food has been forbidden by
Sfitra 9, but their barter has been permitted (by Sftra 17).’—Haradatta.
22. Regarding the Sfidra’s occupations, see below, X, 57-60.
24. ‘Restriction (niyama), i.e. avoiding. That Brahmansa
214 GAUTAMA. VII, 25.
25. If his life is threatened, even a Braéhmaza
may use arms.
26. (Intimes of distress) a Kshatriya (may follow)
the occupations of a Vaisya. .
Cuapter VIII.
1. A king and a Brdhmaza, deeply versed in
the Vedas, these two, uphold the moral order in
the world. ,
2. On them depends the existence of the fourfold
human race, of internally conscious beings, of those
which move on feet and on wings, and of those
which creep,
.
Cuapter VIII.
1. A king and a Brdhmaza, deeply versed in
the Vedas, these two, uphold the moral order in
the world. ,
2. On them depends the existence of the fourfold
human race, of internally conscious beings, of those
which move on feet and on wings, and of those
which creep,
even who lives the life of a SQdra must not mix with that
Sfidra caste, i.e. he must not sit among Sfdras and so forth. —
Haradatta.
25. Apastamba I, 10, 29, 7; Manu VIII, 348.
26. Haradatta adds, that in accordance with the principle
exemplified by the rule of this Sfitra a Vaisya may follow in
times of distress the occupations of a Sfdra.
VIII. 1. Satapatha-brahmama V, 4, 4, 5; Weber, Ind. Stud. X,
29. Haradatta explains vrata, ‘moral order, by karmazi, ‘the
rites and occupations,’ and loka, ‘ world,’ by rashfra, ‘kingdom.’
Ultimately my translation and his explanation come to the same
thing. He adds that the king upholds order by punishing, and
a learned Brahmana by teaching. Regarding the excellence of
these two, see also Manu IV, 135.
2. ‘Internally conscious beings, i.e. trees and the like, which
are immovable, but grow and decay. For such possess internal
.consciousness only, no corresponding external faculty of acting. ...
The existence of these, i.e. of men and the rest, depends upon,
i.e. is subordinate to the king and to a Brahmana deeply versed
in the Vedas. How is that? As regards the Brahmama, an
offering which has been properly thrown into the fire reaches the
sun; from the sun comes rain; from rain food is produced and
thereon live the creatures. By this reasoning he is shown to
VIII, 11. KING AND BRAHMANA VERSED IN VEDAS. 215
3. (As well as) the protection of offspring, the
prevention of the confusion (of the castes and) the’
sacred law.
4. He is (called) deeply versed in the Vedas,
5. Who is acquainted with the (ways of the)
world, the Vedas (and their) Angas (auxiliary
sciences),
6. Who is skilled in disputations (and), in (reciting) legends and the Purdza,
7. Who looks to these (alone), and lives according
to these,
8. Who has been sanctified by the forty sacraments (samskéra),
9. Who is constantly engaged in the three occupations (prescribed for all twice-born men),
10. Or in the six (occupations prescribed specially
fora Brahmaza),
11. (And) who is well versed in the duties of
be the cause of their existence. But the king is (also) the cause
of their existence; for he punishes robbers and the like.’-—
Haradatta.
3. Haradatta takes prasftirakshazam, ‘the protection of their
offspring,’ as a copulative compound, and explains it by ‘their
prosperity (abhivr¢ddhi) and their protection. But a samah4radvandva is here out of place.
4. Macnaghten, Mitakshara I, 2, 27. ‘ By the word loka, “ the
world,” are intended the laws of countries and the like, which may
be learnt from the practice of the world.’—Haradatta. Regarding
~ the Angas, see Apastamba II, 4, 8, 10.
8. Regarding the forty sacraments, see below, Sftras 14-20.
4. Macnaghten, Mitakshara I, 2, 27. ‘ By the word loka, “ the
world,” are intended the laws of countries and the like, which may
be learnt from the practice of the world.’—Haradatta. Regarding
~ the Angas, see Apastamba II, 4, 8, 10.
8. Regarding the forty sacraments, see below, Sftras 14-20.
g. Regarding the three occupations, common to all twice-born
men, see below, X, 1.
10. See below, X, 2.
11. The Samayaéarika or Smarta duties are those taught in
the Dharma-sfitras and Smritis, see Apastamba I, 1, 1, 1, and
Max Miiller’s History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 101.
216 GAUTAMA. VIII, 12.
daily life settled by the agreement (of those who
know the law).
12. (Such a Brahmaza) must be allowed by the
king immunity from (the following) six (kinds of
opprobrious treatment) :
13. (I.e.) he must not be subjected to corporal
punishment, he must not be imprisoned, he must
not be fined, he must not be exiled, he must not be
reviled, nor be excluded.
14. The Garbhadhana (or ceremony to cause
conception), the Pumsavana (or ceremony to cause
the birth of a male child), the Simantonnayana (or
arranging the parting of the pregnant wife’s hair),
the Gatakarman (or ceremony on the birth of the
child), the ceremony of naming the child, the first
feeding, the Kaula (or tonsure of the head of the
child), the initiation,
15. The four vows (undertaken) for the study
of the Veda,
16. The bath (on completion of the studentship),
12. See Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 41, 60, 66; Macnaghten, Mitéksharé I, 2, 27.
14. Regarding the Samsk4ras mentioned in this Sftra, see
Asvalayana Grzhya-sdtra I, 1 3-23; Sankhayana Grrhya-sfitra I,
19—II, 5; Paraskara Grzhya-sftra I, 13—II, 2.
15. The four vows, as Haradatta states, are, according to
Asvalayana, the Mahanamnivrata, the Mahavrata, the Upanishadvrata, and the Godana; see Asvalayana Srauta-sfitra VIII, 14,
where the first three are described in detail, and Grzhya-sftra
I, 22, 3, with the commentary thereon. Other Grzhya-sfitras give
more and different names, see H. Oldenberg, Sénkhayana GrihyasQtra II, 11-12 (S. B. E., vol. xxix), and Gobhila Grzhya-sGtra
III, 1, 28—III, 2, 62.
16. Haradatta explains sndna, ‘the bath,’ by samavartana, ‘ the
ceremony on completion of the studentship.’ Regarding the five
sacrifices, usually called the great sacrifices, see above, VII, 9 seq.
VIII, 22. KING AND BRAHMANA VERSED IN VEDAS. 21 7
the taking of a help-mate for the fulfilment of the
religious duties, the performance of the five sacrifices
to gods, manes, men, goblins, and Brahman,
17. And (the performance) of the following
(sacrifices) :
18. The seven kinds of Pakayag#as (or small
sacrifices), viz. the Ash¢ak4, the PAarvama (Sthalipaka, offered on the new and full moon days), the
funeral oblations, the SrA&vazt, the AgrahAyant, the
Kaitri, and the Asvayugt;
And (the performance) of the following
(sacrifices) :
18. The seven kinds of Pakayag#as (or small
sacrifices), viz. the Ash¢ak4, the PAarvama (Sthalipaka, offered on the new and full moon days), the
funeral oblations, the SrA&vazt, the AgrahAyant, the
Kaitri, and the Asvayugt;
19. The seven kinds of Haviryag#as, viz. the
Agnyadheya, the Agnihotra, the Darsapaurmamsas,
the Agrayawa, the Katurmdsyas, the Nirdd@sapasubandha, and the Sautramazi ;
20. The seven kinds of Soma-sacrifices, viz. the
Agnishfoma, the Atyagnishéoma, the Ukthya, the
Shodasin, the Atiratra, and the Aptorydma ;
These are the forty sacraments.
22. Now (follow) the eight good qualities of the
soul,
18, The various Pakayagaas, named here, are fully described by
Asvalayana Grihya-sGtra II, 1, 1—II, 10, 8; Gobhila III, 10 seq. ;
Paraskara III, 3 seq. See also Max Miller, History of Ancient
Sanskrit Literature, p. 203. The Ash/akds are sacrifices offered on
the eighth day of the dark halves of the winter months, and of those
of the dewy season, i.e. K4rttika, Margasiras, Pausha, and Magha.
The Srévant is offered on the full moon day of the month of
Sravana, the Agrahay ant on the fourteenth, or on the full moon day
of Margasiras, the Kaitri on the full moon day of the Kaitra, and
the Asvayugt on the full moon day of the month Asvayuga or
Asvina.
19-20. The Haviryag#as and Soma-sacrifices are described in
the Brahmazas and Srauta-sfitras. Havis denotes any kind of food
used for oblations, such as clarified butter, milk, rice, meat, &c.
22. Apastamba I, 8, 23, 6
218 GAUTAMA, VIUI, 23.
23. (Viz.) compassion on all creatures, forbearance, freedom from anger, purity, quietism, auspiciousness, freedom from avarice, and freedom from
covetousness,
24. He who is sanctified by these forty sacraments, but whose soul is destitute of the eight good
qualities, will not be united with Brahman, nor does
he reach his heaven.
25. But he, forsooth, who is sanctified by a few
only of these forty sacraments, and whose soul is
endowed with the eight excellent qualities, will be
united with Brahman, and will dwell in his heaven.
Cuapter IX.
1. Such (a man) shall bathe, after (having fulfilled) the law (regarding studentship), take unto
him a wife, and, fulfilling the duties of a householder
which have been declared above, in addition obey
the following ordinances :
23. Haradatta explains mangalya, ‘auspiciousness,’ to mean
‘always doing what is praised (by good men) and avoiding what
is blamed by them.’ Andy4sa, ‘ quietism,’ means, according to him,
‘avoiding to undertake that which causes pain to oneself, even
though it be a duty.’
Haradatta explains mangalya, ‘auspiciousness,’ to mean
‘always doing what is praised (by good men) and avoiding what
is blamed by them.’ Andy4sa, ‘ quietism,’ means, according to him,
‘avoiding to undertake that which causes pain to oneself, even
though it be a duty.’
IX. 1. Apastamba I, 11, 30, 1-4. Haradatta says that the expression sa, ‘such (a man),’ refers to the king and to the Brahmaza
deeply versed in the Vedas, who have been described in the preceding chapter. My MSS. insert between this and the following
one another Sfttra, which has been left out in Professor Stenzler’s
edition. It seems to me that it is absolutely required, and I therefore insert it here, together with Haradatta’s comment, according
to my best copy, P.
Gautama: ‘(And) a Snataka (i.e. a person who has completed
his studentship, but has not yet taken a wife, shall act thus).’ Haradatta: ‘It must be understood that the word “and” has been left
IX, 7. THE DUTIES OF A SNATAKA. 219
2. (He shall be) always pure (and) sweet-smelling
(and) bathe frequently.
3. If he possesses wealth, he shall not be dressed
in old or dirty clothes ;
4. Nor shall he wear dyed or sumptuous garments, nor such as have been worn (before) by
others,
5. Nor a garland and shoes (that have been worn
by others).
6. (He may wear a cast-off garment) which has
been washed, if he is unable (to afford a new one).
7. He shall not allow his beard to grow without
a (sufficient) reason.
out. (The meaning is): “And a Snataka shall obey the following
ordinances.” If this SQtra were not given, those ordinances would
have to be obeyed after marriage only ; and if the preceding Sftra
(t) had not been given, before marriage only, because the term
Snataka is usually employed in that (sense) only. For this reason
both (Sfitras) have been given. Hence, though a man may not enter
another order, he shall, after taking the bath (on completion of his
studentship), obey these ordinances during his whole life. As here
(Sfitra 1) the word sa, “such a man,” is used, a Kshatriya and
a Brahmaza only must necessarily obey the rules prescribed for
a Snataka and perform a penance for breaking them; and the
penance for breaking the rules prescribed for a Snataka is fasting.
This is (the object of the insertion of the word sa, “such (a mani.”
But, if a Vaisya follows them, (his reward will be) prosperity; if
he breaks them, he need not perform a penance. With respect to
this matter another Smriti says : “ The penance which is prescribed
for a breach of the Snataka laws, must be performed by a Kshatriya
and a Brahmaza alone, never by (men of) the other (caste).”’
2. Manu IV, 35.
3-4. Apastamba I, 11, 30, 10-13. 5. Manu IV, 66.
6. According to Haradatta the same rule applies to garlands
and shoes.
4. Manu IV, 35. ‘The expression “his beard” includes by
implication the nails and the rest..... As he says “ without a sufficient reason,” he shall allow his beard to grow during the preg-
220 GAUTAMA. IX, 8.
5. Manu IV, 66.
6. According to Haradatta the same rule applies to garlands
and shoes.
4. Manu IV, 35. ‘The expression “his beard” includes by
implication the nails and the rest..... As he says “ without a sufficient reason,” he shall allow his beard to grow during the preg-
220 GAUTAMA. IX, 8.
8. He shall not carry water and fire at the same
time.
9. He shall not drink out of his joined hands.
10. He shall not sip water standing, nor (shall he
sip) water drawn up (from a well),
11. Nor (water) that is offered by a Sddra or
an impure man, or that has been taken up with
one hand.
12. Facing or within sight of wind, fire, Brahmanas, the sun, water, (images of the) gods, and
cows he shall not eject urine or feces or other
impurities.
13. He shall not stretch out his feet towards
those divine beings.
14. He shall not remove urine or feces with
leaves, clods of earth, or stones.
15. He shall not stand upon ashes, hair, nail
(parings), husks (of grain), pot-sherds, or impure
substances.
16. He shall not converse with barbarians, impure or wicked men.
nancy of his wife and on other occasions. With respect to this
matter they quote the following verse: “In the sixth year and in
the sixteenth year, likewise in the year of his marriage and during
the pregnancy of his wife, he shall avoid the use of a razor.” ’—-
Haradatta.
8. Apastamba II, 5, 12, 9. 9. Manu IV, 63.
Io. Apastamba 1, 5, 16, 1.
i. Apastamba I, 4, 21; 1, 5, 15, 3-
12, Apastamba I, 11, 30, 18-20.
13. Apastamba I, 11, 30, 22,
14. Apastamba I, 11, 30, 21. Haradatta remarks that some
explain losh/fa, ‘a clod of earth,’ by kapala, ‘a pot-sherd.’
15. Apastamba II, 8, 20, 11-12. Kapila, ‘ pot-sherds,’ may also
mean ‘skull-bones.’
16. Manu IV, 57. Haradatta says that only a conversation,
IX, 26. THE DUTIES OF A SNATAKA. 221
17. If he has conversed (with such persons), he
shall meditate on virtuous (men) ;
18. Or he may speak with a Brahmaza.
19. He shall call (a cow that is) not a milch-cow,
a cow that will become a milch-cow.
20. (An event) that is not lucky (he shall call)
lucky.
21. (In speaking of) a skull (he shall use the
word) bhagdla instead of kapala,
22. (And in speaking of) a rainbow, mazidhanus
(the jewelled bow) instead of indradhanus (Indra’s
bow).
23. Let him not announce it to others, if a cow
suckles (her calf),
24. Nor let him prevent her (from doing it).
25. After conjugal intercourse he shall at once
clean himself.
26. Let him not recite the daily portion of the
Veda (lying) on that couch (on which he lies with
his wife).
properly so called, is forbidden, not to ask barbarians &c. about
the road and similar matters.
18. Compare the analogous case, mentioned Apastamba I, 3,
9) 13.
1g. Apastamba I, rr, 31, 118.
22, Apastamba I, 11, 31, 16.
properly so called, is forbidden, not to ask barbarians &c. about
the road and similar matters.
18. Compare the analogous case, mentioned Apastamba I, 3,
9) 13.
1g. Apastamba I, rr, 31, 118.
22, Apastamba I, 11, 31, 16.
23. Apastamba I, 11, 31, 10. Haradatta remarks that the prohibition does not extend to those cases where the Vedic ritual
requires the fact to be pointed out. He is, of course, right in
making this statement, as an express injunction of the Sruti always
overrides the rules of the Smriti.
24. Haradatta adds that this and the preceding Sftras include
by implication the cases where a cow does damage in a field; see
Apastamba I, 11, 31, 9.
25. Apastamba Il, 1, 1, 21—II, 1, 2, 8.
26. Apastamba I, 11, 32, 3.
222 GAUTAMA. IX, 27.
27. And when he has studied during the third
watch of the night, he shall not again retire to rest.
28. Let him not have intercourse with his wife
when she is ill,
29. Nor during her courses ;
30. Nor let him embrace her (during that period),
31. Nor an unmarried female.
32. He shall avoid to blow the fire with his
mouth, to contend with words, to show himself
covered with perfumed ointments or wearing garlands, to scratch himself with any impure (implement), to take his meals with his wife, to look at
(a woman) who is anointing herself, to enter (his
village) by a back-gate, to wash one foot with the
other, to eat food deposited on a chair, to cross
a river swimming, to ascend trees and dangerous
(places), or to descend therefrom, and to imperil
his life (in any other manner).
33. Let him not ascend a ship (of) doubtful
(solidity).
34. He shall protect himself by all (possible)
means.
35. In the day-time he shall not wrap up his
head while walking about ;
36. But at night he shall cover it,
37. And while voiding urine and feces.
27- Apastamba I, 11, 32, 15.
29-30. Manu IV, 40.
32. Apastamba I, 5, 15, 20; I, 11, 32,53 Manu IV, 43; Apastamba I, 11, 31, 21; Manu IV, 443 Apastamba I, 11, 32, 26;
I, 11, 32, 25.
33- Apastamba I, Ii, 32, 27.
35- Apastamba I, 11, 30,14. Haradatta adds that he may wrap
up his head while sitting down and in walking when the sun or
rain annoys him.
IX, 47. THE DUTIES OF A SNATAKA. 223
38. (Let him) not (ease nature) without (first)
covering the ground (with grass or the like),
39. Nor close to his dwelling,
40. Nor on ashes, on cow-dung, in a ploughed
field, in the shade (of a tree), on a road, in beautiful
(spots).
41. Let him eject both urine and feces, facing
the north in the day-time,
42, And in the twilight,
43. But at night, facing the south.
44. Let him avoid to use a seat, clogs, a stick
for cleaning the teeth (and other implements) made
of Pal4sa-wood.
45. With shoes on (his feet), he shall not eat,
sit down, salute, or worship (the gods).
But at night, facing the south.
44. Let him avoid to use a seat, clogs, a stick
for cleaning the teeth (and other implements) made
of Pal4sa-wood.
45. With shoes on (his feet), he shall not eat,
sit down, salute, or worship (the gods).
46. Let him not pass idly (any part of the day,
be it) morning, midday, or evening ; (but) according
to his ability (he shall make each useful) by the
acquisition of spiritual merit or of wealth, and by
taking his pleasure.
47. But among those (three aims of human life)
he shall chiefly attend to the acquisition of spiritual
merit.
38. Apastamba I, 11, 30, 15. 39- Apastamba I, 11, 31, 2.
40. Apastamba I, 11, 30, 16-18. 41. Apastamba I, rz, 31, 1.
43. Apastamba I, 11, 31, 3. 44. Apastamba I, 11, 32, 9.
45. Apastamba I, 4, 14, 22.
46. Colebrooke, Mitékshara II, 1, 22. ‘He shall use the
morning, according to his ability, for acts tending ‘to the acquisition of spiritual merit, such as reciting the Vedas; the middle part
of the day for the acquisition of wealth; and the evening for
scenting himself, adorning himself with garlands and the like acts
giving pleasure.’—Haradatta.
47 Apastamba I, 7, 20, 1-4.
224 GAUTAMA, IX, 48.
48. Let him not look at a naked woman wedded
to another man.
49. Let him not draw a seat towards himself with
his foot.
50. He shall keep his organ, his stomach, his
hands, his feet, his tongue, and his eyes under due
restraint.
51. Let him avoid to cut, to break, to scratch,
and to crush (anything), or to make (his joints)
crack, without a (sufficient) reason.
52. Let him not step over a rope (to which) a
calf (is tied).
53. Let him not be a stay-at-home.
54. Let him not go to (perform) a sacrifice without being chosen (to officiate as priest).
55. But at his pleasure (he may go) to see it.
56. Let him not eat food (that he has placed) in
his lap,
57- Nor what has been brought at night by a
servant.
58. He shall not eat (substances) from which the
fat has been extracted, such as milk from which the
cream has separated, butter, oil-cake, buttermilk, and
the like.
48. Manu IV, 53.
so. Apastamba IJ, 2, 5, 19; Manu IV, 175, 177.
51. Apastamba I, 11, 32, 28; II, 8, 20, 16.
g2. Apastamba IJ, 11, 31,13. Haradatta remarks that the word
‘calf’ is used to designate any animal of the bovine species.
56. Manu IV, 63. 57. Apastamba I, 5, 16, 32.
58. Apastamba II, 8, 18,1; II, 8, 20,10. Haradatta adds that
this rule has been inserted here instead of in the chapter on forbidden food in order to indicate that its breach must be expiated
by the penance prescribed for a breach of the Snataka’s vow,
not by that prescribed for eating forbidden food.
IX, 66. THE DUTIES OF A SNATAKA. 225
59. But he shall take his meals in the morning
and in the evening, blessing his food, not grumbling
at it.
60. He shall never sleep naked at night ;
61. Nor shall he bathe (naked) ;
IX, 66. THE DUTIES OF A SNATAKA. 225
59. But he shall take his meals in the morning
and in the evening, blessing his food, not grumbling
at it.
60. He shall never sleep naked at night ;
61. Nor shall he bathe (naked) ;
62. And he shall perform whatever (else) aged
(Brahmazas), of subdued senses, who have been properly obedient (to their teachers), who are free from
deceit, covetousness, and error, and who know the
Vedas, declare (to be right).
63. In order to acquire wealth and for the sake
of security he may go to a ruling (king),
64. (But) to no other (being) except the gods, his
Gurus, and righteous (Brahmamas).
65. He shall seek to dwell in a place where firewood, water, fodder, Kusa grass, (materials for
making) garlands and roads exist in abundance,
which is chiefly inhabited by Aryans, which is rich
in industrious (men), and which is governed by a
righteous (ruler).
66. He shall pass excellent (beings and things),
59. Apastamba II, 1, 1, 2; II, 2, 3, 11.
60. Manu IV, 75. 61. Manu IV, 61.
62. Apastamba I, 11, 32, 29; I, 7, 20, 8. Haradatta adds that
the plural is used in the above Sftra in order to indicate that many
Braéhmasas must be unanimous regarding the practices to be
followed.
63. Manu IV, 33; X, 113. ‘For the sake of these objects
he may go to a ruler, i.e. a king, without cringing, because the
preposition adhi is used (in the text, and) adhi denotes mastership
(Panini I, 4, 97). The meaning that he shall go (as becomes)
an independent man.’—Haradatta.
65. Apastamba I, 5, 15, 22; I, 11, 32, 18. Aryans, i.e. Brahmazas, Kshatriyas, and Vaisyas.
66. Manu IV, 39. ‘A cow, a Brahmama, a well-known tree,
[2] Q
226 GAUTAMA, IX, 67.
auspicious (objects), temples of the gods, crossroads, and the like with his right turned towards
them.
67. The rule for times of distress (is, that) he
shall mentally perform all (that is required by the
rule of) conduct.
68. He shall always speak the truth.
69. He shall conduct himself (as becomes) an
Aryan.
70. He shall instruct virtuous (men only).
71. He shall follow the rules of purification
taught (in the Sastras).
72. He shall take pleasure in the (study of the)
Veda.’
73. He shall never hurt (any being), he shall
be gentle, (yet) firm, ever restrain his senses, and be
liberal.
74. A Snataka who conducts himself in this
manner will liberate his parents, his ancestors, and
descendants from evil, and never fall from Brahman’s heaven.
and the like are called excellent (beings or things). An auspicious
(object), i.e. a filled jar and the like.’—Haradatta.
67. Haradatta observes that this rule refers to cases where,
being in a hurry, one cannot show one’s reverence in the manner
described in the preceding SAtra.
68. Manu IV, 138, 175, 236.
40. Manu IV, 80-81.
71. Purification is here again mentioned in order (to indicate
that Snaétaka must pay) particular attention to it.
42. Manu IV, 144-149. 73. Manu IV, 2, 238, 246.
44. Manu II, 260.
68. Manu IV, 138, 175, 236.
40. Manu IV, 80-81.
71. Purification is here again mentioned in order (to indicate
that Snaétaka must pay) particular attention to it.
42. Manu IV, 144-149. 73. Manu IV, 2, 238, 246.
44. Manu II, 260.
X, 44 LAWFUL OCCUPATIONS AND LIVELIHOOD. 227
CHAPTER X.
fe
1. (The lawful occupations common) to (all)
twice-born men are studying the (Veda), offering
sacrifices (for their own sake), and giving (alms).
2. Teaching, performing sacrifices for others, and
receiving alms (are) the additional (occupations) of a
Brahmama.
3. But the former (three) are obligatory (on him).
4. Instruction in the Veda (may be given) without the above-mentioned (vows and ceremonies) in
case a teacher, blood relations, friends or Gurus
(receive it), and in case (the Veda) is exchanged for
money or learning.
X. 1. Twice-born men, i.e. Brahmamas, Kshatriyas, and Vaisyas.
Haradatta says that some believe the term ‘twice-born’ to have
been-used in order to indicate that the three occupations may be
lawfully followed after the second birth, i.e. the initiation only.
But he declares that alms may be given even by an uninitiated
Aryan, while studying the Veda and sacrificing are specially forbidden to him.
2. Apastamba II, 5, 10, 4.
3. Manu X, 76. ‘The former, i.e. the three beginning with
studying (Sftra 1), must necessarily be followed. If he neglects
them, he commits sin; if he follows them, he will be exalted.
But the other occupations, teaching, &c., shall be followed if
there is occasion for them. No sin is committed by neglecting
them, nor any greatness gained by following them. They are
merely means of livelihood.’— Haradatta.
4. Apastamba I, 4, 13, 15-18. The expression ‘above-mentioned’ refers to the whole of the rules regarding a pupil’s conduct
given above, I, s2—II, 51. It is difficult to understand what is
intended by ‘the exchange of the Veda for wealth or money,’ if
it is not the bhrztakadhyapana or teaching for money which Manu
III, 156 blames so severely. It seems to me unlikely that Gautama means simply to sanction this practice. It is more probable
that his rule refers to the case of Brahma” s in distress, who
avail themselves of the permission given above, VII, 4.
Q2
228 GAUTAMA. X, 5.
5. Agriculture and trade (are) also (lawful for
-a Brdhmaza) provided he does not do the work
himself,
6. Likewise lending money at interest.
7. To protect all created beings is the additional
(occupation) of a king,
8. And to inflict lawful punishments.
9. He shall support (those) Srotriyas, (who are)
Brahmazas,
10. And people unable to work, (even if they are)
not Brahmazas,
11. And those who are free from taxes,
12. And (needy) temporary students.
13. And (to take) measures for ensuring victory
(is another duty of a king),
14. Especially when danger (from foes threatens
the kingdom) ;
And people unable to work, (even if they are)
not Brahmazas,
11. And those who are free from taxes,
12. And (needy) temporary students.
13. And (to take) measures for ensuring victory
(is another duty of a king),
14. Especially when danger (from foes threatens
the kingdom) ;
5-6. These rules which allow Brahmazas to be gentlemen
farmers and sleeping partners in mercantile or banking firms,
managed by Vaisyas, do not occur in other Smritis. But they
agree with the practice followed at present in many parts of India,
and the praise bestowed in Vedic works on those who present land
to Brahmazas as well as the numerous ancient land grants show
that from early times many Brahmazas were holders of land, which,
as a rule, was cultivated by Sfdras.
4-8. Apastamba II, 5, 10, 6; Manu VII, 27.
9. Apastamba II, ro, 25, 11; Manu VII, 135.
11. Haradatta takes this Sftra differently. He says: ‘The
immunity from taxes which has been granted to Brabmazas and
others by former kings he shall maintain in the same manner
as formerly.’ But I think that ‘akara’ must be taken as a Bahuvrihi compound, and is used to designate widows, orphans,
ascetics, &c.; see Apastamba II, 10, 26, 10-17.
12. Haradatta observes that others explain upakurvdza, ‘temporary students,’ opposed to naish¢hika, ‘permanent students,’ to
mean ‘men who benefit the people,’ i.e. physicians and the like.
13. Manu VII, 103-110, 160-200; X, 119.
X, 244 LAWFUL OCCUPATIONS AND LIVELIHOOD. 229
15. And (to learn) the management of chariots and.
the use of the bow (is a further duty of the king),
16. As well as to stand firm in battle and not to
turn back.
17. No sin (is committed) by injuring or slaying
(foes) in battle,
18. Excepting those who have lost their horses,
charioteers, or arms, those who join their hands (in
supplication), those who flee with flying hair, those
who sit down with averted faces, those who have
climbed (in flight) on eminences or trees, messengers, and those who declare themselves to be cows
or Brahmamas.
19. If another Kshatriya is supported by (the
king), he shall follow the same occupations as his
(master).
_ 20. The victor shall receive the booty gained in
battle.
21. But chariots and animals used for riding (belong) to the king,
22. And a preferential share, except when the
booty has been gained in single combat.
23. But the king shall equitably divide (all) other
(spoils).
24. Cultivators (must) pay to the king a tax
16. Manu VII, 87-89; X, 119; Yag#avalkya I, 233.
17-18. Apastamba II, g, 10, 11. Persons who declare themselves to be cows or Brahmanas become inviolable on account
of the sacred character of the beings they personate. Historical
instances are narrated where conquered kings were forced to
appear before their victors, holding grass in their mouths or
dancing like peacocks in order to save their lives.
20. Manu VII, 96. 22-23. Manu VII, 97.
24. Manu VII, 130. The’ amount depends on the nature of
the soil and the manner of cultivation.
20. Manu VII, 96. 22-23. Manu VII, 97.
24. Manu VII, 130. The’ amount depends on the nature of
the soil and the manner of cultivation.
230 GAUTAMA. X, 25.
(amounting to) one-tenth, one-eighth, or one-sixth
(of the produce).
25. Some declare, that (there is a tax) also on
cattle and gold, (viz.) one-fiftieth (of the stock).
26. In the case of merchandise one-twentieth
(must be paid by the seller) as duty,
27. (And) of roots, fruits, flowers, medicinal herbs,
honey, meat, grass, and firewood one-sixtieth.
28. For it is the duty (of the king) to protect the
(tax-payers).
29. But to (the collection of) these (taxes) he
shall always pay particular attention.
30. He shall live on the surplus.
31. Each artisan shall monthly do one (day’s)
work (for the king).
32. Hereby (the taxes payable by) those who
25. Manu VII, 130. The above translation follows Haradatta’s
explanation, while Sir W. Jones’ rendering of Manu gives a different meaning to the identical words.
26. Manu VII, 127. 24. Manu X, 120.
28. Manu VII, 128.
29. Manu VII, 128, 139.
- 30. Haradatta takes this Sftra differently. He says, ‘ Adhika,
‘‘additional,” means the money which is paid on account of (the
additional occupations) which have been explained above (Sftra
4 seq.): “To protect all created beings,” &c. Thereon shall he
live, he himself, his servants, his elephants, horses, and his other
(animals).’ If this explanation is adopted, the Stra ought to be
translated thus, ‘He shall live on (the taxes paid for his) additional
(occupations).’ It seems, however, more probable that Gautama
means to say that the king shall live on the surplus which remains
after providing for the external and internal security of the kingdom,
and that his object is to forbid the application of the whole revenue
to the personal expenses of the ruler.
31. Manu VII, 131.
32. Haradatta says that wood-carriers, dancers, and the like are
intended.
X, 43. LAWFUI. OCCUPATIONS AND LIVELIHOOD. 231
support themselves by personal labour have been
explained,
33. And (those payable by) owners of ships and
carts.
34. He must feed these (persons while they work
for him).
35. The merchants shall (each) give (every month
one) article of merchandise for less than the market
value.
36. Those who find lost (property) the owner of
which is not (known), shall announce it to the
king.
37. The king shall cause it to be proclaimed (by
the public crier), and (if the owner does not appear)
hold it in his custody for a year.
38. Afterwards one-fourth (of the value goes) to
the finder (and) the remainder to the king.
39. A (man becomes) owner by inheritance, purchase, partition, seizure, or finding.
40. Acceptance is for a Brahmaza an additional
(mode of acquisition) ;
41. Conquest for a Kshatriya ;
42. Gain (by labour) for a Vaisya or Sidra.
43. Treasure-trove is the property of the king,
36-38. Manu VIII, 30-36; Yag#avalkya II, 33, 173; Macnaghten, Mitékshara V, 1, 6.
40. Acceptance is for a Brahmaza an additional
(mode of acquisition) ;
41. Conquest for a Kshatriya ;
42. Gain (by labour) for a Vaisya or Sidra.
43. Treasure-trove is the property of the king,
36-38. Manu VIII, 30-36; Yag#avalkya II, 33, 173; Macnaghten, Mitékshara V, 1, 6.
39. Manu X, 115; Mayfkha IV, 1, 2; Colebrooke, Mitakshara
I, 1, 8; Ill, Digest IV, 22. ‘Partition, i.e. the division (of
the estate) between brothers and other (coparceners); seizure,
i.e. the appropriation before (others) of forest trees and other
things which have no owner; finding, i.e. the appropriation of
lost property the owner of which is unknown, such as treasuretrove.’— Haradatta.
43. Manu VIII, 38; YAgaavalkya II, 34; Macnaghten, MitaksharA V, 1, 10.
7 .
232 GAUTAMA. X, 44.
44. Excepting (such as is found) by a Brahmana
who lives according to (the law).
45. Some declare, that a finder of a non-Braéhmanical caste even, who announces (his find to the
king), shall obtain one-sixth (of the value).
46. Having recovered property stolen by thieves,
he shall return it to the owner;
47. Or (if the stolen property is not recovered)
he shall pay (its value) out of his treasury.
48. The property of infants must be protected
until they attain their majority or complete their
studentship.
‘49. The additional (occupations) of a Vaisya are,
agriculture, trade, tending cattle, and lending money
at interest.
'50. The Sidra (belongs to) the fourth caste,
which has one birth (only).
44. Manu VIII, 37; Yagdavalkya II, 34; Macnaghten loc. cit.
46. Manu VIII, 40; YAgéavalkya II, 36; Macnaghten, Mitakshara V, 1, 14.
47. Apastamba II, 10, 26, 8; Macnaghten loc. cit.
48. Manu VIII, 27.
49. Apastamba II, 5, 10, 7.
50. Apastamba I,1,1,6; Manu X, 4. Between this Stra and
the next, my MSS. insert an additional one, not found in Professor
Stenzler’s edition, SQdrasy4pi nishekapumsavanasimantonnayanagétakarmanamakara # opanishkramam4nnaprasana £aulanyamantrakazi
yathakaélam upadish/aniA, ‘for the Sidra also the Nisheka (or
impregnation), the Pumsavana (or rite for securing male offspring),
the Stmantonnayana (or arranging the parting of a pregnant
wife), the Gdtakarman (or ceremony on the birth of the child),
the name-giving, the first walk in the open air, the first feeding,
and the aula (or tonsure of the child’s head) are prescribed
to be performed at the proper periods, but without the recitation of sacred texts.’ But I am inclined to consider it spurious:
first, because there is no proper commentary; secondly, because
the enumeration of the Samskdras given here does not agree with
X, 64. LAWFUL OCCUPATIONS AND LIVELIHOOD. 233
51. For him also (are prescribed) truthfulness,
meekness, and purity.
52. Some (declare), that instead of sipping water,
he shall wash his hands and feet.
53. (He shall also offer) the funeral oblations,
54. Maintain those depending upon him,
55. Live with his wife (only),
56. And serve the higher (castes).
52. Some (declare), that instead of sipping water,
he shall wash his hands and feet.
53. (He shall also offer) the funeral oblations,
54. Maintain those depending upon him,
55. Live with his wife (only),
56. And serve the higher (castes).
57. From them he shall seek to obtain his livelihood.
58. (He shall use their) cast-off shoes, umbrellas,
garments, and mats (for sitting on),
59. (And) eat the remnants of their food;
60. And (he may) live by (practising) mechanical
arts;
61. And the Arya under whose protection he
places himself, must support him even if he (becomes) unable to work.
62. And a man of higher caste (who is his master
and has fallen into distress must be maintained) by
him,
63. His hoard shall serve this purpose.
64. If permission has been given to him, he
that given above, VIII, 14; and thirdly, because, according to the
practice of Gautama, this Stra should begin with ‘tasy4pi’ instead
of with ‘ Sidrasy4pi,’ and the ‘tasyApi’ in the next would become
superfluous. The rule agrees however with Manu X, 63, 127.
51. Manu IX, 335.
53- Manu X, 127-128.
55- ‘Another commentator explains the Sfitra to mean that
he shall live with his wife only, and never enter another order
(i.e. never become a student, hermit, or ascetic). —Haradatta.
56. Apastamba, I, 1, 1, 7-8; Manu X, 121-123.
57. Manu X, 124. 58-59. Manu X, 125.
60. Manu X, gg.
234 GAUTAMA. X, 65.
may use the exclamation namah (adoration) as his
Mantra.
65. Some (declare), that he himself may offer the
Pakayagaas.
66. And all men must serve those who belong to
higher castes.
67. If Aryans and non-Aryans interchange their
occupations and conduct (the one taking that of the
other, there is) equality (between them).
CHAPTER XI.
1. The king is master of all, with the exception
of Brahmazas.
2. (He shall be) holy in acts and speech,
3. Fully instructed in the threefold (sacred science)
and in logic,
4. Pure, of subdued senses, surrounded by com-
65. Manu X, 127. Regarding the Pakayagfias, see above,
VIII, 18.
67. ‘There is equality between them, i.e. the one need not
serve the other. A Sfidra need not serve even a Brahmaza, (much
less) any other (twice-born man) who lives the life of a non-Aryan
(SQdra). A Sfdra, even, who conducts himSelf like an Aryan
must not be despised by men of other castes, who follow the .
occupations of non-Aryans, on account of his inferior birth.’—
Haradatta.
XI. 1. Macnaghten, Mitakshara I, 1, 27; Manu IX, 313-322;
Weber, Ind. Stud. X, 29, 60.
2. Manu VII, 26. ‘ Holy in acts,’ i.e. constantly acting in conformity with the Sastras; ‘holy in speech,’ i.e. when administering
justice he shall not speak partially.
3. Manu VII, 43; Yag#avalkya I, 310. Haradatta thinks that
the term ‘the threefold sacred science includes the fourth Veda
also, because it consists chiefly of Rzkas and Yagus formulas.’
4. Manu VII, 30-31 ; Yaghavalkya I, 354; Apastamba II, 11,
24, 18. ‘Of subdued senses, i.e. free from the (seven) vices
Haradatta thinks that
the term ‘the threefold sacred science includes the fourth Veda
also, because it consists chiefly of Rzkas and Yagus formulas.’
4. Manu VII, 30-31 ; Yaghavalkya I, 354; Apastamba II, 11,
24, 18. ‘Of subdued senses, i.e. free from the (seven) vices
XI, 12. THE DUTIES OF A KING. 235
panions possessing excellent qualities and by the
means (for upholding his rule).
5. He shall be impartial towards his subjects ;
6. And he shall do (what is) good for them.
7. All, excepting Brahmazas, shall worship him
who is seated on a higher seat, (while they themselves sit on a) lower (one).
8. The (Brahmazas), also, shall honour him.
9. He shall protect the castes and orders in accordance with justice ;
10. And those who leave (the path of) duty, he
shall lead back (to it).
11. For it is declared (in the Veda) that he obtains a share of the spiritual merit (gained by his
subjects).
12, And he shall select as his domestic priest
(purohita) a Brahmaza who is learned (in the Vedas),
of noble family, eloquent, handsome, of (a suitable)
age, and of a virtuous disposition, who lives righteously and who is austere.
(common among kings), i.e. sensuality, gambling, hunting, drinking, &c.—Haradatta. The means (upaya) are those mentioned
by Yagfavalkya I, 345-346.
5. Manu VII, 80; Yag#avalkya I, 333.
6. ‘And he shall do what is good, i.e. dig tanks, build embankments and bridges &c. for them, i.e. his subjects. —Haradatta.
7. ‘(On a) lower (one), i.e. on the ground only.’—Haradatta.
This is still the custom in native courts, where, however, Brahmamas, as a rule, must also sit on the floor.
8. ‘Honour him,’ i.e. worship him by invoking blessings on
him and the like.
g. Manu VII, 35. 10. YAg#avalkya I, 360.
11. Manu VIII, 304; Yag#avalkya I, 334.
12. Manu VII, 78; Yag#avalkya I, 312. Haradatta explains
vAaksampanna, ‘eloquent,’ by ‘one who knows Sanskrit.’ According
to the same, ‘the (suitable) age’ is the prime of life, when men
236 GAUTAMA. ‘XI, 13.
13. With his assistance he shall fulfil his religious
duties,
14. For it is declared (in the Veda) : ‘ Kshatriyas,
who are assisted by Brahmazas, prosper and do not
fall into distress.’
15. He shall, also, take heed of that which astrologers and interpreters of omens tell (him).
16. For some (declare), that the acquisition of
wealth and security depend also upon that.
17. He shall perform in the fire of the hall the
rites ensuring prosperity which are connected with
expiations (s4nti), festivals, a prosperous march, long
life, and auspiciousness; as well as those that are
intended to cause enmity, to subdue (enemies), to
destroy (them) by incantations, and to cause their
misfortune.
18. Officiating priests (shall perform) the other
(sacrifices) according to the precepts (of the Veda).
are neither too young nor too old. ‘Austere’ is interpreted to
mean ‘not given to sensual enjoyments.’
13. Manu VII, 78. 14. Satapatha-brahmaaa IV, 1, 4, 4-6.
18. Officiating priests (shall perform) the other
(sacrifices) according to the precepts (of the Veda).
are neither too young nor too old. ‘Austere’ is interpreted to
mean ‘not given to sensual enjoyments.’
13. Manu VII, 78. 14. Satapatha-brahmaaa IV, 1, 4, 4-6.
17. Apastamba II, 10, 25, 4, 7. Santis, ‘expiations,’ are rites
intended to avert an impending misfortune which is announced by an
evil omen. ‘Festivals’ are, according to Haradatta, wedding-days
and the like; ‘rites connected with auspiciousness’ are, according
to the same, rites on entering a new dwelling and the like. Haradatta further remarks that, though, according to the text, the king
must perform these rites, he is, in reality, only to give the necessary orders, and to furnish the means for their performance, while
the Purohita is to officiate as priest. He adds, that another commentator asserts that ‘the Purohita,’ not ‘the king,’ must be taken
as the subject of the sentence.
18. Manu VII, 78-79; YAgéavalkya I, 313. Haradatta says
that by the ‘other’ sacrifices, both Grihya and Srauta rites
are meant. I think that the latter are chiefly intended, as the
Samsk4ras are included under the rites of festive days, mentioned
in the preceding Sftra.
XI, 25. THE DUTIES OF A KING. 237
19. His administration of justice (shall be regulated by) the Veda, the Institutes of the Sacred Law,
the Angas, and the Purdma.
20. The laws of countries, castes, and families,
which are not opposed to the (sacred) records, (have)
also authority.
21. Cultivators, traders, herdsmen, money-lenders,
and artisans (have authority to lay down rules) for
their respective classes.
22. Having learned the (state of) affairs from
those who (in each class) have authority (to speak
he shall give) the legal decision.
23. Reasoning is a means for arriving at the
truth.
24. Coming to a conclusion through that, he shall
decide properly.
25. If (the evidence) is conflicting, he shall learn
(the truth) from (Bréhmazas) who are well versed in
19. The Angas, i.e. the six auxiliary branches of learning
mentioned above, VIII, 5. My best copy inserts ‘the Upavedas’
after the Angas. But the words upavedaA and dharmas4strdzi, ‘ the
institutes of Jaw,’ are probably interpolations. For the latter are
already i included by the term Anga, as part of the Kalpa.
20. Apastamba Il, 6, 15, 1; Manu VII, 203; VIII, 41, 46;
Yagiiavalkya I, 342. ‘The (sacred) records, i.e. the Vedas and the
rest.’— Haradatta.
22. ‘Having learned, i.e. having heard and considered, from
them, i.e. from men of those classes, according to their authority,
i.e. from those who in each class are authorised to give decisions,
the (state of) affairs, i.e. the peculiar customs, the legal decision
must be given in accordance with that which they declare to be
the rule in their community.’— Haradatta.
from those who in each class are authorised to give decisions,
the (state of) affairs, i.e. the peculiar customs, the legal decision
must be given in accordance with that which they declare to be
the rule in their community.’— Haradatta.
23. Manu VIII, 44; XII, 105-106; Macnaghten, Mitakshara
II, 8, 8. Haradatta remarks, that this Sfitra refers to the case
_ where the spokesmen of a guild may be suspected of partiality.
25. Manu XII, 108-113. According to Haradatta this Stra
refers to particularly difficult cases.
238 . GAUTAMA. XI, 26.
the threefold sacred lore, and give his decision
(accordingly).
26. For, (if he acts) thus, blessings will attend
him (in this world and the next).
27. It has been declared in the Veda: ‘Brahmazas,
united with Kshatriyas, uphold gods, manes, and
men.’
28. They declare, that (the word) dazda (rule or
punishment) is derived from (the verb) damayati (he
restrains); therefore he shall restrain those who do
not restrain themselves.
29. (Men of) the (several) castes and orders who
always live according to their duty enjoy after
death the rewards of their works, and by virtue of
a remnant of their (merit) they are born again in excellent countries, castes, and families, (endowed) with
beauty, long life, learning in the Vedas, (virtuous)
conduct, wealth, happiness, and wisdom.
30. Those who act in a contrary manner perish,
being born again in various (evil conditions).
31. The advice of the spiritual teacher and the
punishment (inflicted by the king) guard them.
32. Therefore a king and a spiritual teacher must
not be reviled.
CuarTer XII.
1. A Sidra who intentionally reviles twice-born
men by criminal abuse, or criminally assaults them
with blows, shall be deprived of the limb with which
he offends.
26, Apastamba Il, 5, 11, 4- 29. Apastamba II, 5, 11, 10.
30. Apastamba II, 5,11, 11. ‘Perish, i.e. fall from one misfortune into the other.’—Haradatta.
31. Apastamba II, 5, ro, 12-16. 32. Manu VII, 8.
XII. 1. Apastamba II, 10, 27, 14; Manu VIII, 270, 279-283;
XIT, 9. CRIMINAL AND CIVIL LAW. 239
2. If he has criminal intercourse with an Aryan
woman, his organ shall be cut off, and all his property
be confiscated.
3. If (the woman had) a protector, he shall be
executed after (having undergone the punishments
prescribed above).
4. Now if he listens intentionally to (a recitation
of) the Veda, his ears shall be filled with (molten)
tin or lac.
5. If he recites (Vedic texts), his tongue shall be
cut out.
6. If he remembers them, his body shall be split
in twain.
7. If he assumes a position equal (to that of
twice-born men) in sitting, in lying down, in conversation or on the road, he shall undergo (corporal)
punishment.
8. A Kshatriya (shall be fined) one hundred
(Karshapazas) if he abuses a Brahmaza,
9. In case of an assault, twice as much.
7. If he assumes a position equal (to that of
twice-born men) in sitting, in lying down, in conversation or on the road, he shall undergo (corporal)
punishment.
8. A Kshatriya (shall be fined) one hundred
(Karshapazas) if he abuses a Brahmaza,
9. In case of an assault, twice as much.
YAgfavalkya II, 215. Haradatta adds that an abusive word or a
blow given in jest must not be punished in the manner prescribed
above, as the word ‘ parushya’ presupposes criminal intent.
2. Apastamba II, 10, 26, 20; Mayfikha XIX, 7, where, however,
arya has been altered to a4#4rya. Haradatta adds that the two
punishments are cumulative in the case of a Brahmaai only. If
the offence is committed with a Kshatriy4, the offender is liable to
the first only ; if he sins with a Vaisya, to the second.
3. Apastamba II, 10, 27, 9; Manu VIII, 359; Yag#avalkya
II, 286.
a. Apastamba JI, 10, 27, 15; Manu VIII, 281.—The translation follows Haradatta, who is guided by the parallel passages.
But for the latter, one would translate ‘he shall be fined.’
8. Manu VIII, 267; Yag#avalkya III, 204-207. Manu VIII, 136
states one Karshapaa or copper Pana contains 80 Raktikas, which
would correspond to 97-60 grammes of the metrical system.
240 GAUTAMA. XII, ro.
10, A Vaisya (who abuses a Brahmaza, shall pay)
one and a half (times as much as a Kshatriya).
11. But a Brahmaza (who abuses) a Kshatriya
(shall pay) fifty (K4rshApazas),
12. One half of that (amount if he abuses) a
Vaisya,
13. (And if he abuses) a Sidra, nothing.
14. A Kshatriya and a Vaisya (who abuse one
another shall pay the same fines) as a Brahmaza
and a Kshatriya.
15. (The value of) property which a Sadra unrighteously acquires by theft, must be repaid eightfold. ;
16. For each of the other castes (the fines must
be) doubled.
17. If a learned man offends, the punishment
shall be very much increased.
18. If fruits, green corn, and vegetables are
appropriated in small amounts, (the fine is) five
Krishaalas (of copper).
1o, Manu VIII, 267. 11. Manu VIII, 268.
12. Manu VIII, 268.
13. Manu VIII, 268, WHaradatta adds that, as a Brahmaaza is
declared to pay nothing for abusing a S(dra, a Kshatriya and a
Vaisya are liable to be fined for that offence, and that according
to Usanas a Kshatriya shall pay twenty-four Pazas, and a Vaisya
thirty-six.
14. I.e. a Vaisya shall pay one hundred Pamas for abusing
a Kshatriya, and a Kshatriya fifty for abusing a Vaisya.
15. Manu VIII, 337. ;
16. Manu VIII, 337-338. I.e. a Vaisya is to pay sixteen
times the value of the stolen property, a Kshatriya thirty-two
times, and a Briéhmaza sixty-four times.
17. Manu VIII, 338.
18, Manu VIII, 330. Krzshvala is another name for Raktika,
XII, 29. CRIMINAL AND CIVIL LAW. 241
19. If damage is done by cattle, the responsibility
falls on the owner.
20. But if (the cattle) were attended by a herdsman, (it falls) on the latter.
17. Manu VIII, 338.
18, Manu VIII, 330. Krzshvala is another name for Raktika,
XII, 29. CRIMINAL AND CIVIL LAW. 241
19. If damage is done by cattle, the responsibility
falls on the owner.
20. But if (the cattle) were attended by a herdsman, (it falls) on the latter.
21. (If the damage was done) in an unenclosed
field near the road, (the responsibility falls) on the
herdsman and on the owner of the field.
22. Five MAashas (are the fine to be paid) for
(damage done by) a cow,
23. Six for a camel or a donkey,
24. Ten for a horse or a buffalo,
25. Two for each goat or sheep.
26. If all is destroyed, (the value of) the whole
crop (must be paid and a fine in addition).
27. If (a man) always neglects the prescribed
(duties) and does that which is forbidden, his property beyond (the amount required for) raiment and
food shall be taken from him (until he amends).
28. He may take, as his own, grass for a cow,
and fuel for his fire, as well as the flowers of
creepers and trees and their fruit, if they be unenclosed.
29. The legal interest for money lent (is at the
rate of) five Mashas a month for twenty (K4rshapazeas).
used also by Yag#avalkya I, 362. It equals 0-122 grammes of
the metrical system, Prinsep, Useful Tables, p. 97.
20-21. Manu VIII, 240; Yagéavalkya II, 162.
22-26. Manu VIII, 241; Yag#avalkya II, 159-161 ; Colebrooke
III, Digest IV, 40. Haradatta, relying on Usanas everywhere,
reckons twenty Mashas to the Karshapama.
27. Apastamba II, 11, 27, 18.
28. Apastamba I, 10, 28, 3; Colebrooke III, Digest IV, 22.
29. Manu VIII, 140; YAg#avalkya II, 37; Colebrooke I,
Digest 25. Haradatta states that a Karshapaza contains twenty
[2] R
242 GAUTAMA. XII, 30.
30. Some (declare, that this rate should not be
paid) longer than a year.
31. If (the loan) remains outstanding for a long
time, the principal may be doubled (after which
interest ceases).
32. A loan secured by a pledge that is used (by
the creditor) bears no interest ;
33. Nor money tendered, nor (a debt due by a
debtor) who is forcibly prevented (from paying).
34. (Special forms of interest are) compound interest, periodical interest,
35. Stipulated interest, corporal, interest, daily
interest, and the use of a pledge.
Mashas. Thus the monthly interest for 400 M4shas being five
MAshas, the rate is 1} per cent for the month, or 15 per cent
per annum.
30. Colebrooke I, Digest 40; Manu VIII, 153.
31. Manu VIII, 151; Colebrooke I, Digest 59.
32. Manu VIII, 143; Colebrooke I, Digest 79.
33 Colebrooke I, Digest 79. ‘Likewise the debt of a debtor
who, being desirous to pay, is imprisoned by the king or others
in a prison or the like, and who is thus unable to pay, does not
increase from that day.’—Haradatta.
32. Manu VIII, 143; Colebrooke I, Digest 79.
33 Colebrooke I, Digest 79. ‘Likewise the debt of a debtor
who, being desirous to pay, is imprisoned by the king or others
in a prison or the like, and who is thus unable to pay, does not
increase from that day.’—Haradatta.
34. For this and the next Sfitra, see also Colebrooke I, Digest
35-45, in the notes on which latter text the various explanations of these terms, found here, have been fully discussed. ‘If
a large or a small interest is taken on condition that the loan
is to be repaid on a certain date, and that, in case of non-payment,
it is to be trebled or quadrupled, that is called periodical interest.’—
Haradatta.
35. ‘Where the lender and the borrower, having regard to
the country, the time, the object, and the condition (of the borrower), agree between themselves (on a certain rate), e.g. of ten
per cent per mensem, that is called stipulated interest. Corporal
interest is that which is payable by bodily labour. Thus Brzhaspati says, ‘Corporal interest is that connected with work.” But
Vyasa explains it thus, “Corporal interest is that which arises
from the work (or use) of a (pledged female quadruped) to be
XII, 39. CRIMINAL AND CIVIL LAW. 243
36. The interest on products of animals, on wool,
on the produce of a field, and on beasts of burden
(shall) not (increase) more than the fivefold (value
of the object lent).
37. The property of (a person who is) neither an
idiot nor a minor, having been used by strangers
before his eyes for ten years, (belongs) to him who
uses it,
38. (But) not (if it is used) by Srotriyas, ascetics,
or royal officials.
39. Animals, land, and females are not lost (to
the owner) by (another's) possession.
milked, or of (a male) to carry burdens.” Ké4tyéyana explains
the daily interest (lit. the interest resembling the growth of the
lock on the head), “That which is taken daily is called daily
interest.” . . . E.g. for a Prastha of grain lent a handful of grain
is taken daily. —Haradatta.
36. Colebrooke I, Digest 62. Haradatta mentions also another
explanation of the Sitra: ‘Another (commentator) says, “If products of animals and the rest have been bought, and the price
is not paid at once, that may increase fivefold by the addition
of interest, but not to a greater sum.”’”
37. Manu VIII, 147-148; Yagéavalkya II, 24.
38. Haradatta adds that in the case of a Srotriya and of an
ascetic, the owner may allow the use of his property for a long
time, desiring to acquire merit by doing so, and that fear may
prevent him from opposing the king’s servants. Hence prolonged possession by such persons does not necessitate the conclusion that the owner had given up his rights, As ascetics cannot
possess any property, the Sfitra must refer to their occupying an
empty house which has an owner.
Hence prolonged possession by such persons does not necessitate the conclusion that the owner had given up his rights, As ascetics cannot
possess any property, the Sfitra must refer to their occupying an
empty house which has an owner.
39. Manu VIII, 149; Yag#avalkya II, 25. The translation
given above agrees with an explanation of the Sfitra which Haradatta mentions, but rejects. He himself prefers the following :
‘Animals, i.e. quadrupeds; land, i.e. a field, a garden, and the
like; females, i.e. female slaves and the like. No long possession
of animals and the rest is necessary in order to acquire the rights of
ownership over them. Even after a short period they become the
R 2
244 GAUTAMA. XII, 4o.
40. The heirs shall pay the debts (of a deceased
person).
41. Money due by a surety, a commercial debt, a
fee (due to the parents of the bride), debts contracted for spirituous liquor or in gambling, and a
fine shall not involve the sons (of the debtor).
42. An (open) deposit, a sealed deposit, an object
lent for use, an object bought (but not paid), and a
pledge, being lost without the fault of the holder,
(shall not involve) any blameless person.
43. A man who has stolen (gold) shall approach
the king, with flying hair, holding a club in his hand,
and proclaim his deed.
property of the possessor. For how (would it be possible that)
a person, who himself wants buttermilk and the like, should allow
a cow which he himself has bought, and which gives daily a Droza
of milk, to be milked in the house of another person?’ &c. &c.
40. Manu VIII, 162; Yagéavalkya II, 51.
41. Manu VIII, 159-160; YAg#avalkya II, 47, 54; Colebrooke I, Digest 202. Taking into account the parallel passages
of Manu and Y4g@avalkya, Haradatta very properly restricts this
rule to a bail for the personal appearance of an offender. In
explanation of the expression ‘a commercial debt’ he gives the
following instance: ‘If a person has borrowed money from somebody on the condition that he is to repay the principal together
with the gain thereon, and if he dies in a foreign country, while
travelling in order to trade, then that money shall not be repaid
by the son.’ The instance explaining the term ‘fee’ (sulka) is
as follows: ‘If a person has promised a fee (to the parents of
a woman) and dies after the wedding, then that fee does not
involve his son, i.e. need not be paid by him.’ The word sulka
is, however, ambiguous, and may also mean ‘a tax or toll.’
42. Manu VIII, 189; Yag#avalkya II, 59, 66; Colebrooke II,
Digest I, 29. Haradatta declares the meaning to be, that in case
the bailee was guilty of no negligence and took the same care
of the deposits &c. as of his own property, neither he nor his heirs
need make good the value of those which were lost or destroyed.
XII, 52. CRIMINAL AND CIVIL LAW. 245
44. Whether he be slain or be pardoned, he is
purified (of his guilt).
45. If the king does not strike, the guilt falls on
him.
as of his own property, neither he nor his heirs
need make good the value of those which were lost or destroyed.
XII, 52. CRIMINAL AND CIVIL LAW. 245
44. Whether he be slain or be pardoned, he is
purified (of his guilt).
45. If the king does not strike, the guilt falls on
him.
46. Corporal punishment (must) not (be resorted
to in the case) of a Brahmamza.
47. Preventing (a repetition of) the deed, publicly proclaiming his crime, banishment, and branding
(are the punishments to which a Brahmaza may be
subjected).
48. That (king) who does not do his duty (by
inflicting punishment) becomes liable to perform a
penance.
49. (A man who) knowingly (becomes) the servant
(of a thief shall be treated) like a thief,
50. Likewise he who (knowingly) receives (goods)
from (a thief or) an unrighteous man.
51. The award of the punishment (must be regulated) bya consideration (of the status) of the criminal,
of his (bodily) strength, of (the nature of) the crime,
and whether the offence has been repeated.
52, Or a pardon (may be given) in accordance
with the opinion of an assemblage of persons learned
in the Vedas.
45- Apastamba I, 9, 25, 5.
46. Manu VIII, 124 ie Macnaghten, Mitaksharé III, #9 9.
47. Manu IX, 239, 241; Apastamba II, 10, 27, 8, 17-19;
Macnaghten loc. cit. Karmaviyoga, ° preventing (a repetition of) the
deed,’ may also mean ‘ suspension from (his priestly) functions,’
48. Apastamba II, 11, 28, 13.
49-50. Manu IX, 278; Yagéavalkya II, 276.
51. Manu VII, 16; VIII, 126; Yag#avalkya I, 367.
246 GAUTAMA. XIII, 1.
Cuarter XIII.
1. In disputed cases the truth shall be established
by means of witnesses.
2. The (latter) shall be many, faultless as regards
the performance of their duties, worthy to be trusted
by the king, and free from affection for, or hatred
against either (party).
3. (They may be) Sddras even.
4. But a Brahmavza must not be forced (to give
evidence) at the word of a non-Braéhmama, except if
he is mentioned (in the plaint).
5. (Witnesses) shall not speak singly or without
being asked, .
6. And if, (being asked,) they do not answer, they
are guilty of a crime.
7. Heaven is their reward, if they speak the
XIII. 1. Manu VII, 45; Yagfavalkya II, 22.
2. Apastamba II, 11, 29, 7. ‘Many means at least three.’—
Haradatta.
3. Manu VIII, 63. I.e. Sfdras endowed with the qualities
mentioned above.
4. Manu VIII, 65. ‘A Brahmavza means here a Srotriya. Ifa
man other than a Brahmaaa says: “This Brahmama is a witness of
this fact,” then the (Srotriya) shall not be forced to become, i.e. not
be taken as a witness, provided he has not been mentioned, i.e. he
has not been entered in the written plaint (as one of the witnesses).
But if he has been entered in the plaint, he certainly becomes
a witness.’—Haradatta.
not
be taken as a witness, provided he has not been mentioned, i.e. he
has not been entered in the written plaint (as one of the witnesses).
But if he has been entered in the plaint, he certainly becomes
a witness.’—Haradatta.
5. Manu VIII, 79; Macnaghten, Mitékshara VI, 1,21. In the
Mitakshara the Sftra is read ndsamavetéh prishfA prabrfyud,
‘witnesses need not answer if they are examined singly.’ Mitramista in the Vframitrodaya says that Haradatta’s reading of the
text is the same, and that his explanation does not agree with it.
6. Manu VIII, 107; Yag#avalkya II, 76-77.
1. Apastamba II, 11, 29, g-10.
XIII, 15. WITNESSES. 247
truth; in the contrary case hell (will be their
portion).
8. (Persons) not mentioned (in the plaint), must
also give evidence.
9. No objection (can be raised against witnesses)
in a case of (criminal) hurt,
10. Nor if they have spoken inadvertently.
11. If the sacred law or the rules (referring to
worldly matters) are violated, the guilt (falls) on
the witnesses, the assessors, the king, and on the
offender.
12, Some (declare, that the witnesses) shall be
charged on oath to speak the truth.
13. In the case of others than Brahmavas that
(oath shall be sworn) in the presence of the gods, of
the king, and of Brahmamas.
14. By false evidence concerning small cattle a
witness kills ten,
15. (By false evidence) regarding cows, horses,
men, or land, in each succeeding case ten times as
many (as in the one mentioned before),
9. Manu VIII, 72; Y4g#avalkya II, 72.
to. ‘ Negligence, i.e. inadvertence. If anything has been spoken
at random by a witness in a conversation referring to something else
(than the case), no blame must be thrown on him for that reason,’—
Haradatta.
11. Manu VIII, 18. The translation follows Haradatta. Perhaps
it would, however, be as well to take dharmatantra, ‘the sacred law
and the rules referring to worldly matters,’ as a Tatpurusha, and to
translate, ‘If there is a miscarriage of justice, the guilt,’ &c.
12-13. Apastamba II, 11, 29, 7.
14-22. Manu VIII, 98-100. ‘By speaking an untruth regarding
them, the witness kills ten. Ten what? Even ten (of that kind)
regarding which he has lied. His guilt is as great as if he actually
killed ten of them, and the punishment (is the same). Equal
penances must also be prescribed for both cases.’—Haradatta.
248 GAUTAMA. XIII, 16.
16. Or (by false evidence) regarding land the
whole (human race).
17. Hell (is the punishment) for a theft of land.
18. (By false evidence) concerning water (he incurs) the same (guilt) as (for an untruth) about land,
19. Likewise (by false evidence) regarding (criminal) intercourse.
20. (By false evidence) regarding honey or clarified butter (he incurs) the same (guilt) as (by an
untruth) about small cattle,
21. (By false evidence) about clothes, gold, grain,
and the Veda, the same as (by an untruth) about
kine,
Likewise (by false evidence) regarding (criminal) intercourse.
20. (By false evidence) regarding honey or clarified butter (he incurs) the same (guilt) as (by an
untruth) about small cattle,
21. (By false evidence) about clothes, gold, grain,
and the Veda, the same as (by an untruth) about
kine,
22. (And by false evidence) regarding a carriage
(or a beast of burden) the same as (by an untruth)
about horses.
23. A witness must be reprimanded and punished
for speaking an untruth.
24. No guilt is incurred by giving false evidence,
in case the life (of a man) depends thereon.
25. But (this rule does) not (hold good) if the
life of a very wicked (man depends on the evidence
of a witness).
26. The king, or the judge, or a Brahmaza learned
in the SAstras (shall examine the witnesses).
27. (The litigant) shall humbly go to seek the
judge.
23. Manu VIII, 119-123; YAgfavalkya II, 81. ‘ Yapyak
(literally ‘must be turned out”) means “must be reprimanded ”
in the presence of the whole audience, lest anybody have intercourse with him.’— Haradatta.
24-25. Manu VIII, ro4-105; YAgdavalkya II, 83.
26. Manu VIII, 8-9, 79; YAgéavalkya II, 1, 3, 73.
27. Manu VIII, 43. The meaning of the Sfitra is that the
XIV, 6. IMPURITY. 249
28. If (the defendant) is unable to answer (the
plaint) at once, (the judge) may wait for a year.
29. But (in an action) concerning kine, draughtoxen, women, or the procreation (of offspring), the
defendant (shall answer) immediately,
30. Likewise in a case that will suffer by delay.
31. To speak the truth before the judge is more
important than all (other) duties.
CuarpTer XIV.
1. The Sapizdas become impure by the death (of
a relative) during ten (days and) nights, except those
who officiate as priests, who have performed the
Dikshaziyesh¢i (or initiatory ceremony of a Srauta
sacrifice), and those who are students.
2. (The impurity) of a Kshatriya lasts for eleven
(days and) nights,
3. (That) of a Vaisya twelve (days and) nights,
4. (Or), according to some, half a month,
5. (And that) of a Sddra a whole month.
6. If during (a period of impurity) another (death)
happens, the (relatives) shall be pure after (the
lapse of) the remainder of that (first period).
judge shall not promote litigation, and incite people to institute
suits. If litigants do not humbly appear before him, he is not
to send for them. ;
28. See also Narada I, 38, 41.
29. Yagf#avalkya II, 12. Haradatta explains praganana, ‘the
procreation (of offspring), to mean ‘ marriage.’
XIV. 1. Manu V, 59, 83, 93; Yag#avalkya III, 18, 28; see
also Apastamba I, 5, 16, 18. Regarding the meaning of the term
Sapinda, see below, Sfitra 13. This Sftra refers, of course, to
Bréhmaaas only.
2-3. Manu V, 83; Y4g@avalkya III, 22.
5 Manu and Ygfavalkya 1. 1. cit. 6. Manu V, 79.
250 GAUTAMA. XIV, 7.
7. (But) if one night (only of the period of impurity) remains (and another death happens, they shall
become pure) after (the lapse of) two (days and
nights).
2-3. Manu V, 83; Y4g@avalkya III, 22.
5 Manu and Ygfavalkya 1. 1. cit. 6. Manu V, 79.
250 GAUTAMA. XIV, 7.
7. (But) if one night (only of the period of impurity) remains (and another death happens, they shall
become pure) after (the lapse of) two (days and
nights).
8. (If the second death happens) on the morning
(after the completion of the period of impurity, they
shall be purified) after three (days and nights).
9. (The relatives) of those who are slain for the
sake of cows and Brahmazas (become pure) immediately after the burial,
10, And (those of men destroyed) by the anger
of the king,
11. (Further, those of men killed) in battle,
12. Likewise (those) of men who voluntarily (die)
by starving themselves to death, by weapons, fire,
poison, or water, by hanging themselves, or by
jumping (from a precipice).
13. Sapizda-relationship ceases with the fifth or
the seventh (ancestor).
14. (The rules regarding impurity caused by the
9. Y4gfavalkya III, 27. The S@tra may, however, also be
translated ‘the relatives of those who have been killed by a cow,
or by a Brahmama, &c.,’ as the latter case, too, is mentioned by
YAagfavalkya III, 21. The word anvaksham, translated by
‘immediately after burial,’ is explained by Haradatta as follows:
‘The corpse is seen, i.e. is visible, so long; the meaning is that
they will be pure after having bathed at the end of the burial.’
to. Yagaavalkya II, 21.
12, Manu V, 89; YAgfavalkya III, 21.
13. Apastamba Il, 6, 15, 2. Haradatta states that the Sapindarelationship extends to four degrees in the case of the son of an
appointed daughter (see below, XXVIII, 18), while it includes the
relatives within six degrees in the case of a legitimate son of the
body. In either case the term refers to Sagotra-sapindas, or
Sapizdas who bear the same family name only. The case of the
Bhinnagotra-sapiadas will be discussed below, Sftra 20.
14-16. Manu V, 62; Yagéavalkya III, 18-19.
XIV, 21. IMPURITY. 251
death of a relative apply) to the birth (of a child)
also.
15. (In) that (case the impurity falls) on the
parents,
16. Or on the mother (alone).
17. (The impurity) for a miscarriage (lasts for a
number of days and) nights equal to (the number of)
months from conception,
18. Or three days.
19. And if he hears (of the death of a Sapinda)
after (the lapse of) ten (days and nights, the impurity lasts for) one night together with the preceding
and following days,
20. Likewise whena relative who is not a Sapinda,
a relative by marriage, or a fellow-student (has died).
21. For a man who studies the same recension
of the Veda (the impurity lasts) one day,
17. Manu V, 66; Yagé#avalkya III, 20. 19. Manu V, 75-77.
Likewise whena relative who is not a Sapinda,
a relative by marriage, or a fellow-student (has died).
21. For a man who studies the same recension
of the Veda (the impurity lasts) one day,
17. Manu V, 66; Yagé#avalkya III, 20. 19. Manu V, 75-77.
20. Manu V, 81. Haradatta explains asapiada, ‘a kinsman who
is not a Sapinda,’ by Sam4nodaka, i.e. ‘a kinsman bearing the same
family name, but more than six degrees removed,’ and yonisambandha, ‘a relative by marriage,’ by ‘the maternal grandfather, a
maternal aunt’s sons, and their sons, &c., the fathers of wives and
the rest.’ The latter term, for which ‘a person related through a
female’ would be a more exact rendering than the one given
above, includes, therefore, those persons who, according to the
terminology of Manu and Yagé#avalkya, are called Bhinnagotrasapizdas, Bandhavas, or Bandhus (see Colebrooke, Mitakshara II,
53; II, 6). Gautama’s terminology agrees in this respect with
that of Apastamba, see note on II, 5, 11, 16.
21. Haradatta explains sabrahmaédrin by suhrit, ‘a friend.’
But the term which elsewhere means ‘a fellow-student’ cannot
have that sense in our Sfitra, as the fellow-student (sahadhydyin)
has been mentioned already. The translation given above is
supported by the manner in which it is used in the ancient landgrants, where expressions like bahvrzkasabrahmadarin are of
common occurrence.
252 GAUTAMA. XIV, 22.
22. Likewise for a Srotriya who dwells in the
same house.
23. On touching (i.e. on carrying out) a corpse
from an interested motive, the impurity lasts for
ten days.
24. (The duration of the impurity) of a Vaisya and
-of a Sddra‘(in the same case) has been declared (by
Sftras 3-5).
25. Or (it shall last for these two) as many nights
as there are seasons (in the year) ;
26. And (the same rule may be made applicable)
to the two higher (castes).
27. Or (the impurity lasts) three days.
28. And if the teacher, his son or wife, a person
for whom (a Bréhmama) sacrifices or a pupil (has
been carried out, the duration of the impurity is)
the same.
22. Manu V, 81.
23. ‘The word upasparsana (literally touching) does 1 not denote
here simple touching. For below, Sfitra 30, bathing with the
clothes on, will be prescribed for that. What does upasparsana
then mean? It means carrying out a corpse. For that an
impurity lasting ten days falls on the performer, provided that
the carrying out be done for an object, i.e with the intention of
gaining a fee or the like, not for the sake of doing one’s duty.
The word impurity is here repeated in order to indicate that the
impurity, here intended, differs from that described above. Hence
the rules given below, Sfitra 37, which prescribe sleeping and
sitting on the ground and so forth, do not apply. (The word
impurity) indicates (here) merely that (the performer of the act)
must not be touched, and has no right (to perform sacred
ceremonies).’—Haradatta.
Hence
the rules given below, Sfitra 37, which prescribe sleeping and
sitting on the ground and so forth, do not apply. (The word
impurity) indicates (here) merely that (the performer of the act)
must not be touched, and has no right (to perform sacred
ceremonies).’—Haradatta.
25. Haradatta states that Gautama does not simply say ‘six
days,’ because five seasons only are to be reckoned in the case
of a Vaisya, and six in the case of a SQdra.
28. Haradatta asserts that mrzteshu, ‘have died,’ must be understood. But as both the preceding and the following Sftras refer to
XIV, 36. IMPURITY. 253
29. And if a man of lower caste carries out (the
corpse of) one of higher caste, or a man of higher
caste (carries out the body of) one of lower caste,
(the duration of) the impurity in these (cases) is
determined by (the caste of) the dead man.
30. On touching an outcast, a Kand4la, a woman
impure on account of her confinement, a woman in
her courses, or a corpse, and on touching persons
who have touched them, he shall purify himself by
bathing dressed in his clothes,
31. Likewise if he has followed a corpse (that
was being carried out),
32. And (if he has come into contact) with a
dog.
33. Some (declare), that (the limb) which (a dog)
may touch (must be washed).
34. The Sapizdas shall offer (libations of) water
for (a deceased relative) whose Kaula-karman (or
tonsure) has been performed,
35. As well as for the wives and daughters of
such (a person).
36. Some (declare, that it must be done in the
case) of married female relatives (also).
the carrying out of corpses, it is impossible to agree with him.
It seems to me that Gautama’s rule means, that, if a man has
carried out the corpse of a teacher, &c., he becomes impure for ten,
eleven, or twelve days, or for three days only. See also Manu V,
91, 103; Yag#avalkya III, 15.
30. Apastamba II, 2, 2, 8-9; Manu V, 85; Yaga#avalkya III, 30.
31. Manu V, 103; YAgéavalkya III, 26.
32-33- Apastamba I, 5, 15, 16-17.
34. Apastamba II, 6, 15, 9; Manu V, 70. Haradatta observes
that most Grzhya-sfitras prescribe the performance of the Xaulakarman in the third year.
36. Yag#avalkya III, 4.
254 . GAUTAMA. XIV, 37.
37. (During the period of impurity) all (the
mourners) shall sleep and sit on the ground and
remain chaste.
38. They shall not clean (themselves) ;
39. Nor shall they eat meat until (the funeral
oblation) has been offered.
‘40. On the first, third, fifth, seventh, and ninth
(days after the death) water (mixed with sesamum)
must be offered.
41. And the garments (worn during that ceremony) must be changed,
42. But on the last (day they must be given) to
men of the lowest castes.
43. The parents (shall offer water for a son who
dies) after he has teethed.
44. If infants, (relatives) who live in a distant
country, those who have renounced domestic life,
and those who are not Sapimdas, (die), the purification is instantaneous.
45. Kings (remain always pure), lest their business be impeded,
44. If infants, (relatives) who live in a distant
country, those who have renounced domestic life,
and those who are not Sapimdas, (die), the purification is instantaneous.
45. Kings (remain always pure), lest their business be impeded,
46. And a Brahmaza, lest his daily study of the
Veda be interrupted.
37. Manu V, 73; Yagéavalkya III, 16.
39. Manu V, 73. 43- Manu V, 7o.
44. Yagfavalkya III, 23. Haradatta remarks that the rule
refers to those Sapizdas residing in foreign countries only, of
whose death one may hear a year after their decease, and to
remoter relations of whose death one hears after the lapse of
ten days; see Manu V, 75-76.
45. Manu V, 93-94; Y4g#avalkya III, 27. Haradatta adds
that the plural ‘kings’ is used in order to include all rulers and
governors, and such persons as the king wishes to be pure.
46, Yagfavalkya III, 28.
XV, 9. FUNERAL OBLATIONS. 255
CHAPTER XV.
1. Now (follow the rules regarding) funeral oblations (Sraddha).
2. He shall offer (them) to the Manes on the day
of the new moon,
3. Or in the dark half (of the month) after the
fourth (lunar day),
4. Or on any day (of the dark half) according to
(the results he may) desire ;
5. Or if (particularly appropriate) materials or
(particularly holy) Brahmazas are at hand, or (the
sacrificer is) near a (particularly sacred) place, no
restriction as to time (need be observed) :
6. Let him select as good food as he can afford,
and have it prepared as well as possible.
7. He shall feed an uneven number (of Brahmamas), at least nine,
8. Oras many as he is able (to entertain).
g. (Let him feed such as are) Srotriyas and
XV. 1. ‘The word “now” indicates that a new topic begins.’ —
Haradatta. The rules now following refer in the first instance to
the Parvaza or monthly Sraéddha, but most of them serve also as
general rules for all the numerous varieties of funeral sacrifices.
2, Manu III, 122; Yagfavalkya I, 217.
3- Apastamba II, 7, 16, 6. 4. Apastamba II, 7, 16, 6-22.
5. Some of the most famous among the places where the performance of a Srdddha is particularly efficacious and meritorious
are Gaya in Bihar, Pushkara or Pokhar near Agmir, the Kurukshetra near Dehli, Nasika on the Godavari. Pilgrims or persons
passing through such places may and must perform a Sraddha
on any day of the month.
4. YAgaavalkya I, 227. 8. See also below, Sfitra 21.
9. Apastamba II, 7, 17,4. Haradatta explains vak, ‘ eloquence,’
by ‘ability to speak Sanskrit,’ riipa, ‘ beauty,’ by ‘the proper number
of limbs,’ and vaya/sampanna, ‘of (suitable) age,’ by ‘not too young.’
256 GAUTAMA. XV, Io.
endowed with eloquence and beauty, of a (suitable)
age, and of a virtuous disposition.
10. It is preferable to give (food at a Sraddha) to
young (men in the prime of life).
11. Some (declare, that the age of the guests
shall be) proportionate to (that of) the Manes.
12. And he shall not try to contract a friendship
by an (invitation to a Sraddha).
10. It is preferable to give (food at a Sraddha) to
young (men in the prime of life).
11. Some (declare, that the age of the guests
shall be) proportionate to (that of) the Manes.
12. And he shall not try to contract a friendship
by an (invitation to a Sraddha).
13. On failure of sons (the deceased person's)
Sapizdas, the Sapizdas of his mother, or his pupils
shall offer (the funeral oblations),
14. On failure of these an officiating priest or the
teacher.
15. The Manes are satisfied for a month by
gifts of sesamum, MA4sha-beans, rice, barley, and
water,
For (three) years by fish and the flesh of common
deer, spotted deer, hares, turtles, boars, and sheep,
For twelve years by cow’s milk and messes made
of milk,
For a very long time by the flesh of (the crane
called) Vardhrizasa, by Ocymum sanctum (sacred
Basil), and by the flesh of goats, (especially) of a red
(he-goat), and of a rhinoceros, (if these dishes are)
mixed with honey.
16. Let him not feed a thief, a eunuch, an outcast, an atheist, a person who lives like an atheist,
11. Le. in honour of the father a young man is to be invited,
in honour of the grandfather an old man, and in honour of the
great-grandfather a very old man.
12, Apastamba Il, 7, 17, 4, 8; Manu III, 140.
15. Apastamba II, 7, 16, 23—II, 7, 17, 33 Il, 8, 18, 13.
16, Apastamba II, 7, 17, 21. ‘A destroyer of the sacred fire
(virahan), i.e. one who extinguishes intentionally the (domestic) fire
XV, 18. FUNERAL OBLATIONS. 257
the destroyer of the sacred fire, (the husband of) a
younger sister married before the elder, the husband of an elder sister whose youngest sister was
married first, a person who sacrifices for women or
for a multitude of men, a man who tends goats,
who has given up the fire-worship, who drinks
spirituous liquor, whose conduct is blamable, who is
a false witness, who lives as a door-keeper ;
17. Who lives with another man’s wife, and the
(husband) who allows that (must not be invited) ;
18. (Nor shall he feed) a man who eats the food
of a person born from adulterous intercourse, a
seller of Soma, an incendiary, a poisoner, a man who
during studentship has broken the vow of chastity,
who is the servant of a guild, who has intercourse
with females who must not be touched, who delights in doing hurt, a younger brother married
before the elder brother, an elder brother married
after his younger brother, an elder brother whose
out of hatred against his wife, and for the like reasons,’—Haradatta.
He also remarks that some read agredidhishu instead of agredidhisha, and he proposes to explain the former, on the authority of
Vyaghra and of the Naighazfukas, as ‘a Brahmaza whose wife has
been wedded before to another man.’
17. My MSS. make two Sfitras out of Professor Stenzler’s one,
and read upapatif# \.yasya 4a sak. The sense remains the same,
but the latter version of the text is, I think, the correct one.
My MSS. make two Sfitras out of Professor Stenzler’s one,
and read upapatif# \.yasya 4a sak. The sense remains the same,
but the latter version of the text is, I think, the correct one.
18. Haradatta says that kuzd4sin may also mean ‘he who eats
out of a vessel called kuzda,’ as the people have in some countries
the habit of preparing their food and afterwards eating out of the
kunda. Hfaradatta explains tyaktatman, ‘one who despairs of
himself,’ by ‘one who has made an attempt on his own life, and
has tried to hang himself, and the like.’ He remarks that some
explain durvéla, ‘a bald man,’ by nirveshéitasepha. He who
neglects the recitation of the sacred texts, i.e. of those texts which,
like the G4yatrf, ought to be recited.
[2] s
258 GAUTAMA. XV, 19.
junior has kindled the sacred fire first, a younger
brother who has done that, a person who despairs
of himself, a bald man, a man who has deformed
nails, or black teeth, who suffers from white leprosy,
the son of a twice-married woman, a gambler, a
man who neglects the recitation (of the sacred
texts), a servant of the king, any one who uses
false weights and measures, whose only wife is a
Sfdra female, who neglects the daily study, who
suffers from spotted leprosy, a usurer, a person who
lives by trade or handicrafts, by the use of the bow,
by playing musical instruments, or, by beating time,
by dancing, and by singing ;
19. Nor, (sons) who have enforced a division of
the family estate against the wish of their father.
20. Some (allow) pupils and kinsmen (to be invited).
21. Let him feed upwards of three (or) one
(guest) endowed with (particularly) excellent qualities.
22. If he enters the bed of a Sidra female immediately after partaking of a funeral repast, his
ancestors will lie for a month in her ordure.
23. Therefore he shall remain chaste on that day.
19. Below, XXVIII, 2, it will be prescribed that the division of
the family estate may take place during the lifetime of the father
with his consent. From this Sfitra it would appear that sons
could enforce a division of the ancestral estate against his will,
as Y4gfavalkya also allows (see Colebrooke, Mitakshara I, 6,
5-11), and that this practice, though legal, was held to be contra
bonos mores.
20. Apastamba Il, 7, 17, 5-6.
21. According to Haradatta, this SQtra is intended as a modification of Satra 8, .
22. Manu III, 250. 23. Manu III, 188,
XVI, 1. THE STUDY OF THE VEDA. 259
24. If (a funeral offering) is looked at by dogs,
Kandalas, or outcasts, it is blemished.
25. Therefore he shall offer it in an enclosed
(place),
26. Or he shall scatter grains of sesamum over it,
27. Or a man who sanctifies the company shall
remove the blemish.
THE STUDY OF THE VEDA. 259
24. If (a funeral offering) is looked at by dogs,
Kandalas, or outcasts, it is blemished.
25. Therefore he shall offer it in an enclosed
(place),
26. Or he shall scatter grains of sesamum over it,
27. Or a man who sanctifies the company shall
remove the blemish.
28. Persons who sanctify the company are, any
one who knows the six Angas, who sings the Gyesh¢da-smans, who knows the three texts regarding
the NA&4iketa-fire, who knows the text which contains thrice the word Madhu, who knows the text
which thrice contains the word Suparza, who keeps
five fires, a Snataka, any one who knows the Mantras and Brahmazas, who knows the sacred law,
and in whose family the study and teaching of the
Veda are hereditary.
29. (The same rule applies) to sacrifices offered
to gods and men.
30. Some (forbid the invitation of) bald men and
the rest to a funeral répast only.
CuarTer XVI,
1. The annual (term for studying the Veda) begins on the full moon of the month Sravawa (July—
August); or let him perform the Upakarman on
24. Apastamba II, 7, 17, 20. 28. Apastamba II, 7, 17, 22.
29-30. Manu III, 132-137, 148-149.
XVI. x. Apastamba I, 3,9, 1. The Upakarman is the ceremony
which is annually performed at the beginning of the course of
study, and it is obligatory on householders also; see Apastamba
Il, 2, 5, 1. AKhand4msi, ‘the Vedic texts,’ i.e. the Mantras and
Bréhmamzas, The Angas may be studied out of term; see Apastamba I, 3, 9, 3 note.
S$ 2
260 GAUTAMA. XVI, 2.
(the full moon of) Bhadrapada (August-September)
and study the Vedic texts,
2. During four months and a half, or during five
months, or as long as the sun moves towards the
south.
3. Let him remain chaste, let him not shave, nor
eat flesh (during that period) ;
4. Or (this) restrictive rule may (be observed)
during two months.
5. He shall not recite the Veda, if the wind
whirls up the dust in the day-time,
6. Nor if it is audible at night,
7. Nor if the sound of a Vaza, of a large or
a small drum, the noise of a chariot, and the wail
of a person in pain (are heard),
8. Nor if the barking of many dogs and jackals,
or the braying of many donkeys (is heard),
9. Nor if (the sky appears flaming) red, a rainbow
(is seen), or hoar-frost (lies on the ground),
10. Nor if clouds rise out of season.
(Let him not study) when he feels the necessity to void urine or excrements,
12. Nor at midnight, in the twilight, and (while
standing) in the water,
13. Nor while rain falls.
2. Apastamba I, 3, 9, 2-3.
3. This Sftra and the following one refer to a teacher or to a
householder who again goes through the Veda; see Apastamba II,
2, 5) 155 16.
5-6. Apastamba I, 3, 11, 8.
4-8. Apastamba I, 3, 10,19. A VAna is stated to be a kind of
lute, or harp, with a hundred strings.
9. Apastamba I, 3, 11, 25, 31.
Io. Apastamba I, 3, II, 31. 11. Manu IV, 109.
12. Apastamba I, 3, 11, 1g, 17; Manu IV, 109.
13. Manu IV, 103.
XVI, 23. THE STUDY OF THE VEDA. 261
4-8. Apastamba I, 3, 10,19. A VAna is stated to be a kind of
lute, or harp, with a hundred strings.
9. Apastamba I, 3, 11, 25, 31.
Io. Apastamba I, 3, II, 31. 11. Manu IV, 109.
12. Apastamba I, 3, 11, 1g, 17; Manu IV, 109.
13. Manu IV, 103.
XVI, 23. THE STUDY OF THE VEDA. 261
14. Some-(declare, that the recitation of the Veda
must be interrupted only) when (the rain) is dripping
from the edge of the roof.
15. (Nor-shall he study) when the teachers (of
the gods and Asuras, i.e. the planets Jupiter and
Venus) are surrounded by a halo,
16. Nor (when this happens) to the two (great)
lights (the sun and the moon),
17. (Nor) while he is in fear, riding in a carriage
or on beasts of burden, or lying down, nor while his
feet are raised,
18. (Nor) in a burial-ground, at the extremity of
a village, on a high-road, nor during impurity,
19. Nor while a foul smell (is perceptible), while
a corpse or a Kandéla (is) in (the village), nor in the
neighbourhood of a Sddra,
20. Nor while (he suffers from) sour eructations.
21. The Azg-veda and the Yagur-veda (shall not be
studied) while the sound of the SAmans (is heard).
22. The fall of a thunderbolt, an earthquake, an
eclipse, and (the fall of) meteors (are reasons for
discontinuing the reading of the Veda) until the
same time (next day),
23. Likewise when it thunders and rains and
15. ‘Another (commentator says): “ Pariveshama, being surrounded by a halo, means bringing food.” . . . (The Sfttra means,
therefore), He shall not study while his teacher eats.’ —Haradatta.
16. Apastamba I, 3, I, 31.
14. Apastamba I, 3, 9, 273 I, 3, 11, 125 Manu IV, 112;
Yagfavalkya I, 150.
18. Apastamba I, 3, 9, 4, 6; I, 3, 10, 2, 4; I, 3, 11, 9.
19. Apastamba I, 3, 10, 24; I, 3, 9, 6, 14-15.
20. Apastamba I, 3, 10, 25. 21. Apastamba I, 3, 10, 19.
22. Apastamba I, 3, II, 30.
23. Apastamba I, 3, 11, 29; Manu IV, 29.
262 GAUTAMA. XVI, 24.
when lightning (flashes out of season) after the fires
have become visible (in the twilight).
24. (If these phenomena appear) during the
(rainy) season, (the reading must be interrupted)
for a day (or a night),
25. And if lightning (is observed) during the
night, (the recitation of the Veda shall be interrupted) until the third watch.
26. If (lightning) flashes during the third part
of the day or later, (the Veda must not be read)
during the entire (following night).
27. (According to the opinion) of some, a fiery
meteor (has the same effect) as lightning,
28. Likewise thunder (which is heard) during the
last part of the day,
29. (Or) also in the twilight.
24. Apastamba I, 3, 9, 22. The above translation follows the
reading of my MSS., which differ very much from Professor
Stenzler’s edition. According to them the commentary on the
latter part of SQtra 23 and on Sfitra 24 runs as follows: . .. pratyekam 4kélika anadhyayahetavah | apart4v idam | rétav aha
AHA RITAU 12411
The above translation follows the
reading of my MSS., which differ very much from Professor
Stenzler’s edition. According to them the commentary on the
latter part of SQtra 23 and on Sfitra 24 runs as follows: . .. pratyekam 4kélika anadhyayahetavah | apart4v idam | rétav aha
AHA RITAU 12411
Varshartav ete yadi bhaveyu# sandhydyém tadaharmatram anadhydyah \ pratasket \ sdyam tu ratrav anadhydya ityarthasiddhatvad
anuktam i... ‘are each reasons for discontinuing the recitation until the same time next day. This (rule) refers to other
times than the rainy season. He now declares (the rule) for the
rainy season :
24. “During the (rainy) season for a day.”
‘If these (phenomena) happen in the twilight during the rainy
season, the interruption of the study lasts for that day only, provided (they happen) in the morning. But if they happen in the
evening, study is forbidden during the night. As this is clear
from the context, it has not been declared specially.’—Haradatta.
I suspect that Professor Stenzler’s reading apartau is a correction,
made by an ingenious Pandit, of an old varia lectio ‘ahartau’ for
aha rztau, which is found in one of my MSS. (C) also.
25. Apastamba I, 3, 9, 21.
XVI, 37. THE STUDY OF THE VEDA. 263
30. (If thunder is heard) before midnight, (the
study of the Veda must be interrupted) during the
whole night.
31. (If it is heard) during the (early part of the)
day, (the interruption must continue) as long as the
sun shines,
32. Likewise if the king of the country has died.
33. If one (pupil) has gone on a journey (and)
another (stays) with (the teacher, the study of the
Veda shall be interrupted until the absentee returns).
34. When an attack (is made on the village),
or a fire (breaks out), when one Veda has been
completed, after (an attack of) vomiting, when he
has partaken of a funeral repast or of a dinner on
the occasion of a sacrifice offered to men, (the study
of the Veda shall be interrupted) for a day and
a night,
35. Likewise on the day of the new moon.
36. (On the latter occasion it may also be interrupted) for two days.
37. (The Veda shall not be studied for a day
and a night) on the full moon days of the months
Karttika, Phalguza, and Ashadha.
30. Apastamba I, 3, 9, 23.
33- Apastamba I, 3, 11, 11. Haradatta adds that others
enjoin a stoppage of the Veda-study from the hour of the departure until the same hour on the following day, while another
commentator gives the following explanation: ‘All, indeed, the
teacher and the rest, shall, on that day, not even recite the Veda
in order to remember it.’
34. Apastamba I, 3, 9, 253 I, 3, 10, 22, 28-30; I, 3, 11, 6, 30;
Manu IV, 118. Haradatta is in doubt whether ‘a sacrifice offered
in honour of men’ means a SamskAra, or a sacrifice to gods, like
Kumara, who formerly were men; see Apastamba I, 3, 11, 3-
36. Apastamba I, 3, 9, 28. 37. Apastamba I, 3, 10, 1.
264 GAUTAMA, XVI, 38.
Haradatta is in doubt whether ‘a sacrifice offered
in honour of men’ means a SamskAra, or a sacrifice to gods, like
Kumara, who formerly were men; see Apastamba I, 3, 11, 3-
36. Apastamba I, 3, 9, 28. 37. Apastamba I, 3, 10, 1.
264 GAUTAMA, XVI, 38.
38. On the three Ash¢akds (the Veda shall not
be studied) for three (days and) nights.
39. Some (declare, that the rule applies) to the
last Ashéaké (only).
40. (On the occasion of) the annual (Up4karman
and Utsarga the reading shall be interrupted) on
the day (of the ceremony) and those preceding and
one it.
All (teachers declare, that the reading shall
be. interrupted for three days) when rain, thunder,
and lightning (are observed) simultaneously,
42. When the rain is very heavy, (the reading
shall be interrupted as long as it lasts).
43. On a festive day (the reading shall be
stopped) after the (morning) meal,
44. And he who has begun to study (after the
Upakarman shall not read) at night for four
Muhfrtas.
45. Some (declare, that the recitation of the Veda
is) always (forbidden) i in a town.
46. While he is impure (he shall) not even (recite
the Veda) mentally.
38. Apastamba I, 3, 10, 2. Regarding the meaning of the word
Ashéaka, see above, VIII, 18 note.
40. Apastamba I, 3, 10, 2. 41. Apastamba I, 3, 11, 27.
42. Apastamba I, 3, 11, 28.
43. Haradatta explains ‘a festive day’ to mean the day of the
initiation and the like, but see Apastamba I, 3, 11, 20.
44. Haradatta explains this SAtra as equivalent to Apastamba I,
3, 9, 1. He adds that another commentator reads prddhitasya
ka as a separate Sfitra, interpreting it to mean, ‘And a person
who has performed the Upakarman (shall not study after dinner),’
and refers the words ‘at night for four Muhfrtas’ to the prohibition to read on the evening of the thirteenth day of the dark
half of the month.
45- Manu IV, 116. . 46. Apastamba I, 3, 11, 25.
XVII, 6. EATING AND FORBIDDEN FOOD. 265
47. (The study) of those who offer a funeral
sacrifice (must be interrupted) until the same time
next day,
48. Even if uncooked grain is offered at the
funeral sacrifice.
49. And (those rules regarding the stoppage of
the reading must be observed), which they teach in
the several schools.
CuarTer XVII.
1. A Brahmamza may eat the food given by twiceborn men, who are praised for (the faithful performance of their) duties,
2. And he may accept (other gifts from them).
3. Fire-wood, water, grass, roots, fruits, honey,
(a promise of) safety, food brought unsolicited, a
couch, a seat, shelter, a carriage, milk, sour milk,
(roasted) grain, small fish, millet, a garland, venison,
and vegetables, (spontaneously offered by a man) of
any (caste) must not be refused,
4. Nor anything else that may be required for
providing for (the worship of the) Manes and gods,
for Gurus and dependents.
5. If the means for sustaining life cannot (be
procured) otherwise, (they may be accepted) from
a Sddra.
6. A herdsman, a husbandman, an acquaintance
Nor anything else that may be required for
providing for (the worship of the) Manes and gods,
for Gurus and dependents.
5. If the means for sustaining life cannot (be
procured) otherwise, (they may be accepted) from
a Sddra.
6. A herdsman, a husbandman, an acquaintance
47- Apastamba ibidem. 49. Apastamba I, 3, 11, 38.
XVIL 1. Apastamba I, 6, 18, 13.
3- Apastamba I, 6, 18, 1; I, 6, 19, 133 Manu IV, 247-250.
4. Manu IV, 251. Gurus, i.e. parents and other venerable
persons,
5. Apastamba I, 6, 18, 14.
6. Manu IV, 253; Y4gfavalkya I, 166.
266 GAUTAMA. XVII, 7.
of the family, a barber, and a servant are persons
whose food may be eaten,
7. And a trader, who is not (at the same time)
an artisan.
8. (A householder) shall not eat every day (the
food of strangers).
g. Food into which a hair or an insect has fallen
(must not be eaten),
10. (Nor) what has been touched by a woman
during her courses, by a black bird, or with the
foot,
(Nor) what has been looked at by the murderer of a learned Brahmaza,
12. (Nor) what has been smelt at by a cow,
13. (Nor) what is naturally bad,
14. Nor (food) that (has turned) sour by itself,
excepting sour milk,
15. (Nor) what has been cooked twice,
16. (Nor) what (has become) stale (by being
4. E.g. a man who sells pots, but does not make them.
8. Manu III, 104; Yagavalkya I, 112.
9. Apastamba I, 5, 16, 23, 26.
1o. Apastamba I, 5, 16, 27, 30. Haradatta explains ‘a black
bird’ by ‘a crow,’ and no doubt the crow, as the Kandala among
birds, is intended in the first instance.
11. Manu IV, 208; YAg#avalkya I, 167.
12. Manu IV, 209; YAgéavalkya I, 168.
13. ‘What has heen given in a contemptuous manner by the
host, or what is not pleasing to the eater, that is called bhavadushéa, “ naturally bad.”’—Haradatta. The second seems to be
the right explanation, as food falling under the first is mentioned
below, Sfitra 21.
14. Apastamba I, 5, 17, 18, 20.
15. Haradatta states that this rule does not refer to dishes
the preparation of which requires a double cooking, but to those
which ordinarily are cooked once only.
16. Apastamba I, 5, 17,17. Haradatta says that food prepared
XVII, 20. EATING AND FORBIDDEN FOOD. 267
kept), except vegetables, food that requires mastication, fatty and oily substances, meat and honey.
17. (Food given) by a person who has been cast
off (by his parents), by a woman of bad character,
an Abhisasta, a hermaphrodite, a police-officer, a
carpenter, a miser, a jailer, a surgeon, one who
hunts without using the bow, a man who eats the
leavings (of others), by a multitude (of men), and by
an enemy (must not be eaten),
18. Nor what is given by such men who defile
the company at a funeral dinner, as have been
enumerated before bald men;
19. (A dinner) which is prepared for no (holy)
purpose or where (the guests) sip water or rise
against the rule,
20. Or where (one’s) equals are honoured in
a different manner, and persons who are not (one’s)
(A dinner) which is prepared for no (holy)
purpose or where (the guests) sip water or rise
against the rule,
20. Or where (one’s) equals are honoured in
a different manner, and persons who are not (one’s)
for the morning meal and kept until supper is also called paryushita,
‘stale.’
17. For this and the following Sftras, see Apastamba I, 6, 18,
16—I, 6, 19, 1; Manu IV, 205-217; YAgaavalkya I, 161-165.
An Abhisasta is a person who is wrongly or falsely accused of
a heinous crime, see Apastamba I, 9, 24, 6-9. Haradatta adduces
the explanation ‘hermaphrodite’ for anapadesya as the opinion of
others. He himself thinks that it means ‘a person not worthy to
be described or named.’ ‘One who hunts without using the bow’
is a poacher who snares animals. Snaring animals is a favourite
occupation of the non-Aryan tribes, such as Vaghris, Bhils, and
Kolis.
18. See above, XV, 15-18, where ‘bald men’ occupy the fourteenth place in Stra 18.
19. Apastamba I, 5, 17,3; ManulV, 212. That is called ‘food
(prepared) for no (sacred) purpose’ which a man cooks only for
himself, not for guests and the rest, see Apastamba II, 4, 8, 4;
Manu V, 7.
20, Apastamba I, 5, 17, 2
268 GAUTAMA. XVII, 21.
equals are honoured in the same manner (as oneself,
must not be eaten),
21. Nor (food that is given) in a disrespectful
manner.
22. And the milk which a cow gives during the
first ten days after calving (must not be drunk),
23. Nor (that) of goats and buffalo-cows (under
the same conditions).
24. (The milk) of sheep, camels, and of onehoofed animals must not be drunk under any circumstances,
25. Nor (that) of animals from whose udders the
milk flows spontaneously, of those that bring forth
twins, and of those giving milk while big with
young,
26. Nor the milk of a cow whose calf is dead
or separated from her.
27. And five-toed animals (must) not (be eaten)
excepting the hedgehog, the hare, the porcupine,
the iguana, the rhinoceros, and the tortoise,
28. Nor animals which have a double row of
teeth, those which are covered with an excessive
quantity of hair, those which have no hair, onehoofed animals, sparrows, the (heron called) Plava,
Brahmamt ducks, and swans,
21. Apastamba I, 5,17) 4.
22-23. Apastamba I, 5,17, 24.
24. Apastamba I, 5, 17, 23. 25. Apastamba I, 5, 17, 23-
26. Manu V, 8; Y4g#avalkya I, 170.
27. Apastamba I, 5, 17, 37-
28. Apastamba I, 5, 17, 29, 33, 35- Haradatta gives as an
example of ‘animals covered with an excessive quantity of hair’
the Yak or Bos grunniens, and of ‘those that have no hair’ snakes
and the like.
XVII, 36. EATING AND FORBIDDEN FOOD. 269
29. (Nor) crows, herons, vultures, and falcons,
(birds) born in the water, (birds) with red feet and
beaks, tame cocks and pigs,
30. (Nor) milch-cows and draught-oxen,
31. Nor the flesh of animals whose milk-teeth
have not fallen out, which are diseased, nor the
meat of those (which have been killed) for no
(sacred) purpose,
(Nor) milch-cows and draught-oxen,
31. Nor the flesh of animals whose milk-teeth
have not fallen out, which are diseased, nor the
meat of those (which have been killed) for no
(sacred) purpose,
32. Nor young sprouts, mushrooms, garlic, and
substances exuding (from trees),
33. Nor red (juices) which issue from incisions.
34. Woodpeckers, egrets, ibis, parrots, cormorants, peewits, and flying foxes, (as well as birds)
flying at night, (ought not to be eaten).
35. Birds that feed striking with their beaks,
or scratching with their feet, and are not webfooted may be eaten,
36. And fishes that are not misshapen,
29. Apastamba I, 5, 17, 29, 32, 34, 353 Yagfavalkya I, 173.
30. Apastamba I, 5, 17, 29-30.
31. Aitareya-brahmama VII, 14. For the explanation of vrithamamea, ‘the flesh (of animals killed) for no (sacred) purpose,’
Haradatta refers back to Sfitra 19, but see also the Petersburg
Dict. s. v. vr7tha.
32. Apastamba I, 5, 17, 26, 28; Manu V, 5, 6, 19.
34. Manu V, 12; Y4g#avalkya I, 173. Haradatta explains
mAndhéla by vagvada, which seems to be the same as the bird
vagguda (Manu XII, 64). Méndhala is not found in our dictionaries, but it apparently is a vicarious form for m4nth4la, which
occurs in the Vagasaneyi-samhita, and is said to be the name of
a kind of mouse or rat. It seems to me that the large herbivorous
bat, usually called the flying fox (in Gugarati vagud or vagul) is
really meant, which, by an inaccurate observer, might be described
both as a bird and as a kind of rat. See also Vasish‘ha XIV, 48.
35- Apastamba I, 5, 17, 32-33-
36. Apastamba I, 5, 17, 38-39.
270 GAUTAMA. XVII, 37.
37. And (animals) that must be slain for (the
fulfilment of) the sacred law.
38. Let him eat (the flesh of animals) killed by
beasts of prey, after having washed it, if no blemish
is visible, and if it is declared to be fit for use by
the word (of a Br&éhmaza).
Cuapter XVIII.
1. A wife is not independent with respect to (the
fulfilment of) the sacred law.
2. Let her not violate her duty towards her
husband.
3. Let her restrain her tongue, eyes, and (organs
of) action.
4. A woman whose husband is dead and who desires offspring (may bear a son) to her brother-in-law.
37. I.e. animals offered at Srfddhas and Srauta-sacrifices,
though under other circumstances forbidden, may be eaten both
by the priests and other Brahmazas.
38. Haradatta takes vy4la, ‘beasts of prey,’ to mean sporting
dogs, which no doubt are also intended.
XVIII. 1. Manu V, 155. This Sftra refers in the first instance
to the inability of wives to offer on their own account Srauta or
Grthya-sacrifices, or to perform vows and religious ceremonies
prescribed in the Purdmas, without the permission of their husbands.
As the word stri means both wife and woman, its ulterior meaning
is, that women in general are never independent ; see Manu V, 148;
IX, 3; Yagd#avalkya I, 85.
2. Apastamba II, 10, 27, 6; Manu IX, roz.
3- Manu V, 166; Yag#avalkya I, 87.
As the word stri means both wife and woman, its ulterior meaning
is, that women in general are never independent ; see Manu V, 148;
IX, 3; Yagd#avalkya I, 85.
2. Apastamba II, 10, 27, 6; Manu IX, roz.
3- Manu V, 166; Yag#avalkya I, 87.
4. Apastamba II, 10, 27, 2-3; Manu IX, 59-60; YAg#avalkya
I, 68: Apati, ‘she whose husband is dead, means literally, ‘she
who has no husband.’ But as the case of a woman whose husband
has gone abroad, is discussed below, it follows that the former
translation alone is admissible. It must, of course, be understood
that the widow has no children.
XVIII, 14. WOMEN. 271
5. Let her obtain the permission of her Gurus,
and let her have intercourse during the proper
season only.
6. (On failure of a brother-in-law she may obtain
offspring) by (cohabiting with) a Sapinda, a Sagotra,
a Samdnapravara, or one who belongs to the same
caste.
7. Some (declare, that she shall cohabit) with
nobody but a brother-in-law.
8. (She shall) not (bear) more than two (sons).
g. The child belongs to him who begat it,
10. Except if an agreement (to the contrary has
been made).
(And the child begotten at) a living husband’s
(request) on his wife (belongs to the husband).
(But if it was begotten) by a stranger (it
belongs) to the latter,
13. Or to both (the natural father and the
husband of the mother).
14. But being reared by the husband, (it belongs
to him.)
5. The Gurus are here the husband’s relatives, under whose
protection the widow lives.
6. Regarding the term Sapinda, see above, XIV, 13; a Sagotra
is a relative bearing the same family name (laukika gotra) removed
seven to thirteen degrees, or still further. A Saméanapravara is
one who is descended from the same Azshi (vaidika gotra).
8. Colebrooke V, Digest 265. Haradatta explains atidvitiya, ‘not
more than two (sons),’ to mean ‘not more than one son’ (prathamam
apatyam atitya dvitiyam na ganayed iti). But see Manu IX, 61.
9. Apastamba II, 6, 13, 6-7. 10, Manu IX, 52.
11. Manu IX, 145. Such a son is called Kshetraga, see below,
XXVIII, 32.
12, Manu IX, 144.
13. YAgfavalkya II, 127. Such a son is called dvipitr: or
dvyAmushy4yaxa.
272 GAUTAMA. XVITI, 15.
15. (A wife must) wait for six years, if her
husband has disappeared. If he is heard of, she
shall go to him.
16. But if (the husband) has renounced domestic
life, (his wife must refrain) from intercourse (with
other men).
17. (The wife) of a Brahmaza (who has gone to
a foreign country) for the purpose of studying (must
wait) twelve years.
18. And in like manner if an elder brother (has
gone to a foreign country) his younger brother (must
wait twelve years) before he takes a wife or kindles
the domestic fire.
19. Some (declare, that he shall wait) six years.
20. A (marriageable) maiden (who is not given
in marriage) shall allow three monthly periods to
pass, and afterwards unite herself, of her own will,
to a blameless man, giving up the ornaments received
from her father (or her family).
19. Some (declare, that he shall wait) six years.
20. A (marriageable) maiden (who is not given
in marriage) shall allow three monthly periods to
pass, and afterwards unite herself, of her own will,
to a blameless man, giving up the ornaments received
from her father (or her family).
21. A girl should be given in marriage before
(she attains the age of) puberty.
22. He who neglects it, commits sin.
15. Manu IX, 76. ‘When the husband has disappeared, i.e. has
gone to a foreign country, his wife, though childless, shall wait
for six years. After (the lapse of) that (period) she may, if she
desires it, produce a child (by cohabiting with a Sapinda), after
having been authorised thereto by her Gurus. If the husband
is heard of, i.e. that he dwells in such and such a country, she
shall go to him.—Haradatta. Kshapama, ‘waiting,’ is ambiguous,
and may also mean being continent or emaciating herself.
17. I.e. before she goes to live with a Sapinda, or tries to
follow her husband, in case his residence is known.
20. Manu IX, 90-92; Yagfavalkya I, 64.
21. Manu IX, 88.
22. Manu IX, 4; Yagéavalkya I, 64. ‘He who,’ i.e. the father
or guardian.
XVIII, 31. WOMEN. 273
23. Some (declare, that a girl shall be given in
marriage) before she wears clothes.
24. In order to defray the expenses of a wedding,
and when engaged in a rite (enjoined by) the sacred
law, he may take money (by fraud or force) from
a Sidra, -
25. Or from a man rich in small cattle, who
neglects his religious duties, though he does not
belong to the Sidra caste,
26. Or from the owner of a hundred cows, who
does not kindle the sacred fire,
27. Or from the owner of a thousand cows, who
does not drink Soma.
28. And when he has not eaten (at the time of
six meals he may take) at the time of the seventh
meal (as much as will sustain life), not (such a
quantity as will serve) to make a hoard,
29. Even from men who do not neglect their
duties,
30. If he is examined by the king (regarding
his deed), he shall confess (it and his condition).
31. For if he possesses sacred learning and a
good character, he must be maintained by the
(king).
24. Manu XI, 11,13. Haradatta explains dharmatantra, ‘a rite
prescribed by the sacred law,’ here, as well as Sfitra 32, by ‘the
means,’ i.e. a sacrificial animal and the like required by one who
is engaged in performing a sacred duty, i.e. a Pasubandha-sacrifice
and the like.
25. Manu XI, 12. 26-27. Manu XI, 14.
28. Manu XI, 16; Yagéavalkya III, 43.
30. Manu XI, 17; Yagéavalkya III, 43-44.
3. Manu XI, 21-22. Haradatta adds that a Brahmana who
acts thus, must, of course, not be punished.
[2] T
274 GAUTAMA. XVIII, 32.
32. If the sacred law is violated and the (king)
does not do (his duty), he commits sin.
Cuapter XIX.
1, The law of castes and of orders has been
declared.
3. Manu XI, 21-22. Haradatta adds that a Brahmana who
acts thus, must, of course, not be punished.
[2] T
274 GAUTAMA. XVIII, 32.
32. If the sacred law is violated and the (king)
does not do (his duty), he commits sin.
Cuapter XIX.
1, The law of castes and of orders has been
declared.
2. Now, indeed, man (in) this (world) is polluted
by a vile action, such as sacrificing for men unworthy
to offer a sacrifice, eating forbidden food, speaking
what ought not to be spoken, neglecting what is
prescribed, practising what is forbidden.
3. They are in doubt if he shall perform a
penance for such (a deed) or if he shall not do it.
4. (Some) declare, that he shall not do it,
32. Haradatta refers this Sftra to the case where a sacrificial
animal or other requisites for a sacrifice are stolen from a Brahmaza. It seems, however, more probable that it refers to the duty
of the king to prevent, by all means in his power, a violation of
the sacred duty to perform Srauta-sacrifices, and that it is intended
to prescribe that he is to assist a man who is engaged in them
and too poor to finish them.
XIX. 1. Haradatta thinks that the object of this Sfitra is to
assert that in the following chapter the laws given above for castes
and orders must be kept in mind. Thus penances like offering
a Punastoma are not intended for Sfidras, who have no business
with Vedic rites, but other penances are. He also states that another
commentator believes that the Sfitra is meant to indicate that the
following rules refer not metely to those men who belong to castes
and orders, but to the Pratilomas also, who have been declared
to stand outside the pale of the sacred law. MHaradatta’s opinion
appears to be preferable.
2. ‘Ayam purushaf, “man (in) this (world),” indicates the
universal soul which is dwelling in the body. Yapya, “vile,”
i.e. despicable (kutsita).’—Haradatta. ~
3. ‘They, i.e. the theologians (brahmav4dina&).’—Haradatta.
XIX, 12. PENANCES. 275
5. Because the deed does not perish.
6. The most excellent (opinion is), that he shall
perform (a penance).
7. For it is declared in the Veda, that he who
has offered a Punastoma (may) again come to (partake of) the libations of Soma,
8. Likewise he who has offered a Vratyastoma.
9. (The Veda says) further: ‘He who offers
a horse-sacrifice, conquers all sin, he destroys the
guilt of the murder of a Brdhmaza;
10. Moreover: ‘He shall make an Abhisasta
perform an Agnish/ut sacrifice.’
11. Reciting the Veda, austerity, a sacrifice,
fasting, giving gifts are the means for expiating
such a (blamable act).
12. The purificatory (texts are), the Upanishads,
the Vedantas, the Samhit4-text of all the Vedas,
the (Anuvakas called) Madhu, the (hymn of)
5. Le. the guilt (adharma) contracted by the deed is not effaced
before it has produced its result in the shape of punishment in
hell and in other births, see also Manu XI, 45.
Le. the guilt (adharma) contracted by the deed is not effaced
before it has produced its result in the shape of punishment in
hell and in other births, see also Manu XI, 45.
6. *Apara, “most excellent,” means that which nothing surpasses, i.e. the settled doctrine. —Haradatta.
4. The Punastoma is one of the Srauta-sacrifices belonging
to the class called Ekfha. Regarding its efficacy, see also Latyayana Srauta-sftra IX, 4, 5.
8. The Vratyastoma is another Ekéha-sacrifice. Regarding its
efficacy, see Yagfavalkya I, 38 ; Lasyd4yana Srautra-sftra VIII, 6, 29.
g. Satapatha-brahmaaza XIII, 3, 1, 1.
10. The Agnish/ut is an Ekaha-sacrifice. Regarding its efficacy,
see Manu XI, 75.
11. Manu XI, 46, 228; Apastamba I, 9, 26, 12—I, 9, 27, 11.
12. ‘Those parts of the Aranyakas which are not (Upanishads)
are called Vedantas. In all the Vedas (A/andas), i.e. in all Sakhds
(pravakana), the Samhita-text, not the Pada-text, nor the Kramatext. Another commentator says, “One Samhita is to be made
T2
276 GAUTAMA. XIX, 13.
Aghamarshaza, the Atharvasiras, the (Anuvakas
called the) Rudras, the Purusha-hymn, the two
Samans (called) Ragana and Rauhiveya, the Brzhat
(SAman) and the Rathantara, the Purushagati (S4man), the Mahdn4mnis, the Mah4vairaga (S4man)
the Mah4divakirtya (SAaman), any of the Gyesh¢ha
S4mans, the Bahishpavam4na (S4man), the KashmAndas, the PavamAnis, and the SAvitrt.
13. To live on milk alone, to eat vegetables only,
to eat fruits only, (to live on) barley-gruel prepared
of a handful of grain, to eat gold, to eat clarified
butter, and to drink Soma (are modes of living)
which purify.
14. All mountains, all rivers, holy lakes, places
of pilgrimage, the dwellings of Azshis, cow-pens, and
temples of the gods (are) places (which destroy
sin).
with all the metres, i.e. the Gayatrt and the rest, and to be recited
according to the manner of the Prataranuvaka.”’—Haradatta.
According to the same authority, the Madhus are found Taittiriya
Aranyaka X, 38, the hymn of Aghamarshaza Rig-veda X, 190, the
Rudras Taittirfya-samhita IV, 5, 1-11, and in the correspording
eleven chapters of all other Yagus-sakhas, the Purushasfikta Rigveda X, 90, the Kfshm4ndas Taittirfya Aranyaka X, 3-5, the
Pavamanis Rig-veda IX, while by Atharvasiras the Upanishad,
known by that name, is meant. As regards the Samans mentioned
in the Stra it suffices to refer to Professor Benfey’s Index, Ind.
Stud. III, 199, and to Dr. Burnell’s Index of the Arsheya-brahmama.
13. According to Haradatta the word iti, which appears in the
text at the end of the enumeration, is intended to include other
similar kinds of food, as ‘the five products of the cow.’ Eating
gold means eating small particles of gold which have been thrown
into clarified butter and the like.
14. The word iti used in the text is, according to Haradatta,
again to be taken in the sense of ‘and so forth.’ The translation
of parishkanda, ‘a temple,’ not parishkandha, as Professor Stenzler
XX, 1. PENANCES. 277
14. The word iti used in the text is, according to Haradatta,
again to be taken in the sense of ‘and so forth.’ The translation
of parishkanda, ‘a temple,’ not parishkandha, as Professor Stenzler
XX, 1. PENANCES. 277
15. Continence, speaking the truth, bathing morning, noon, and evening, standing in wet clothes,
sleeping on the ground, and fasting (are the various
kinds of) austerity.
16. Gold, a cow, a dress, a horse, land, sesamum,
clarified butter, and food are the gifts (which destroy
sin).
17. A year, six months, four (months), three
(months), two (months), one (month), twenty-four
days, twelve days, six days, three days, a day and
a night are the periods (for penances).
18. These (acts) may be optionally performed
when no (particular penance) has been prescribed,
19. (Viz.) for great sins difficult (penances), and
for trivial faults easy ones.
20. The Krzkkhra and the Atikrzkkhra, (as
well as) the AAndr4yaza, are penances for all
(offences).
CHAPTER XX.
1. Let him cast off a father who assassinates a
king, who sacrifices for Sadras, who sacrifices for
reads, is based on Haradatta’s explanation. Etymologically it
seems to mean ‘a place for circumambulation,’ and to denote the
platform on which the temples usually stand, and which is used for
the Pradakshiza ceremony.
15. The word iti in the text is explained as in the preceding
Sfitras,
18. These (acts), i.e. the recitation of the Veda and so forth,
which have been enumerated above, Sfttras 11-16.
20. Regarding these penances, see chapters XXVI and XXVII.
Haradatta again takes the word iti, which occurs in the text, to
include other difficult penances.
XX. 1. Haradatta remarks that the father is mentioned here,
in order to indicate that other less venerable relatives must certainly
278 GAUTAMA. XX, 2.
his own sake (accepting) money from Sddras, who
divulges the Veda (to persons not authorised to
study it), who kills a learned Brahmaza, who dwells
with men of the lowest castes, or (cohabits) with a
female of one of the lowest castes.
2. Having assembled the (sinner’s) spiritual Gurus
and the relatives by marriage, (the sons and other
kinsmen) shall perform (for him) all the funeral
rites, the first of which is the libation of water,
3. And (afterwards) they shall overturn his watervessel (in the following manner) :
4. A slave or a hired servant shall fetch an
impure vessel from a dust-heap, fill it (with water
taken) from the pot of a female slave and, his face
turned towards the south, upset it with his foot,
pronouncing (the sinner’s) name (and saying): ‘I
deprive N. N. of water.’
5. All (the kinsmen) shall touch him (the slave)
passing their sacrificial cords over the right shoulder
and under the left arm, and untying the locks on
their heads.
6. The spiritual Gurus and the relatives by
marriage shall look on.
7. Having bathed, they (all shall) enter the
village.
8. He who afterwards unintentionally speaks to
6. The spiritual Gurus and the relatives by
marriage shall look on.
7. Having bathed, they (all shall) enter the
village.
8. He who afterwards unintentionally speaks to
also be abandoned. He also states that bhrfizahan, ‘he who slays
a learned Braéhmaaa,’ includes sinners who have committed other
mortal sins (mahapataka), see XXI, 1.
2. Manu XI, 183-185; YAg#avalkya III, 295. The spiritual
Gurus, i.e. the teacher who initiated him (A4arya) and those who
instructed him in the Veda (upadhy4ya).
8. Manu XI, 185.
XX, 17. PENANCES. 279
the (outcast sinner) shall stand, during one night,
reciting the Savitri.
9. If he intentionally (converses with the outcast, he must perform the same penance) for three
nights.
10. But if an (outcast sinner) is purified by
(performing) a penance, (his kinsmen) shall, after
he has become pure, fill a golden vessel (with water)
from a very holy lake or a river, and make him
bathe in water (taken) from that (vessel).
11. Then they shall give him that vessel and he,
after taking it, shall mutter (the following Mantras):
‘Cleansed is the sky, cleansed is the earth, cleansed
and auspicious is the middle sphere; I here take
that which is brilliant.’
12. Let him offer clarified butter, (reciting) these
Yagus formulas, the PAvamAnts, the Taratsamandis,
and the Kdshmandas.
13. Let him present gold or a cow to a Brahmana,
14. And to his teacher.
15. But he, whose penance lasts for his (whole)
lifetime, will be purified after death.
16. Let (his kinsmen) perform for him all the
funeral rites, the first of which is the libation of
water.
17. This same (ceremony of bathing in) water
to. Manu XI, 187-188 ; Yag#avalkya III, 296.
11. As appears from Gobhila Grzhya-sfitra III, 4, 16, the noun
to be understood is apam afigaliZ, ‘a handful of water.’
12. Haradatta refers the term Pavamants here to Taittirfyabrahmaza I, 4,8. The Taratsamandts are found Rig-veda IX, 58.
17. ‘“ Water (consecrated) for the sake of purification” means
280 GAUTAMA. XXI, 1.
consecrated for the sake of purification (must be
performed) in the case of all minor offences (upapétakas).
CuarTer X XI.
1. The murderer of a Brahmaza, he who drinks
spirituous liquor, the violator of a Guru’s bed, he
who has connection with the female relatives of his
mother and of his father (within six degrees) or with
sisters and their female offspring, he who steals (the
gold of a Brahmaza), an atheist, he who constantly
repeats blamable acts, he who does not cast off
persons guilty of a crime causing loss of caste,
and he who forsakes blameless (relatives), become
outcasts,
2. Likewise those who instigate others to acts
causing loss of caste,
3. And he who for a (whole) year associates
with outcasts.
4. To be an outcast means to be deprived of
the right to follow the lawful occupations of twiceborn men,
5. And to be deprived after death of the rewards
of meritorious deeds.
water consecrated by the formulas, “ Cleansed is the earth,” &c.’—
Haradatta.
4. To be an outcast means to be deprived of
the right to follow the lawful occupations of twiceborn men,
5. And to be deprived after death of the rewards
of meritorious deeds.
water consecrated by the formulas, “ Cleansed is the earth,” &c.’—
Haradatta.
XXI. 1. Apastamba I, 7, 21, 7-9, 11; I, 9, 24, 6-9; Manu XI,
35; Yagd#avalkya III, 227. Guru, i.e.a father or spiritual teacher.
The term yonisambandha, ‘sisters and their female offspring,’ seems
to be used here in a sense different from that which it has III, 3;
XIV, 20; and XIX, 20. It may possibly include also daughtersin-law.
2. Apastamba II, 11, 29, 1.
3. Manu IX, 181; Yag#avalkya III, 261.
XXI, 11. PENANCES. 281
6. Some call (this condition) hell.
7. Manu (declares, that) the first three (crimes,
named above) cannot be expiated.
8. Some (declare, that a man) does not become
an outcast (by having connection) with female (relatives), except (when he violates) a Guru’s bed.
9. A woman becomes an outcast by procuring
‘abortion, by connection with a (man of) lower (caste)
and (the like heinous crimes).
10. Giving false evidence, calumnies which will
reach (the ears of) the king, an untrue accusation
brought against a Guru (are acts) equal to mortal
sins (mah4pataka).
11; (The guilt of a) minor offence (upap4taka)
rests on those who (have been declared to) defile
the company (at a funeral dinner and have been
named above) before the bald man, on killers of kine,
those who forget the Veda, those who pronounce
Vedic texts for the (last-mentioned sinners), students
7 Apastamba I, 9, 24, 24-25; I, 9, 25, 1-35 Manu XI, 90-92,
104-105. The ‘penances’ prescribed are equal to a sentence of
death.
8. Apastamba I, 4, 21, 10.
9. Yagfavalkya III, 298. ‘On account of the word “and,”
by slaying a Bréhmana and similar crimes also. Another (commentator) says, “A woman who serves the slayer of a learned
Brahmama or a man of lower caste, i.e. becomes his wife, loses
her caste. On account of the word ‘and’ the same happens in
case she kills a Brahmaza or commits a similarly heinous crime.
The slayer of a Brahmana is mentioned in order to include (all)
outcasts.” ’—Haradatta.
10. Manu XI, 56-57; YAgfavalkya III, 228-229.
11. Manu XI, 60-67; YAgaavalkya III, 234-242; Apastamba
I, 7, 21, 12-17, 19. The persons who defile the company are
enumerated above, XV, 16-18.
282 GAUTAMA. XXI, 12.
who break the vow of chastity, and those who allow
the time for the initiation to pass.
12. An officiating priest must be forsaken, if he
is ignorant (of the rules of the sacrifice), a teacher,
if he does not impart instruction, and (both) if they
commit crimes causing loss of caste.
13. He who forsakes (them) under any other
circumstances, becomes an outcast.
14. Some declare, that he, also, who receives (a
person who has unjustly forsaken his priest or
teacher, becomes an outcast).
15. The mother and the father must not be
treated improperly under any circumstances,
13. He who forsakes (them) under any other
circumstances, becomes an outcast.
14. Some declare, that he, also, who receives (a
person who has unjustly forsaken his priest or
teacher, becomes an outcast).
15. The mother and the father must not be
treated improperly under any circumstances,
16. But (the sons) shall not take their property.
17. By accusing a Brahmaza of a crime (the accuser commits) a sin equal (to that of the accused).
18. If (the accused is) innocent, (the accuser’s
guilt is) twice (as great as that of the crime which
he imputed to the other).
19. And he who, though able to rescue a weak
man from injury, (does) not (do it, incurs as much
guilt as he who injures the other).
20. He who in anger raises (his hand or a weapon)
12. Apastamba I, 2, 4, 26; I, 2, 7, 26; I, 2, 8,27, Haradatta
asserts that, as the desertion of sinners has been prescribed above,
XX, 1, the expression patantyasevayam must here mean ‘if they
associate with outcasts.’ The former rule refers, however, to blood
relations only, and our Sfitra may be intended to extend it to
spiritual relations.
15. Apastamba I, 10, 28, 9-10. The meaning is that parents,
though they have become outcasts, must be provided with the
necessaries of life.
16. Haradatta adds that their property goes to the king.
17. Apastamba I, 7, 21, 20. 18. YAg#avalkya III, 285.
20-21. Manu XI, 207; YAg#avalkya III, 293. According to
XXII, 5. PENANCES, 283
against a Brahmaza, will be banished from heaven
for a hundred years.
21. If he strikes, (he will lose heaven) for a
thousand (years).
22. If blood flows, (he will lose heaven) for a
number of years equal to (that of the particles of)
dust which the spilt (blood) binds together.
CuarTerR XXII.
1. (Now follows the description of the) penances.
2. He who has (intentionally) slain a Brahmaza
shall emaciate himself, and thrice throw himself into
a fire,
3. Or he may become in battle a target for
armed men,
4. Or, remaining chaste, he may, during twelve
years, enter the village (only) for the purpose of
begging, carrying the foot of a bedstead and a
skull in his hand and proclaiming his deed.
_ 5. If he meets an Arya, he shall step out of the
road.
Haradatta the word asvargyam, ‘will be banished from or lose
heaven,’ may either mean that a hundred years’ residence in heaven
will be deducted from the rewards for his meritorious deeds, or
that he will reside in hell for the period specified.
22. Manu XI, 208; Yagfavalkya III, 293.
XXII. 1. The text of the Stra consists of the single word
‘penance’ in the singular, which, being the adhikéra or heading,
must be taken with each of the following Sfitras down to the end
of chapter XXIII.
2. Manu XI, 74. 3- Apastamba I, 9, 25, 11.
4. Apastamba I, 9, 24, 11-20. Hlaradatta says, ‘ the foot of a
bedstead’ (khafvanga) is known in the case of the Padsupatas, and
indicates thereby that he interprets the term to mean ‘a club
shaped like the foot of a bedstead,’ which the Pasupatas wear.
2. Manu XI, 74. 3- Apastamba I, 9, 25, 11.
4. Apastamba I, 9, 24, 11-20. Hlaradatta says, ‘ the foot of a
bedstead’ (khafvanga) is known in the case of the Padsupatas, and
indicates thereby that he interprets the term to mean ‘a club
shaped like the foot of a bedstead,’ which the Pasupatas wear.
5. Apastamba I, 9, 24, 13.
284 GAUTAMA. XXII, 6.
6. Standing by day, sitting at night, and bathing
in the morning, at noon, and in the evening, he may
be purified (after twelve years),
7. Or by saving the life of a Brahmaza,
8. Or if he is, at least, thrice vanquished in
(trying to recover) the property (of a Brahmaza)
stolen (by robbers),
9. Or by bathing (with the priests) at (the end
of) a horse-sacrifice,
10. Or at (the end of) any other (Vedic) sacrifice,
provided that an Agnishéut (sacrifice) forms part
of it.
(The same penances must be performed)
even if he has attempted the life of a Brahmaza,
but failed to kill him,
12. Likewise if he has killed a female (of the
Brahmamza caste) who had bathed after temporary
uncleanness,
13. Also for (destroying) the embryo of a Brahmawa, though (its sex) may be not distinguishable.
14. For (intentionally) killing a Kshatriya the
normal vow of continence (must be kept) for six
6. Apastamba I, 9, 25, 10.
1. Manu XI, 80; YAg#avalkya III, 244-245.
8. Apastamba I, 9, 25, 21. g. Apastamba I, 9, 25, 22.
10. Haradatta names the Pa#éarAtra sacrifice as an instance of
a Srauta yagfa, of which an Agnish/ut forms part. He adds that
another commentator explains the Sfitra to mean, ‘or at any other
sacrifice, provided that an Agnish/ut sacrifice be its final ceremony.’
Regarding the Agnish/ut sacrifice, see also above, XIX, ro.
11. Yagfavalkya III, 252.
12. Apastamba I,9, 24,9; Manu XI, 88; Yag#avalkya III, 251.
13. Apastamba I, 9, 24, 8; Manu, Yagitavalkya, loc. cit.
14. Apastamba I,9, 24,1, 4. ‘Prakrzta (normal) means natural
XXII, 21. PENANCES. 285
years; and he shall give one thousand cows and
one bull.
15. For (killing) a Vaisya (the same penance
must be performed) during three years; and. he
shall give one hundred cows and. one bull.
16. For (killing) a Sddra (the same penance must
be performed) during one year; and he shall give
ten cows and one bull.
17. And the same (rule applies) if a female (has
been killed) who was not in the condition (described
in Sdtra 12).
18, (The penance for killing) a cow is the same
as for (the murder of) a Vaisya,
19. And for injuring a frog, an ichneumon, a
crow, a chameleon, a musk-rat, a mouse, and a dog,
And for killing one thousand (small animals)
that have bones,
. Also for (killing) an ox-load of (animals) that
have no bones ;
(svabhavika), i.e. not accompanied by the carrying of the foot of
a bedstead and the rest.’—Haradatta,
15. Apastamba I, 9, 24, 2, 4
16. Apastamba I, 9, 24, 3, 4-
17. Apastamba I, 9, 24,5; YAgd#avalkya III, 269. Haradatta
says that this rule refers to the expiation of the murder of a virtuous
Brahmazf.
not accompanied by the carrying of the foot of
a bedstead and the rest.’—Haradatta,
15. Apastamba I, 9, 24, 2, 4
16. Apastamba I, 9, 24, 3, 4-
17. Apastamba I, 9, 24,5; YAgd#avalkya III, 269. Haradatta
says that this rule refers to the expiation of the murder of a virtuous
Brahmazf.
18, Apastamba I, 9, 26,1; Manu XI, 109-116 ; Yag#avalkya III,
263. Haradatta thinks that the Sfitra refers to the cow of a virtuous Srotriya or of a poor Bréhmaza who has many children.
19. Apastamba I,9, 25,13. Haradatta explains dahara to mean
a small mouse, but gives the meaning assigned to it in the translation as the opinion of others. He states that all the animals named
must have been intentionally injured and together,
20. Manu XI, 142; Yag#avalkya III, 275.
. Apastamba I, 9, 26, 2.
286 GAUTAMA. XXII, 22.
22. Or he may also give something for (the destruction of) each animal that has bones.
23. For (killing) a eunuch (he shall give) a load
of straw and a mAsha of lead;
24. For (killing) a boar, a pot of clarified butter ;
25. For (killing) a snake, a bar of iron ;
26. For (killing) an unchaste woman, who is
merely in name a Bréhmazt, a leather bag;
27. (For killing a woman who subsists) by harlotry, nothing at all. .
28. For preventing that (a Brahmaza) obtains a
wife, food, or money, (he must) in each case (remain
chaste) during a year,
29. For adultery two years,
30. (For adultery with the wife) of a Srotriya
three years.
31. And if he has received a present (from the
woman), he shall throw it away,
32. Or restore it to the giver.
33. If he has employed Vedic texts for people
(with whom such intercourse is) forbidden, (he shall
remain chaste for a year), provided (the portion of
the Veda thus employed) contained one thousand
words.
22. Haradatta quotes a verse showing that ‘something’ means
eight handfuls (mushéi) of grain.
23. Manu XI, 134; Yag#avalkya III, 273.
24. Manu XI, 135.
25. Manu XI, 34; Yag#avalkya III, 273. Possibly danda, a bar,
denotes here a particular measure, as a dada is said to be equal
to four hastas or ninety-six angulis.
26. Manu XI, 139.
29-30. Apastamba II, ro, 27, 11.
33. Haradatta says that by the employment of Vedic texts,
teaching or sacrificing is meant, but that others refer the Sftra
XXIII, 3. PENANCES. 287
34. And the same (penance must be performed)
by him who extinguishes the (sacred) fires, who
neglects the daily recitation of the Veda, or (who is
guilty) of a minor offence (upapdtaka),
35. Also by a wife who violates her duty (to
her husband): but, being guarded, she shall receive
food.
36. For committing a bestial crime, excepting
(the case of) a cow, (he shall offer) an oblation of
clarified butter, (reciting) the Kashm4nda texts.
CuapTrer XXIII.
1. They shall pour hot spirituous liquor into the
mouth of a Brahmaza who has drunk such liquor ;
he will be purified after death.
36. For committing a bestial crime, excepting
(the case of) a cow, (he shall offer) an oblation of
clarified butter, (reciting) the Kashm4nda texts.
CuapTrer XXIII.
1. They shall pour hot spirituous liquor into the
mouth of a Brahmaza who has drunk such liquor ;
he will be purified after death.
2. If he has drunk it unintentionally, (he shall
drink) for three days hot milk, clarified butter, and
water, and {inhale hot) air. That (penance is called
the Tapta-)krzékhra. Afterwards he shall be again
initiated,
3. And (the same penance must be performed)
for swallowing urine, excrements, or semen,
“to the performance of these acts in the company of, not for
unworthy people.
35. Manu XI, 189; Yag#avalkya III, 297.
36. Manu XI, 174. Regarding the Kishmandas, see XIX, 12.
XXIII. 1. Apastamba I, 9, 25,3- Haradatta remarks that other
twice-born men also must perform the same penance in case they
drink liquor forbidden to them, see above, II, 20 note. He also
states that the offence must have been committed intentionally and
repeatedly im order to justify so severe an expiation. Regarding
the effect of the purification after death, see above, XX, 16.
2-3. Manu XI,151; VAg@avalkya III, 255; see also Apastamba
I, 9, 25, 10.
288 GAUTAMA. XXIII, 4.
4. And (for eating) any part of a carnivorous
beast, of a camel or of an ass,
5. And of tame cocks or tame pigs.
6. If he smells the fume (exhaled) by a man who
has drunk spirituous liquor, (he shall) thrice restrain
his breath and eat clarified butter,
7. Also, if he has been bitten by (one of the
animals mentioned) above (Sfitras 4-5).
8, He who has defiled the bed of his Guru shall
extend himself on a heated iron bed, .
9. Or he shall embrace the red-hot iron image of
a woman,
10, Or he shall tear out his organ and testicles and, holding them in his hands, walk straight
towards the south-west, until he falls down dead.
11. He will be purified after death.
12. (The guilt of him who has intercourse) with
the wife of a friend, a sister, a female belonging to
the same family, the wife of a pupil, a daughterin-law, or with a cow, is as great as that of (him
who violates his Guru’s) bed.
13. Some (declare, that the guilt of such a sinner
is equal to) that of a student who breaks the vow of
chastity.
14. A woman who commits adultery with a man
4-5. Manu XI, 157. 6. Manu XI, 150.
7. Manu XI, 200; Yag#avalkya III, 277.
8-10. Apastamba I, 9, 25, 1-2. Haradatta asserts that Guru
denotes here the father alone.
12. Manu XI, 171-172; Yag#avalkya III, 232-233.
13. ‘The penance also consists in the performance of the
rites obligatory on an unchaste student (see Sfttras 17-19), and
that for the violation of a Guru’s bed need not be performed.’—
Haradatta.
14. Manu VIII, 371.
XXIII, 20. PENANCES, 289
of lower caste the king shall cause to be devoured
by dogs in a public place.
15. He shall cause the adulterer to be killed
(also).
14. Manu VIII, 371.
XXIII, 20. PENANCES, 289
of lower caste the king shall cause to be devoured
by dogs in a public place.
15. He shall cause the adulterer to be killed
(also).
16. (Or he shall punish him in the manner) which
has been declared (above).
17. A student who has broken the vow of chastity
shall offer an ass to Nirvzti on a cross-road.
18. Putting on the skin of that (ass), with the
hair turned outside, and holding a red (earthen)
vessel in his hands, he shall beg in seven houses,
proclaiming his deed.
19. He will be purified after a year.
20. For an involuntary discharge caused by fear
or sickness, or happening during sleep, and if for
seven days the fire-oblations and begging have been
neglected, (a student) shall make an offering of clari-
15. Manu VIII, 372; YAg#avalkya II, 286 ; Apastamba II, 10,
27,9. My best MSS. read ghatayet, ‘shall cause to be killed,’
instead of Professor Stenzler’s khadayet, ‘shall cause to be devoured.’ CC. has khadayet, but its commentary, as well as that
given in the other MSS., shows that ghdtayet is the correct
reading. The text of the commentary runs as follows: Anantaroktavishaye gatah puman ragA4 ghAtayitvyo [khddayitavyo C.]
vadhaprakérasfanantaram eva vasish‘havakane darsitak. The passages of Vasish‘fa XXI, 1-3, which Haradatta has quoted
in explanation of Sfitra 14, prescribe that the adulterer is to be
burnt. Another objection to the reading khadayet is that the word
would be superfluous. If Gautama had intended to prescribe the
same punishment for the adulterer as for the woman, he would
simply have said pumamsam.
16. Above, i.e. XII, 2, where the mutilation of the offender has
been prescribed. See also Apastamba II, 10, 26, 20.
17-19. Apastamba I, 9, 26, 8-9.
20. Manu II, 181, 187; YAg#avalkya III, 278, 281. The
Retasy&s are found Taittiriya Aranyaka I, 30.
[2] U
290 GAUTAMA. XXIII, 2r.
fied butter or (place) two pieces of fuel (in the fire)
reciting the two (verses called) Retasya.
21. Let him who was asleep when the sun rose
remain standing during the day, continent and fasting, and him who was asleep when the sun set
(remain in the same position) during the night,
reciting the Gayatri.
22. He who has looked at an impure (person),
shall look at the sun and restrain his breath (once).
23. Let him who has eaten forbidden food [or
swallowed impure substances], (fast until) his entrails
are empty.
24. (In order to attain that), he must entirely abstain from food at least for three (days and) nights.
25. Or (he becomes pure) after eating during
seven (days and) nights fruits that have become
detached spontaneously, avoiding (all other food).
26. (If he has eaten forbidden food mentioned
above) before five-toed animals, he must throw it
up and eat clarified butter. ©
27. For abuse, speaking an untruth, and doing
injury, (he shall practise) austerities for no longer
period than three (days and) nights.
21. Apastamba II, 5,12, 22; Manu II, 220.
©
27. For abuse, speaking an untruth, and doing
injury, (he shall practise) austerities for no longer
period than three (days and) nights.
21. Apastamba II, 5,12, 22; Manu II, 220.
22. Manu V, 86. ‘An impure person, i.e. a Kandala and the
like. This rule refers to a student (who sees such a person) while
he recites the Veda.’—Haradatta.
23-24. Apastamba I, 9, 27, 3-4. My copies omit amedhyaprasane va, or has swallowed impure substances, and the words are
not required, as another penance has been prescribed for the case
above, Sfitra 3. But see also SAamavidhana I, 5, 13.
26. Manu XI, 161. The Sftras referred to are XVII, 9-26.
27. Apastamba I, 9, 26, 3. My copies read trirétraparamam
instead of trirdtram paramam, This reading, which seems pre-
XXIV, 1. PENANCES, 291
28. If (the abuse) was merited, (he shall offer)
burnt-oblations, reciting (the Mantras) addressed to
Varuza and (the hymns) revealed by Manu.
29. Some (declare, that) an untruth (spoken) at
the time of marriage, during dalliance, in jest or
while (one suffers severe) pain is venial.
30. But (that is) certainly not (the case) when
(the untruth) concerns a Guru.
31. For if he lies in his heart only to a Guru regarding small matters even, he destroys (himself),
seven descendants, and seven ancestors.
32. For intercourse with a female (of one) of the
lowest castes, he shall perform a Kvzkkhra penance
during one year.
33. (For committing the same sin) undesignedly,
(he shall perform the same penance) during twelve
(days and) nights.
34. For connection with a woman during her
courses, (he shall perform the same penance) for
three (days and) nights.
CuHaPTeR XXIV.
1. A secret penance (must be performed) by him
whose sin is not publicly known.
ferable, is also confirmed by the-commentary, where the words are
explained, triratraparataya parena trirdtram.
28. According to Haradatta the texts addressed to Varuza-are yatkim kedam, Taitt. Samh. III, 4, 11, 6; imam me varuaa, tattva
yami, Taitt. Samh. II, 1, 11, 6; and ava te helo, Taitt. Samh. I,
5, 11, 3. The hymns seen by Manu are Rig-veda VIII, 27-31.
29. Manu VII, 112.
32. Apastamba I, 10, 28, ro-11. Regarding the Krikkara
penance, see below, chapter XXVI.
34. Manu XI, 174; Yaga#avalkya III, 288.
XXIV. 1. Manu XI, 248; YAg#avalkya III, 301.
U 2
292 GAUTAMA. XXIV, 2.
2. He who desires to accept or has accepted (a
gift) which ought not to be accepted, shall recite
the four Rzk-verses (IX, 58, 1-4), (beginning) Tarat
sa mandi, (standing) in water.
3. He who desires to eat forbidden food, shall
scatter earth (on it).
4. Some (declare, that) he who has connection
with a woman during her courses becomes pure by
bathing.
5. Some (declare, that this rule holds good) in the
case of (one’s own) wives (only).
3. He who desires to eat forbidden food, shall
scatter earth (on it).
4. Some (declare, that) he who has connection
with a woman during her courses becomes pure by
bathing.
5. Some (declare, that this rule holds good) in the
case of (one’s own) wives (only).
6. The (secret) penance for killing a learned
Brahmaza (is as follows): Living during ten days
on milk (alone) or (on food fit for offerings), during
a second (period of ten days) on clarified butter, and
during a third (period of ten days) on water, par-
2. Manu XI, 254. ‘He who has accepted or desires to accept,
i.e. because no other course is possible, (a present) offered by
a man that is blamable on account of the caste of the giver or
on account of his deeds, or (a present) that in itself is blamable,
e.g. the skin of a black-buck and the like ... in water, i.e.
according to some, standing in water that reaches to his navel ;
according to others, entirely immersed in water.’—Haradatta.
3. Manu loc. cit. ‘ Forbidden food has been described above,
XVII, 8, 9. If, being unable to act otherwise, he desires to eat
that, he shall throw earth, i.e. a piece of earth, (into it) and then
eat it.’—Haradatta.
4. Haradatta adds that he shall bathe, dressed in his garments.
5- Haradatta adds that another commentator reads ekestrfshu,
i.e. eke astrishu, and explains the Stra to mean, ‘Some (declare
the above rule to refer also) to a bestial crime.’
6. Yagfavalkya III, 303. According to Haradatta the complete
Mantras are as follows: Lom4nyétmano mukhe mrztyorasye guhomi
svaha, nakhanya. m. m. 4. guhomi svaha, &c. This secret penance
is apparently a milder form of that prescribed Apastamba I, 9,
25, 12.
XXIV, r2. PENANCES. 293
taking of (such food) once only each day, in the
morning, and keeping his garments constantly wet,
he shall (daily) offer (eight) oblations, (representing)
the hair, the nails, the skin, the flesh, the blood, the
sinews, the bones, (and) the marrow. The end of
each (Mantra) shall be, ‘I offer in the mouth of the
Atman (the Self), in the jaws of Death.’
7. Now another (penance for the murder of a
Bréhmaza will be described) :
8. The rule (as to eating and so forth), which has
been declared (above, Sftra 6, must be observed),
9. (And) he shall offer clarified butter, reciting
(the sacred text Rig-veda I, 189, 2), ‘O fire, do
thou ferry over, the Mahdvy4hrctis, and the KfashmAazdas ;
10. Or, for the murder of a Brahmazma, for drinking
spirituous liquor, for stealing (gold), and for the violation of a Guru’s bed, he may perform that (same
vow), tire himself by repeatedly stopping his breath,
and recite (the hymn seen by) Aghamarshama. That
is equal (in efficacy) to the final bath at a horsesacrifice ;
11. Or, repeating the G4yatri a thousand times,
he, forsooth, purifies himself;
12. Or, thrice repeating (the hymn of) Agha-
‘marshaza while immersed in water, he is freed from
all sins.
That
is equal (in efficacy) to the final bath at a horsesacrifice ;
11. Or, repeating the G4yatri a thousand times,
he, forsooth, purifies himself;
12. Or, thrice repeating (the hymn of) Agha-
‘marshaza while immersed in water, he is freed from
all sins.
9. The Mahivy4hritis are, bhOZ, bhuvad, svak. Regarding the
Kfishmandas, see above, XIX, 12.
1o. Manu XI, 260-261; Y4g#avalkya III, 302. The vow
intended is that prescribed above, Sftras 6, 8.
II. Apastamba I, 9, 26, 14-I, 9, 27, 1. Haradatta remarks
that the performer of the penance shall live on milk and stop his
breath, repeatedly stopping his breath.
294 GAUTAMA. XXV, 1.
CHAPTER XXV.
1. Now they say: ‘How many (gods) does a
student enter who violates the vow of chastity ?’
2. (And they answer): ‘His vital spirits (go
to) the Maruts (winds), his strength to Indra, his
eminence in sacred learning to Brzhaspati, all the
remaining parts to Agni.’
3. He kindles the fire in the night of the new
moon, and offers, by way of penance, two oblations
of clarified butter,
4. (Reciting these two sacred texts), ‘Defiled by
lust am I, defiled am I, oh Lust; to Lust sv4ha;’
‘Injured by lust am I, injured am I, oh Lust; to
Lust svaha.’ (Next) he (silently) places one piece of
sacred fuel (on the fire), sprinkles water round the
fire, offers the Yag#avAstu (oblation), and approaching
(the fire) worships it, thrice (reciting the text), ‘ May
the waters sprinkle me.’
5. These worlds are three; in order to conquer
XXV. 1. For this and the following five Sftras, see Taittirfya
Aranyaka II, 18, 1 seq.
2. ‘All the remaining parts, i.e. his sight and the other organs
of sense, go to Agni. Thus a student who has broken the vow of
chastity becomes short-lived, weak, destitute of eminence in sacred
learning, and destitute of sight, andso forth. Therefore a penance
must be performed.’—Haradatta. It must, of course, be understood that the penance prescribed here, is a ‘secret penance.’
3. ‘He, i.e. the unchaste student, shall kindle the fire in the
night of the new moon, i.e. at midnight, in the manner declared in
the Grzhya-sfitra.—Haradatta.
4. Haradatta says that while sprinkling water the performer
shall recite the texts ‘Aditi, thou hast permitted,’ see Apastamba II,
2, 3, 17 note. The Yag@avastu oblation, which follows after the
Svish/akrst offering, is described Gobhila Grzhya-sftra I, 8, 26~29.
XXYV, Io. PENANCES. .- 295
these worlds, in order to gain mastership over these
worlds, (this rite must be performed.)
6. According to some, the above (described) rite
is a penance (for all hidden offences) in general, (and
they say) regarding it, ‘ He who may be impure, as it
were, shall offer burnt-oblations in this manner, and
shall recite sacred texts in this manner; the fee (of
the officiating priest shall be) whatever he may
choose.’
7. He who has been guilty of cheating, of calumniating, of acting contrary to the rule of conduct,
of eating or drinking things forbidden, of connection with a woman of the Sfddra caste, of an unnatural crime, and even of performing magic rites
with intent (to harm his enemies), shall bathe and
sprinkle himself with water, reciting the texts addressed to the Waters, or those addressed to
Varuma, or other purificatory texts.
8. For offences committed by speaking or thinking of forbidden things, the five Vy4hvztis (must be
recited).
g. Or for all (offences) he may sip water, (reciting)
in the morning (the text), ‘May the day and the sun
purify me;’ and in the evening, ‘The night and
Varuna.’
to. Or he may offer eight pieces of sacred fuel,
7. Apastamba I, 9, 26, 7. The verses addressed to the Waters
are, Rv. X, 9, 1-3=Taitt. Samh. IV, 1, 5, 1, and Taitt. Samh. V,
6,1. Regarding those addressed to Varuaa, see above, XXIII, 28.
As an instance of ‘other purificatory texts’ Haradatta quotes
Taittirfya-brahmaaa I, 4, 8, 1.
8. Regarding the five Vyahretis, see above, I, 51.
10. Haradatta gives the following four Mantras: Devakritasyainasovayaganam asi svah4, ‘thou art the expiation for sin com-
296 GAUTAMA. XXVI, 1.
(reciting the texts beginning) ‘Devakvztasya.’ By
merely offering them he becomes free from all sin.
CuHaPTeR XXVI,
1. Now, therefore, we will describe three K7zékhras (or difficult penances).
2. (During three days) he shall eat at the morningmeal food fit for offerings, and fast in the evening.
3. Next, he shall eat (food fit for offerings),
during another period of three days, in the evening (only).
4. Next, during another period of three days, he
shall not ask anybody (for food).
5. Next, he shall fast during another period of
three days.
6. He who desires (to be purified) quickly, shall
stand during the day, and sit during the night.
mitted by the gods,’ sv4ha pitrzkrztasyainaso . . . svaha, manushyakrétasyainaso . .. svaha, asmatkrztasyainaso...svaha. But see
Vagasaneyi-samhita VIII, 13, where eight Mantras are given, and
below, XXVII, 7.
XXVI. 1. Samavidhana I, 2, 1; Apastamba I, 9, 27, 7. Haradatta
states that ataf, ‘ therefore,’ means ‘ because the Krz#khras cannot be
performed if they have not been described,’ while Sdyaza, on the
Sdmavidhana, asserts that it means ‘because unpurified persons
who are unable to offer sacrifices cannot gain heavenly bliss
without performing austerities such as Krzkkhras.’ It is a remarkable fact that Haradatta does not seem to have been aware that
the twenty-sixth chapter of Gautama is taken bodily from the
Saémavidhana.
2. Samavidhana I, 2, 2. ‘Food fit for offerings, i.e. such as
is not mixed with salt or pungent condiments.’
3-5. Samavidhana I, 2, 3.
6. Sdmavidhana I, 2, 4.
XXVI, 12. PENANCES. 297
7. He shall speak the truth.
8. He shall not converse with anybody but
Aryans.
9. He shall daily sing the two (Sdmans called)
Raurava and Yaudhagaya.
such as
is not mixed with salt or pungent condiments.’
3-5. Samavidhana I, 2, 3.
6. Sdmavidhana I, 2, 4.
XXVI, 12. PENANCES. 297
7. He shall speak the truth.
8. He shall not converse with anybody but
Aryans.
9. He shall daily sing the two (Sdmans called)
Raurava and Yaudhagaya.
10. He shall bathe in the morning, at noon, and
in the evening, reciting the three (verses which
begin) ‘For ye waters are,’ and he shall dry himself
reciting the eight purificatory (verses which begin)
‘ The golden-coloured.’
11. Next (he shall offer) libations of water.
12, Adoration to him who creates self-consciousness, who creates matter, who gives gifts, who destroys (sin), who performs penance, to Punarvasu,
adoration.
Adoration to him who is worthy of (offerings)
47-11. SAémavidhana I, 2, 5. Aryans, i.e. Bréhmanas, Kshatriyas, and Vaisyas. Regarding the Sdmans and Mantras, see notes
to Burnell’s edition of the Samavidhina, and above, XXV, 7.
Haradatta remarks that in the Taitt. Samh. (V, 6, 1) the Mantras
beginning ‘ The golden-coloured’ are ten in number, and adds that
‘if in some other Sakha eight are found, those must be taken.’
12. Samavidhana I, 2, 5, where, however, only four Mantras are
given instead of our thirteen. The epithets given to the deity in.
the Samavidhana can all be referred to the Sun, provided he is
identified with the universal soul, while in the above Sftra, Rudra
and Indra have been introduced. It cannot be doubtful that the
Sdémavidhana gives an older and more authentic form of the prayer.
My translation of the epithets, which are found in the SA€mavidhana
also, follows Sdyana’s gloss. Haradatta does not explain them.
About Sobhya in the twelfth Mantra, which possibly might mean,
‘he who dwells in a mirage, i.e. the Samsfra, I feel doubtful.
My MSS. read somya, and the Samavidhana has saumya in the
second Mantra. But Iam unwilling to alter the word, as Professor
Stenzler’s reading may have been derived from a South-Indian
MS., where bhya and mya do not resemble each other so much as
in the Devandgarf characters.
298 GAUTAMA. XXVI, 13.
consisting of Muzga grass, who is worthy of (offerings of) water, who conquers wealth, to him who
conquers the universe, adoration.
Adoration to him who gives success, who gives
full success, who gives great success, to him who
carries (all undertakings) to a successful issue,
adoration.
Adoration to Rudra, the lord of cattle, the great
god, the triocular, solitary, supreme lord Hari, to
dread Sarva, to sana who carries the thunderbolt,
to the fierce wearer of matted locks, adoration.
Adoration to the Sun, to Aditi’s offspring, adoration.
Adoration to him whose neck is blue, to him
whose throat is dark-blue, adoration.
Adoration to the black one, to the brown one,
adoration.
Adoration to Indra, the first-born, the best, the
ancient, to chaste Harikesa, adoration.
Adoration to the truthful purifier, to fire-coloured
Kama, who changes his form at pleasure, adoration.
Adoration to the black one, to the brown one,
adoration.
Adoration to Indra, the first-born, the best, the
ancient, to chaste Harikesa, adoration.
Adoration to the truthful purifier, to fire-coloured
Kama, who changes his form at pleasure, adoration.
Adoration to the brilliant one, to him whose
form is brilliant, adoration.
Adoration to the fierce one, to him whose form
is fierce, adoration.
Adoration to Sobhya, the beautiful, the great
male, the middle male, the highest male, to the
student of the Veda, adoration.
Adoration to him who wears the moon on his
forehead, to him whose garment is a skin, adoration.
13. The worship of Aditya (the sun) must be
performed with the same (texts).
13-17. Samavidhana I, 2, 5.
XXVI, 25. PENANCES. 299
14. Offerings of clarified butter (must be made
with the help of) the same (texts).
15. At the end of the period of twelve days he
shall boil rice and make offerings to the following
deities,
16. (Viz.) to Agni svah4, to Soma svah4, to Agni
and Soma (conjointly), to Indra and Agni (conjointly), to Indra, to all the gods, to Brahman, to
Pragdpati, (and) to Agni Svish¢akrct.
17. Afterwards (he must feed) Brahmamas.
18. By the above (rules) the Atikrzééhra (or
exceedingly difficult) penance has been explained.
19. (But when he performs that), he shall eat
(only) as much as he can take at one (mouthful).
20. The third (Kvzkkhra) is that where water
is the (only) food, and it is called Kyrzekhratikvikkhra (or the most difficult penance).
21. He who has performed the first of these
(three) becomes pure, sanctified, and worthy (to
follow) the occupations (of his caste).
22. He who has performed the second is freed
from all sins which he commits, excepting mortal
sins (mahapataka).
23. He who has performed the third, removes all
guilt.
24. Now he who performs these three Kvzkkhras
becomes perfect in all the Vedas, and known to all
the gods ;
25. Likewise he who knows this.
18. Sadmavidhana I, 2, 6.
19. SAmavidhana I, 2, 7; Manu XI, 214; Yagfavalkya III, 320.
20. Samavidhana I, 2, 8; Yagfavalkya III, 321.
21-23. Samavidhana I, 2, 9.
24-25. SAmavidh4na I, 2, 10. Sarveshu vedeshu snataé, ‘ perfect
300 GAUTAMA. XXVII, 1.
Cuaprer XXVIII.
1. Now, therefore, the Aandrdyaza (or lunar
penance will be described).
2. The (general) rules prescribed for a Kvzé&hra
(are applicable) to that.
3. (The hair must be) shaved, in case it (is performed as) a penance.
4. He shall fast on the day preceding the full
moon.
5. And (he shall offer) libations (of water), oblations of clarified butter, consecrate the sacrificial
viands, and worship the moon, reciting these (vas),
‘Increase’ (Rig-veda I, 91, 17), ‘ May milk be joined
with thee’ (Rig-veda I, 91, 18, and) ‘Ever new’
(Rig-veda X, 85, 19).
6. He shall offer (clarified butter), reciting the
four (7zkas beginning) ‘Yad deva devahedanam,’
7. And at the end (of the offering of clarified
6. He shall offer (clarified butter), reciting the
four (7zkas beginning) ‘Yad deva devahedanam,’
7. And at the end (of the offering of clarified
in all the Vedas,’ means, literally, equal to a student who has bathed
after completing the study of all the four Vedas.
XXVII. 2. The rules meant particularly are those given
XXVI, 6-11.
3. ‘He calls penance vrata.’—Haradatta.
5. ‘ The four religious acts, the first of which is the offering of
libations, are to be performed with the help of the three sacred
texts, the first of which begins “Increase.” As the number (of the
acts and of the verses) does not agree, the fire-oblations and the
libations of water must be performed severally, each with one text,
and the consecration (of the offerings) and the worship (of the
moon must be performed with all of them) together.’— Haradatta.
6. ‘He shall offer—as nothing is specified—clarified butter,
with the first four rzkas of the Anuvaka ‘Yad deva devahedanam.’
Counting the three mentioned above (Sfitra 5), altogether seven
oblations of clarified butter must be made.’—Haradatta.
7. ‘On completion of the oblations of clarified butter, he
XXVII, 11. PENANCES. 301
butter he shall offer) pieces of sacred fuel, reciting
(the texts beginning) ‘ Devakrztasya.’
8. Each mouthful of food must be consecrated
by the mental recitations (of one) of the following
(words): Om, bha4, bhuvad, svah, austerity, truth,
fame, prosperity, vigour, refreshment, strength,
lustre, soul, law, Siva.
9. Or (he may consecrate) all (of them at once,
saying), Adoration svaha.
10. The size of a mouthful (shall be such) as not
to cause a distortion of the mouth (in swallowing it).
11. The sacrificial viands are, boiled rice, food
obtained by begging, ground barley, grain separated
from the husk, barley-gruel, vegetables, milk, sour
shall offer pieces of sacred fuel, reciting the eight sacred texts,
which begin ‘ Devakrztasya,” and have been mentioned above
(XXV, 10). The word “completion” (anta) is merely a confirmation of something established, because (the place of the
offering) is already fixed by the place of the rule. But others
explain the word “ante” to mean ‘“‘at the end of the Aandréyana.” The word “and” does not agree with their (opinion).’—
Haradatta.
8. Haradatta observes that on the days when the performer eats
less than fifteen mouthfuls, the later mentioned texts must be left
out, and that, while eating, the performer must employ the Prazahuti
Mantras (Apastamba Il, 1, 1,2 note). He concludes by giving the
following prayoga for the performance of the ceremony: ‘He
‘places all the food in his dish, and consecrates it by the texts
“Increase,” &c. Next he divides it into mouthfuls, and consecrates
each successively with the word Om and the rest, and eats them,
reciting the texts for the Prazahutis.’
9. Haradatta states that either of the two words may be used
in consecrating all the mouthfuls, but that others think, both should
be used.
10. Yagaavalkya III, 324.
Haradatta states that either of the two words may be used
in consecrating all the mouthfuls, but that others think, both should
be used.
10. Yagaavalkya III, 324.
11. The term ‘sacrificial viands’ denotes here, according to.
Haradatta, the food eaten by the performer, which, like that eaten
by the performer of a Krikkhra, must be havishya, ‘fit for an offering,’
302 , GAUTAMA. XXVIT, 12.
milk, clarified butter, roots, fruits, and water; (among
these) each succeeding one is preferable (to those
enumerated earlier).
12. He shall eat on the day of the full moon
fifteen mouthfuls, and during the dark half (of the
month) daily diminish his portion by one (mouthful).
13. He shall fast on the day of the new moon,
and during the bright half (of the month) daily
increase (his portion) by one (mouthful).
14. According to some (the order shall be) inverted.
15. That (is called) a month, occupied by the
#Andrayaza penance.
16. He who has completed that, becomes free
from sin and free from crime, and destroys all guilt.
17. He who has completed a second (month,
living according to that rule), sanctifies himself, ten
ancestors, and ten descendants, as well as (any)
company (to which he may be invited) ;
18. And he who has lived for a year (according
to that rule), dwells (after death) in the world of the
moon.
CuapTrer XXVIII.
1. After the father’s death let the sons divide
his estate,
see above, XXVI, 2. Haradatta adds that, as a Grzhastha must not
beg, the food obtained by begging must have been collected by his
pupils, and that liquid food must be used for the expiation of the
more serious offences.
12. Manu XI, 217-218; Yag@avalkya III, 324-325.
14. Le. the performer may begin with the fast on the day of
the new moon.
18. Manu XI, 221; Yag#avalkya III, 327.
XXVIII. 1. Colebrooke, Dayabhaga II, 4; Mitakshara I, 2, 7;
XXVIII, 6. INHERITANCE. 303
2, Or, during his lifetime, when the mother is
past child-bearing, if he desires it,
3. Or the whole (estate may go) to the first-born ;
(and) he shall support (the rest) as a father.
4. But in partition there is an increase of spiritual
merit.
5. (The additional share) of the eldest (son consists of) a twentieth part (of the estate), a male and
a female (of animals with one row of front teeth,
such as cows), a carriage yoked with animals that
have two rows of front teeth, (and) a bull.
6. (The additional share) of the middlemost (consists of) the one-eyed, old, hornless, and _ tailless
animals, if there are several.
V, Digest 20; Mayfkha IV, 4, 3. Haradatta remarks that, according to Gautama, the sons alone shall divide the estate, and that the
mother is not to receive a share, as other teachers, e.g. Yag#avalkya
II, 123, prescribe. Apastamba II, 6, 13, 2; Manu IX, 104; Yagiiavalkya II, 117.
V, Digest 20; Mayfkha IV, 4, 3. Haradatta remarks that, according to Gautama, the sons alone shall divide the estate, and that the
mother is not to receive a share, as other teachers, e.g. Yag#avalkya
II, 123, prescribe. Apastamba II, 6, 13, 2; Manu IX, 104; Yagiiavalkya II, 117.
2. Colebrooke and May(kha loc. cit. ‘Or the sons may divide
the estate even during the lifetime of the father; when he desires
it, ie. by his permission. The time for such a (division is) when
the mother is past child-bearing.’—Haradatta. The correctness of
this interpretation of our Sftra is corroborated by the exclusion of
sons who have divided the family estate against the father’s will
(XV, 19) from the Sraddha dinner. Apastamba II, 6, 14, 1.
3. Colebrooke, Dayabh4ga III, 1, 15; Manu IX, rog.
4. Colebrooke, Dayabhaga III, 1, 14; V, Digest 47. After
division each brother has to perform the Vaisvadeva and the other
domestic ceremonies separately, while in a united family they are
performed by the eldest brother. Thus a division of the family
estate causes an increase of spiritual merit ; see also Manu XI, rrr.
5. Colebrooke, Dayabhaga II, 37; V, Digest 47; Manu
IX, 112.
6. Colebrooke ll. cit. ‘And that (additional share is given), if
of the one-eyed and the rest there are several, i.e. if the others also
get (some).’
304 GAUTAMA. XXVIII, 7.
7. (The additional share) of the youngest (consists of) the sheep, grain, the iron (utensils), a house,
a cart yoked (with oxen), and one of each kind of
(other) animals.
8. All the remaining (property shall be divided)
equally.
g. Or let the eldest have two shares,
10. And the rest one each.
11. Or let them each take one kind of property,
(selecting), according to seniority, what they desire,
12. Ten head of cattle.
13. (But) no (one brother shall) take (ten) onehoofed beasts or (ten) slaves.
14. (If a man has several wives) the additional
7. Colebrooke ll. cit. ‘Avif (a sheep), ie. an animal having
a fleece. The singular number (is used to denote) the species,
(and the explanation is), ‘‘ As many sheep as there are.” For (the
possession of) one would follow already from the phrase, “ And
one of each kind of animals.” Another (commentator says),
“Though the father may possess one sheep only, still it belongs to
the youngest, and the phrase ‘one of each kind of animals’ refers
to the case when there are many.” ... This (additional share is
that) belonging to the youngest. (If there are more than three
sons) the others obtain the share of the middlemost.’—Haradatta.
8. Colebrooke ll. cit.
g. Colebrooke, Dayabhaga II, 37; V, Digest 51. My best copy
P. leaves out this Sfttra and the next. The others read dvyamsi va
piivaga (not pirvagasya, as Professor Stenzler reads), and explain
the former word as follows, ‘dvavamsau dvyamsam tadasyAstiti
dvyamst” Manu IX, 117.
10. Colebrooke ll. cit. 11. Colebrooke V, Digest 68.
My best copy
P. leaves out this Sfttra and the next. The others read dvyamsi va
piivaga (not pirvagasya, as Professor Stenzler reads), and explain
the former word as follows, ‘dvavamsau dvyamsam tadasyAstiti
dvyamst” Manu IX, 117.
10. Colebrooke ll. cit. 11. Colebrooke V, Digest 68.
12. Colebrooke loc. cit. The meaning appears to be that no
brother is to select more than ten head of cattle.
13. Colebrooke V, Digest 69. ‘But, as has been declared above
(Sfitra rr), one of each kind only. In the case of the v. 1. dvipadandm, the word pada (step) is used in the sense of the word pada
(foot).’-—Haradatta.
14. Colebrooke V, Digest 58; Manu IX, 123.
XXVIII, 21. INHERITANCE, 305
share of the eldest son is one bull (in case he be
born of a later-married wife) ;
15. (But the eldest son) being born of the
first-married wife (shall have) fifteen cows and one
bull ;
16. Or (let the eldest son) who is born of a latermarried wife (share the estate) equally with his
younger (brethren born of the first-married wife).
17. Or let the special shares (be adjusted) in
each class (of sons) according to their mothers.
18. A father who has no (male) issue may appoint
his daughter (to raise up a son for him), presenting
burnt offerings to Agni (fire) and to Pragdpati (the
lord of creatures), and addressing (the bridegroom
with these words), ‘ For me be (thy male) offspring.’
19. Some declare, that (a daughter becomes) an
appointed daughter solely by the intention (of the
father).
20. Through fear of that (a man) should not
marry a girl who has no brothers.
21. Sapindas (blood relations within six degrees),
Sagotras (relations bearing a common family name),
(or) those connected by descent from the same Ashi
15. Colebrooke loc. cit.; Manu IX, 124.
16. Colebrooke loc. cit.
14. Colebrooke V, Digest 59. ‘After having divided the estate
into as many portions as there are wives who possess sons, and
having united as many shares as there are sons (of each mother),
let the eldest in each class (of uterine brothers) receive the additional
share of one-twentieth and so forth.’— Haradatta.
18-19. Colebrooke V, Digest 225; Manu IX, 130-140.
20. Manu III, 11; Yagaavalkya I, 53.
21. Colebrooke, Dayabh4ga XI, 6, 25; Mitakshara II, 1, 18;
_ V, Digest 440. My copies as well as Gimftavahana and Vig#anesvara read in the text strf v4, ‘or the wife,’ instead of stri fa,
[2] x
306 GAUTAMA. XXVIII, 22.
(vaidika gotra), and the wife shall share (the estate)
of a person deceased without (male) issue (or an
appointed daughter).
22. Or (the widow) may seek to raise up offspring
(to her deceased husband).
23. (A son) begotten on a (widow) whose husband’s brother lives, by another (relative), is excluded from inheritance.
24. A woman’s separate property (goes) to her
unmarried daughters, and (on failure of such) to poor
(married daughters).
25. The sister's fee belongs to her uterine brothers, if her mother be dead.
24. A woman’s separate property (goes) to her
unmarried daughters, and (on failure of such) to poor
(married daughters).
25. The sister's fee belongs to her uterine brothers, if her mother be dead.
26. Some (declare, that it belongs to them) even
while the mother lives.
27. The heritage of not reunited (brothers) de-
‘and the wife.’ Still the latter seems to be the reading recognised by Haradatta, as he says, ‘ But the wife is joined together
(samuféfyate) with all the Sagotras and the rest. When the Sagotras and the rest inherit, then the wife shall inherit one share with
them,’ &c. Apastamba Il, 6, 14,2; Manu IX, 187; Yaga#avalkya
II, 135-136.
22. Colebrooke, Mitékshara II, 1, 8, where this Sdtra has, however, been combined with the preceding. See also above, XVIII,
4-8; Manu IX, 145-146, 190.
23. Colebrooke V, Digest 341; Manu IX, 144.
24. Colebrooke, Dayabhaga IV, 2, 13; Mitakshar4 I, 3, 11;
Il, 2, 4; V, Digest 490; Mayfikha IV, 8,12. See also Manu IX,
192; YAgd#avalkya II, 145.
25. Colebrooke, Dayabhaga IV, 3, 27; V, Digest 511; Mayfikha
IV, 10, 32. ‘The fee, ie. the money which at an Asura, or an
Arsha wedding, the father has taken for giving the sister away.
That goes after his (the father’s) death to the uterine brothers of
that sister; and that (happens) after the mother’s death. But
if the mother is alive (it goes) to her.’—Haradatta.
26. Colebrooke V, Digest 511.
27. Colebrooke V, Digest 424. ‘The word “eldest” is used
XXVIII, 34 INHERITANCE, 307
ceased (without male issue goes) to the eldest
(brother).
28. If a reunited coparcener dies (without male
issue) his reunited coparcener takes the heritage.
29. A son born after partition takes exclusively
(the wealth) of his father.
30. What a learned (coparcener) has acquired by
his own efforts, he may (at his pleasure) withhold
from his unlearned (coparceners).
31. Unlearned (coparceners) shall divide (their
acquisitions) equally.
‘32. A legitimate son, a son begotten on the wife
(by a kinsman), an adopted son, a son made, a son
born secretly, and a son abandoned (by his natural
parents) inherit the estate (of their fathers).
33. The son of an unmarried damsel, the son of
a pregnant bride, the son of a twice-married woman,
the son of an appointed daughter, a son self-given,
and a son bought belong to the family (of their
fathers).
34. On failure of a legitimate son or (of the)
to give an example. (The property) goes to the brothers, not
to the widow, nor to the parents. That is the opinion of the
venerable teacher.’—Haradatta. YAg#avalkya II, 134.
28. Mayfikha IV, 9, 15; Manu IX, 212; Y&gfavalkya
I, 138. ;
29. Colebrooke, Dayabh4ga VII, 3; Manu IX, 216.
30. Colebrooke, Daéyabh4ga VI, 1, 17; V, Digest 355; May(kha IV, 7, 10; Manu IX, 206; YAgéavalkya II, 119.
31. Colebrooke V, Digest 137; Manu IX, 205.
YAg#avalkya II, 134.
28. Mayfikha IV, 9, 15; Manu IX, 212; Y&gfavalkya
I, 138. ;
29. Colebrooke, Dayabh4ga VII, 3; Manu IX, 216.
30. Colebrooke, Daéyabh4ga VI, 1, 17; V, Digest 355; May(kha IV, 7, 10; Manu IX, 206; YAgéavalkya II, 119.
31. Colebrooke V, Digest 137; Manu IX, 205.
32-33. Colebrooke V, Digest 184; ManuIX, 166-178; YAgfavalkya II, 128-132. My best copy P. inserts another Sftra between
this and the following one, ete tu gotrabh4ga, ‘but these (latter
six) belong to the family (only, and do not inherit).
34. Colebrooke V, Digest 184. ‘The residue of the estate
X 2
308 GAUTAMA. XXVIII, 35-
other (five heirs) they receive a fourth (of the
estate).
35. The son of a Brahmama by a Kshatriya wife,
being the eldest and endowed with good qualities,
shares equally (with a younger brother, born of a
Bréhmazi) ;
36. (But he shall) not (obtain) the additional
share of an eldest son.
37. If there are sons begotten (by a Brahmaza)
on wives of the Kshatriya and Vaisya castes (the
division of the estate between them takes place
according to the same rules) as (between) the (son
by a Kshatriya wife) and the son by a Brahmazt.
38. And (the sons by a Kshatriya wife and by
goes to the Sapinvdas. If it is here stated that the son of an
appointed daughter receives, even on failure of a legitimate son,
a fourth part of the estate only, that refers to the son of an appointed daughter of lower caste, i.e. to a son who is born, when
somebody makes the daughter of a wife of lower caste his appointed daughter, and does that by intent only..—Haradatta.
35. Colebrooke V, Digest 158; Manu IX, 149-153; YAg#avalkya II, 125. ‘If the son of a Brahmana by a Kshatriya wife
is endowed with good qualities and the eldest, then he shares
equally with a younger son by a Brahmazt. For the one possesses
seniority by age and the other by caste.’—Haradatta.
36. Colebrooke loc. cit. ‘What is exclusive of the additional
share of the eldest, which has been declared above, Stra 5, (that)
other (part) he shall obtain. The verb must be understood
from the context. Regarding a son by a Kshatriya wife who is
the eldest, but destitute of good qualities, the M&nava Dharmasastra declares (IX, 152-153), “Or (if no deduction be made),”
&c.’—Haradatta. The sense in which the Sftra has been taken
above, agrees with the explanation of the Ratnakara adduced in
the Digest loc. cit., though the reading of the text followed there
seems to be different.
37-38. Colebrooke V, Digest 159. In the Digest V, 160, an
additional Sftra regarding the partition between the sons of a
XXVIII, 45. INHERITANCE, . 309
a Vaisya wife share in the same manner) if (they
have been begotten) by a Kshatriya (father).
39. The son by a Sadra wife even, if he be obe-~
dient like a pupil, receives a provision for maintenance (out of the estate) of a (Brahmaza) deceased
without (other) male issue.
40. According to some, the son of a woman of
equal caste even does not inherit, if he be living
unrighteously.
39. The son by a Sadra wife even, if he be obe-~
dient like a pupil, receives a provision for maintenance (out of the estate) of a (Brahmaza) deceased
without (other) male issue.
40. According to some, the son of a woman of
equal caste even does not inherit, if he be living
unrighteously.
41. Srotriyas shall divide the estate of a childless
Brahmaza.
42. The king (shall take the property of men) of
other (castes).
43. An idiot and a eunuch must be supported.
44. The (male) offspring of an idiot receives (his
father’s) share.
45. (Sons begotten) on women of higher castes
(by men of lower castes shall be treated) like sons
(begotten by a Brahmava) on a Sidra wife.
Vaisya by Vaisya and Sfidra wives is quoted, which, however, is
not recognised by Haradatta.
39. Colebrooke V, Digest 169; Mayfkha IV, 4, 30. ‘(The
word) of a Brahmaza must be understood (from Sftra 35).’—
Haradatta.
40. Colebrooke V, Digest 316 ; Apastamba II, 6, 14, 15.
41. Colebrooke, Mitakshar4 II, 7, 3; Mayfkha IV, 8, 25. ‘The
expression “of a childless (Brahmaza)” includes by implication
(the absence) of Sapizdas and other (heirs).’—Haradatta. Srotriyas, i.e. Bréhmamas learned in the Vedas. See also Manu
1X, 188.
42. Apastamba II, 6, 14, 5.
43. Colebrooke V, Digest 335; Manu IX, 201-202; YAgiiavalkya II, r4o.
44. Colebrooke loc. cit.; Manu IX, 203; Yagfavalkya I, 141.
45- Colebrooke V, Digest 171, 335.
x 3
310 GAUTAMA. XXVIII, 46-53.
46. Water, (property destined for) pious uses or
sacrifices, and prepared food shall not be divided ;
« 47. Nor (shall a partition be made) of women
connected (with members of the family).
48. In cases for which no rule has been given,
(that course) must be followed of which at least ten
(Brahmazas), who are well instructed, skilled in
reasoning, and free from covetousness, approve.
49. They declare, that an assembly (parishad,
shall consist) at least (of) the ten following (members, viz.) four men who have completely studied
the four Vedas, three men belonging to the (three)
orders enumerated first, (and) three men who know
(three) different (institutes of) law.
50. But on failure of them the decision of one
Srotriya, who knows the Veda and is properly instructed (in the duties, shall be followed) in doubtful
cases.
51. For such a man is incapable of (unjustly)
injuring or (unjustly) favouring created beings.
52. He who knows the sacred law obtains heavenly bliss, more than (other) righteous men, on
account of his knowledge of, and his adherence
to it.
53- Thus the sacred law (has been explained).
46. Manu IX, 2x9. Fora fuller explanation of the terms yoga
and kshema, (property destined for) pious uses and sacrifices, see
Colebrooke, Mitaksharé I, 4, 23.
47. Colebrooke, Mitakshar4 I, 4,22; V, Digest 367; Mayfkha
IV, 7, 19.
49-51. Apastamba II, 11, 29, 13-14; Manu XII, 108-113.
Three men belonging to the (three) orders enumerated first, i.e. a
student, a householder, and an ascetic, see above, III, 2.
47. Colebrooke, Mitakshar4 I, 4,22; V, Digest 367; Mayfkha
IV, 7, 19.
49-51. Apastamba II, 11, 29, 13-14; Manu XII, 108-113.
Three men belonging to the (three) orders enumerated first, i.e. a
student, a householder, and an ascetic, see above, III, 2.
TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS ADOPTED FOR THE TRANSLATIONS
OF THE SacrED Booxs or THE East.
MISSIONARY ALPHABET,
CONSONANTS. c ——-_ | S Zend. Pehlevi. | Persian. | Arabic. | Hebrew. | Chinese.
1 Class. | II Class. | 111 Class.
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TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS.
31
MISSIONARY ALPHABET.
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I Class, | II Class. | III Class.
CONSONANTS
(continued).
Zend. Pehlevi. | Persian. | Arabic. | Hebrew. | Chinese.
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312
TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS
Dentales modificatae
(lingualos, &c.)
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39, = aspirata .
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41 ,, aspirata..
42 Nasalis......
43 Semivocalis ...
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47 os lenis...
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FOR THE SACRED BOOKS OF TIIE EAST.
313
VOWELS,
MISSIONARY AI.PHABET.
3c
T Class, | II Class. | III Class.
Sanskrit.
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54 Semivocalis ...
55 %
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FOR THE SACRED BOOKS OF TIIE EAST.
313
VOWELS,
MISSIONARY AI.PHABET.
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314
TRA
N
SLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS,
Digitized by G 008 le
Digitized by Goog le
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST
TRANSLATED BY VARIOUS ORIENTAL SCHOLARS
AND EDITED BY
THE RIGHT HON.
F. MAX MULLER.
This Series is published with the sanction and co-operation of the Secretary of
State for India in Council,
REPORT presented to the ACADBMIE DES INSCRIPTIONS, May 11,
1883, by M. BRNEST RENAN.
‘M. Renan présente trois nouveaux
volumes de la grande collection des
“Livres sacrés de l’Orient” (Sacred
Books of the East), que dirige 4 Oxford,
avec une si vaste érudition et une critique
si sire, le savant associé de 1’Académie
des Inscriptions, M. Max Miiller.... La
premiére série de ce beau recueil, com-
osée de 24 volumes, est presque achevée.
M. Max Miiller se propose d’en publier
une seconde, dont l’intérét historique et
religieux ne sera pas moindre. M. Max
Miiller a su se procurer la collaboration
des savans les plus éminens d’Europe et
d’Asie. L’Université d’Oxford, que cette
grande publication honore au plus haut
degré, doit tenir 4 continuer dans les plus
larges proportions une ceuvre aussi philosophiquement congue que savamment
exécutée.’
BXTRAOCT from the QUARTERLY REVIEW.
“We rejoice to notice that a second
series of these translations has been announced and has actually begun to appear.
The stones, at least, out of which a stately
edifice may hereafter arise, are here being
brought together. Prof. Max Miiller has
deserved well of scientific history. Not
a few minds owe to his enticing words
their first attraction to this branch of
study. But no work of his, not even the
The stones, at least, out of which a stately
edifice may hereafter arise, are here being
brought together. Prof. Max Miiller has
deserved well of scientific history. Not
a few minds owe to his enticing words
their first attraction to this branch of
study. But no work of his, not even the
great edition of the Rig-Veda, can compare in importance or in usefulness with
this English translation of the Sacred
Books of the East, which has been devised
by his foresight, successfully brought so
far by his persuasive and organising
power, and will, we trust, by the assistance of the distinguished scholars he has
gathered round him, be carried in due
time to a happy completion.’
Professor BE. HARDY, Inaugural Lecture in the University of Freiburg, 1887.
‘Die allgemeine vergleichende Religionswissenschaft datirt von jenem grossartigen, in seiner Art einzig dastehenden
Unternehmen, zu welchem auf Anregung
Max Miillers im Jahre 1874 auf dem
internationalen Orientalistencongress in
London der Grundstein gelegt worden
war, die Ubersetzung der heiligen Biicher
des Ostens’ (the Sacred Books of the
East).
The Hon. ALEERT 8S. G. CANNING, ‘Words on Existing Religions.’
‘ The recent publication of the “ Sacred
Books of the East” in English is surely
a great event in the annals of theological
literature.’
OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
LONDON: HENRY FROWDE
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, AMEN CORNER, E.C.
LA
2 SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST:
FIRST SERIES.
Vou. 1. The Upanishads.
Translated by F. Max Mtittzr. Part I. The Kfdndogyaupanishad, The Talavaka4ra-upanishad, The Aitareya-franyaka,
The Kaushitaki-braéhmama-upanishad, and The V4gasaneyisamhita-upanishad. Second Edition. 8vo, cloth, ros. 6d.
The Upanishads contain the philosophy of the Veda. They have
become the foundation of the later Vedénta doctrines, and indtrecily
of Buddhism. Schopenhauer, speaking of the Upanishads, says :
‘In the whole world there ts no study so beneficial and so elevating
as that of the Upanishads. It has been the solace of my life, tt will
be the solace of my death.’
[See also Vol. XV.]
von. 11. The Sacred Laws of the Aryas,
As taught in the Schools of Apastamba, Gautama, VAsishéha,
and Baudhfyana. Translated by Grorc Bunter. Part I.
Apastamba and Gautama, Second Edtion. 8vo, cloth, 10s. 6d.
The Sacred Laws of the Aryas contain the original treatises on
which the Laws of Manu and other lawgivers were founded.
[See also Vol. XIV.]
vou. 111. The Sacred Books of China.
The Texts of Confucianism. Translated by James Lrcor.
Part I. The Shit King, The Religious Portions of the Shih
King, and The Hsiao King. Second Edition. 8vo, cloth, 125. 6d.
Confucius was a collector of ancient traditions, not the founder of
a new religion. As he lived in the sixth and fifth centuries B.C.
his works are of untque interest for the study of Ethology.
(See also Vols. XVI, XXVII, XXVIII, XXXIX, and XL.]
vou. Iv. The Zend-Avesta.
8vo, cloth, 125. 6d.
Confucius was a collector of ancient traditions, not the founder of
a new religion. As he lived in the sixth and fifth centuries B.C.
his works are of untque interest for the study of Ethology.
(See also Vols. XVI, XXVII, XXVIII, XXXIX, and XL.]
vou. Iv. The Zend-Avesta.
Translated by James DarmesteTer. Part I. The Vendfdad.
Second Edition, 8vo, cloth, 14s.
The Zend-Avesta contains the relics of what was the religion of
EDITED BY F. MAX MULLER: 3
Cyrus, Darius, and Xerxes. It forms to the present day the sacred
book of the Parsts, the so-called fire-worshippers.
[See also Vols. XXIII and XXXI.]
vou. Vv. Pahlavi Texts.
Translated by E. W. West. Part I. The Bundahis, Bahman
Yast, and Shayast l4-shayast. 8vo, cloth, 125. 6d.
The Pahlavi Texts comprise the theological literature of the revival
of Zoroaster's religion, beginning with the Sassanian dynasty. They
are important for a study of Gnosticism.
[See also Vols. XVIII, XXIV, XXXVII, and XLVII.]
Vous. VI anv IX. The Qur'an.
PartsIand II. Translated by E. H. Parmer. Second Edrtion.
8vo, cloth, 21s.
This translation, carried out according to his own peculiar views
of the origin of the Qur’dn, was the last great work of E. H. Palmer,
before he was murdered in Egypt.
vou. vit. The Institutes of Vishzu.
Translated by Jutius Jotty. 8vo, cloth, 1os. 6d.
A collection of legal aphorisms, closely connected with one of the
oldest Vedic schools, the Kathas, but considerably added to 1n later
time. Of importance for a critical study of the Laws of Manu.
vou. vill. The Bhagavadgité,with The Sanatsugatiya,
and The Anugité.
Translated by KAsninAtH Trimpak Tetanc. Second Edition.
8vo, cloth, ros. 6d.
The earliest philosophical and religious poem of India. It has been
paraphrased in Arnold’s ‘Song Celestial.’
vou. Xx. The Dhammapada,
Translated from Pali by F. Max Murer; and
The Sutta-Nipéta,
Translated from P4li by V. Fauspéii; being Canonical Books
of the Buddhists. Second Edition. 8vo, cloth, 1os. 6d.
The Dhammapada contains the quintessence of Buddhist morality.
The Sutta-Nipdta gives the authentic teaching of Buddha on some
of the fundamental princtples of religion.
4 SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST:
vou. XI. Buddhist Suttas.
Translated from Pali by T. W. Ruys Davins. 1. The Mahaparinibbana Suttanta; 2. The Dhamma-sakka-ppavattana
Sutta. 3. The Tevigga Suttanta; 4. The Akankheyya Sutta ;
5. The Xetokhila Sutta; 6. The Maha-sudassana Suttanta ;
4. The Sabbdsava Sutta. 8vo, cloth, ros. 6d.
A collection of the most important religious, moral, and philosophical
discourses taken from the sacred canon of the Buddhists.
vou. x11. The Satapatha-Brahmaza, according to the
Text of the MAdhyandina School.
Translated by Jutrus Eecrrine. Part I. Books I and II.
8vo, cloth, 12s. 6d.
A minute account of the sacrificial ceremonies of the Vedic age.
Lt contains the earliest account of the Deluge in India.
[See also Vols. XXVI, XLI, XLIII, and XLIV.]
Vou. XIII. Vinaya Texts.
Translated by Jutrus Eecrrine. Part I. Books I and II.
8vo, cloth, 12s. 6d.
A minute account of the sacrificial ceremonies of the Vedic age.
Lt contains the earliest account of the Deluge in India.
[See also Vols. XXVI, XLI, XLIII, and XLIV.]
Vou. XIII. Vinaya Texts.
Translated from the Pali by T. W. Ruys Davins and HERMANN
Oxpenserc. Part I. The Patimokkha. The Mah4vagga, I-IV.
8vo, cloth, 10s. 6d.
The Vinaya Texts give for the first time a translation of the moral
code of the Buddhist religion as settled in the third century B.C.
[See also Vols. XVII and XX.]
von. XIV. The Sacred Laws of the Aryas,
As taught in the Schools of Apastamba, Gautama, VAsish/ha,
and Baudhayana. Translated by Geore Biuurr. Part II.
Vasishiha and Baudhayana. 8vo, cloth, 10s. 6d.
vou. XV. The Upanishads.
Translated by F. Max Mutuer. Part II. The Ka¢Aa-upanishad,
The Muzdaka-upanishad, The Taittirlyaka-upanishad, The
Brthadaranyaka-upanishad, The SvetAsvatara-upanishad, The
Pras#a-upanishad, and The Maitrayana-brahmava-upanishad.
Second Edition. 8vo, cloth, ros. 6d.
Vou. XVI. The Sacred Books of China.
The Texts of Confucianism. Translated by James Leger.
Part II. The Yf King. 8vo, cloth, ros. 6d,
[See also Vols. XXVII, XXVIII]
Vou. XVII. Vinaya Texts.
Translated from the Pali by T. W. Ruys Davins and HerMANN
OxpenserG. PartII. The Mahavagga, V-X. The Xullavagga,
I-III. 8vo, cloth, ros. 6d.
EDITED BY F. MAX MULLER, 5
vou. XVIII. Pahlavi Texts.
Translated by E. W. West. Part II. The Dadistén-f Dinitk
and The Epistles of Manfskthar. 8vo, cloth, 12s. 6d.
Vou. XIX. The Fo-sho-hing-tsan-king.
A Life of Buddha by Asvaghosha Bodhisattva, translated from
Sanskrit into Chinese by Dharmaraksha, a.p. 420, and from
Chinese into English by Samugt Brat. 8vo, cloth, ros. 6d.
This life of Buddha was translated from Sanskrit into Chinese,
A.D.420,. Lt contains many legends, some of which show a certain
similarity to the Evangelium infantiae, &c.
Vou. xx. Vinaya Texts.
Translated from the Pali by T. W. Ruys Davins and Hermann
OxpvenBerc. Part II. The Xullavagga, IV-XII. 8vo, cloth,
10s. 6d,
Vou, XxXI. The Saddharma-pumdarika ; or, The Lotus
of the True Law.
Translated by H. Kern. 8vo, cloth, 12s. 6d.
‘ The Lotus of the True Law,’ a canonical book of the Northern
Buddhists, translated from Sanskrit. There ts a Chinese translation of this book which was finished as early as the year 286 A.D.
Vou, XXII. Gaina-Sitras.
Translated from Prakrit by HERMann Jacopi. Part I. The
Afaranga-Sftra and The Kalpa-Sftra. 8vo, cloth, ros. 6d.
The religion of the Gainas was founded by a contemporary of Buddha.
Lt shll counts numerous adherents tn India, while there are no
Buddhists left in India proper.
[See Vol. XLV.]
Vou. XXIII. The Zend-Avesta.
Translated by James DarmesTETER. Part II. The Sirézahs,
Yasts, and Nyayis. 8vo, cloth, ros. 6d.
vou. XxIv. Pahlavi Texts.
Translated by E. W. West. Part III. Dina-t Mainég-
[See Vol. XLV.]
Vou. XXIII. The Zend-Avesta.
Translated by James DarmesTETER. Part II. The Sirézahs,
Yasts, and Nyayis. 8vo, cloth, ros. 6d.
vou. XxIv. Pahlavi Texts.
Translated by E. W. West. Part III. Dina-t Mainég-
Khirad, Sikand-gfimanitk Vigar, and Sad Dar. 8vo, cloth,
Tos. 6d.
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©
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HARVARD
COLLEGE
LIBRARY
Digitized by G oogle
Digitized by Google
Digitized by Google
THE
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST
London
MACMILLAN AND CO.
\ fines TIO 3
cH MEA .
é
ve Si
PUBLISHERS TO THE UNIVERSITY OF
Oxford
THE
SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST
TRANSLATED
BY VARIOUS ORIENTAL SCHOLARS
' AND EDITED BY
F. MAX MULLER
VOL, ID
@rford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1879.
[All rights reserved]
THE
SACRED BOOKS OF CHINA
THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM
TRANSLATED BY
JAMES LEGGE
PART I
THE SHU KING
THE RELIGIOUS PORTIONS OF THE SHIH KING
THE HSIAO KING
@rford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1879
[All rights reserved]
a
7
a
Z ( 9 / |
Z
HARVARD
UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY
CONTENTS.
. PAGE
PREFACE. . : . . . . . . . . xiii
THE SHO.
INTRODUCTION.
CHAP.
I. THE NATURE AND HISTORY OF THE SHO. . . I
Meaning of the name Shi King. The Shf existed as a
collection of documents before Confucius. Number of
documents in it in his time. The Preface ascribed to him.
The sources of the Shi. Destruction of the classical literature by the emperor of XAin. Recovery of the Sha.
II. THE CREDIBILITY OF THE RECORDS IN THE SHO . . 12
Are the records reliable or not? The Books of K4u; of
Shang ; of Hsia. ‘The Books of Thang and Yii are professedly
later compilations ; legendary ; based on ancient documents.
The Tribute of Yii. Y4o, Shun, and Yii are all historical
personages.
III. ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF CHINA, AND THE PRINCIPAL
ERAS INTHE SHO. . . re °)
No detailed chronological system can be made out from
the Shi. Attempts at systematic chronology began in the
Han period. Ancient method of determining the length of
Chinese history. The period of the Kau dynasty; of the
Shang ; of the Hsia ; of Yao and Shun.
A CHART BY THE REV. PROFESSOR PRITCHARD, representing
the principal zodiacal stars above the horizon of any place in
central China, about the year B.C. 2300; with note, and table
of the apparent positions of the principal stars in B.C. 2300,
B.C. 1500, A.D. I, A.D, 1000, and A.D. 1878 . . . 27-30
PART I. THE BOOK OF THANG.
The Canon.of YAo . . . ee . . . . 31
viii
CONTENTS.
BOOK
PYwNn
wPoeb
a
10,
Il.
AnwP yp
PART II. THE BOOKS oF YU.
The Canon of Shun . .t
The Counsels of the Great Yii
The Counsels of K4o-y4o . . : : :
The Yi and AT. . : . . . . . .
- ParRT III. THE Books oF HsiA.
The Tribute of Yii. Section i
” ” ” ii
The Speech at Kan : : .
The Songs of the Five Sons. . .
The Punitive Expedition of Yin
THE BOOKS oF YU.
The Canon of Shun . .t
The Counsels of the Great Yii
The Counsels of K4o-y4o . . : : :
The Yi and AT. . : . . . . . .
- ParRT III. THE Books oF HsiA.
The Tribute of Yii. Section i
” ” ” ii
The Speech at Kan : : .
The Songs of the Five Sons. . .
The Punitive Expedition of Yin
ParT IV. THE BOOKS OF SHANG.
The Speech of Thang.
The Announcement of Kung-hui . .
The Announcement of Thang
The Instructions of f. .. .
The Thai Kia. Section i
” ” ii . . . . . .
yy di wo. . .
The Common Possession of Pure Virtue .
The Pan-kang. Section i
yi
The Charge to Yiieh. Section i
” ” » ii
” ” » iii . . . 1 oe
The Day of the Supplementary Sacrifice to K4o Sung .
The Chief of the West’s Conquest of Lit . . .
The Count of Wei _ : . .
PART V. THE BOOKS oF KAU.
The Great Declaration. Sectioni . : . . .
” ” ” ii
» iii
The Speech at Ma .
The Successful Completion of the War
The Great Plan . . . .
The Hounds of Lii
The Metal-bound Coffer
64
72
78
81
84
89
92
95
100
104
108
III
113
115
116
118
120
121
125
127
129
131
133
137
149
151
CONTENTS. ix
BOOK PAGE
7. The Great Announcement . . . . . . . 156
8. The Charge to the Count of Wei. : : . . 161
9. The Announcement to the Prince of Khang . . . 164
10. The Announcement about Drunkenness . : . .- &I7I
11. The Timber of the Rottlera’. . : - 179
12. The Announcement of the Duke of Shao : . . 81
13. The Announcement concerning Lo . . . . . 188
14. The Numerous Officers . . : : . . . 196
15. Against Luxurious Ease. . : . : . . 200
16. The Prince Shih . : . . . : . - 205
17. The Charge to Kung of Bhai . . . .. Qa
18. The Numerous Regions . . . . . . » 213
19. The Establishment of Government . . 1 . 219
20. The Officers of Kau . : : : : . : . 226
21. The Xiin-2kan . . . . . . . . . 231
22. The Testamentary Charge . . . oe . 234
23. The Announcement of King Khang . . . . - 243
24. The Charge to the Duke of Pf... . ‘ . e245
25. The Xiin-ya . . . : . . . . « 250
26. The Charge to Khiung- . » eww 252
27. The Marquis of Lii on Punishments . . . . . 254
28. The Charge to the Marquis Wan . . . . 265
29. The Speech at Pt . . . : . . 267
30. The Speech of the Marquis of Kin 2 oe ee 270
THE SHIH.
INTRODUCTION.
CHAP,
I. THE NAME AND CONTENTS OF THE SHIH. : - 275
The meaning of the character Shih. The contents. Only
the pieces of the fourth Part have professedly a religious
character. Classification of the pieces from their form and
style.
II. THE SHIH BEFORE CONFUCIUS, AND WHAT, IF ANY, WERE
HIS LABOURS UPON IT . . . . . . . 280
Statement of Sze-mA Xhien; in the Records of the Sui
Dynasty; of AQ Hsi. View of the author. Groundlessness
of Khien’s statement. What Confucius did for the Shih.
x CONTENTS.
CHAP, .
III. THE SHIH FROM THE TIME OF CONFUCIUS TILL THE
GENERAL ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF THE PRESENT TEXT
From Confucius to the rise of the KAin dynasty. The Shih
was all recovered after the fires of KAin. Three different
texts :—of LQ; of XAi; of Han Ying. The text of M4o.
x CONTENTS.
CHAP, .
III. THE SHIH FROM THE TIME OF CONFUCIUS TILL THE
GENERAL ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF THE PRESENT TEXT
From Confucius to the rise of the KAin dynasty. The Shih
was all recovered after the fires of KAin. Three different
texts :—of LQ; of XAi; of Han Ying. The text of M4o.
IV. THE FORMATION OF THE COLLECTION OF THE SHIH;
HOW IT CAME TO BE SO SMALL AND INCOMPLETE; THE
INTERPRETATION AND AUTHORS OF THE PIECES; ONE
POINT OF TIME CERTAINLY INDICATED IN IT; AND
THE CONFUCIAN PREFACE . . . «© .
The theory of the Chinese scholars about a collection of
poems for governmental purposes. The music-master of the
king got the odes of each state from its music-master ; and
the collected poems were disseminated throughout the states.
How the Shih is so small and incomplete. The authors of the
pieces. The year B.C. 776 clearly indicated. The Preface
to the Shih.
ODES OF THE TEMPLE AND THE ALTAR.
1, The Sacrificial Odes of Shang . . «wet
2. The Sacrificial Odes of Kau. Decadei . . .
” ” ” » ii. : . .
” ” ” » (Wo. . : .
3. The Praise Odes of La a
THE MINOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM.
Decade i. Odes 5, 6, 9 . . soe ee .
» iv. Odes 5, 6, 7, 8,9,10 . . : . . . .
» v. Odes1,2,3,4,69 . . . . . .
» vi. Odes 3, 5, 6, 7, 8 . :
» Vii, Odest,6 . 2. 2. 2. ee lee
» Vili, Ode 5 rr
THE Major ODES OF THE KINGDOM.
Decade i. Odes 1, 2, 3,4,5,6,7,9,10 . . «© «
» ii Odes 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8,9, 10 . . . . . .
» iii, Odes 1, 2, 3, 4,5, 6, 7,8, 10,11. . .
LESSONS FROM THE STATES.
Book 2. Odes2,4 . . . . . . . . .
» 3 Odes4,15 . . . : . : : : .
» 4 Odes 1, 3,6. . . : . . .
PAGE
285
290
303
313
320
328
336
347
349
358
364
373
376
377
396
410
430
433
434
CONTENTS. xl
PAGE
Book 5. Ode4 . . . . : . . : . + 437
» 6 Odest,9 . . . . . . ’ . - 438
» 10 Odes8 11. ' . + 440
» U1. Odeo , : : . . . . : . - 442
» 15. Oder . . . . . . . . . - 444
THE HSIAO.
INTRODUCTION.
CHAP. .
I, THE NAME OF THE CLASSIC; ITS EXISTENCE BEFORE THE
HAN DYNASTY; ITS CONTENTS, AND BY WHOM IT WAS
Meaning of the character Hsiao. Was the treatise called
the Hsiao King by Confucius? It existed before the Han
dynasty during the time of the Kau. It came, probably, from
the school of 3ang-3ze.
II. THE RECOVERY OF THE HsiAO0 UNDER THE HAN
DYNASTY, AND ITS PRESERVATION DOWN TO THE
PUBLICATION OF THE COMMENTARY OF THE THANG
EMPEROR HSUAN 3UNG . . . . . . + 452
Recovery of the Hsiao. The shorter or modern text. The
old or longer text. Was another copy in the old text discovered? Can we fully rely on the copies catalogued by Lia
Hin? From Khung An-kwo to the emperor Hsiian ung.
The emperor’s work. Hsing Ping’s work.
III. Criticism OF THE HSIAO SINCE THE THANG DYNASTY 458
Works on the old text by Sze-m4 Kwang and Fan 8(-yii.
Sceptical criticism ;—views of Ki Hst and Wa KAang. Conclusion regarding the genuineness and integrity of the Hsiao.
Note on the translation.
1. The Scope and Meaning of the Treatise . . 465
2. Filial Piety in the Son of Heaven . . . . 467
Sceptical criticism ;—views of Ki Hst and Wa KAang. Conclusion regarding the genuineness and integrity of the Hsiao.
Note on the translation.
1. The Scope and Meaning of the Treatise . . 465
2. Filial Piety in the Son of Heaven . . . . 467
3. Filial Piety in the Princes of States . 468
4. Filial Piety in High Ministers and Great Officers 469
5. Filial Piety in Inferior Officers . se 470
6. Filial Piety in the Common People .. 471
7. Filial Piety in Relation to the Three Powers 472
Xil CONTENTS.
CHAP.
8. Filial Piety in Government. . . oe ee
9. The Government of the Sages . .
to. An Orderly Description of the Acts of Filial Piety .
11. Filial Piety in Relation to the Five Punishments
12. Amplification of ‘the All-embracing Rule of Conduct’ in
Chapter! . . .
13. Amplification of ‘the Perfect Virtue? i in Chapter I.
14. Amplification of ‘Making our Name Famous’ in Chapter I
15. Filial Piety in Relation to Reproof and Remonstrance
16. The Influence of Filial Piety and the Response to it
17. The Service of the Ruler . . . . .
18, Filial Piety in Mourning for Parents. .
Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Translations of the Sacred Books of the East . . +
PAGE
474
476
480
481
481
482
483
483
484
486
487
489
PREFACE,
WHILE submitting here some prefatory observations on
the version of the Shi King presented in this volume,
I think it well to prefix also a brief account of what are
regarded as the Sacred Books of the Religions of China.
Those religions are three :—Confucianism, Taoism, and
Buddhism.
I. I begin with a few words about the last. To translate
any of its books does not belong to my province, and more
than a few words from me are unnecessary. It has been
said that Buddhism was introduced into China in the third
century B.C.; but it certainly did not obtain an authoritative recognition in the empire till the third quarter of our
first century, Its Texts were translated into Chinese, one
portion after another, as they were gradually obtained from
India; but it was not till very long afterwards that the
Chinese possessed, in their own language, a complete copy
of the Buddhist canon*. Translations from the Sanskrit
constitute the principal part of the Buddhistic literature
of China, though there are also many original works in
Chinese belonging to it.
1 I put the introduction of Buddhism into China before our Christian era thus
uncertainly, because of what is said in the article on the history of Buddhism in
China, in the Records of the Sui Dynasty (a.p. 589-618), the compilers of which
say that before the Han dynasty (began 8.c. 202) Buddhism was not heard of
in China, They refer to contrary statements as what ‘some say,’ and proceed
to relate circumstances inconsistent with them. It is acknowledged on all sides
that Buddhist books were first brought to China between a.p. 60 and 70.
202) Buddhism was not heard of
in China, They refer to contrary statements as what ‘some say,’ and proceed
to relate circumstances inconsistent with them. It is acknowledged on all sides
that Buddhist books were first brought to China between a.p. 60 and 70.
* Mr. Beal (Catena of Buddhist Scriptures from the Chinese, pp. i, 2) says
that ‘the first complete edition of the Buddhist Canon in China dates from the
seventh century; that a second and much enlarged edition of it, called the
Southern Collection, was prepared in a.D. 1410; that a third edition, called the
Northern Collection, appeared about a.p. 1390; which again was renewed and
enlarged in the year 1723.’
xiv PREFACE.
II. Confucianism is the religion of China par excellence, and is named from the great sage who lived in the
fifth and sixth centuries B.c. Confucius indeed did not
originate the system, nor was he the first to inculcate its
principles or enjoin its forms of worship. He said of himself (Analects, VII, i) that he was a transmitter and not
a maker, one who believed in and loved the ancients ; and
hence it is said in the thirtieth chapter of the Doctrine of
the Mean, ascribed to his grandson, that ‘he handed down
the doctrines of Yao and Shun, as if they had been his
ancestors, and elegantly displayed the regulations of Wan
and Wa, taking them as his models.’
In fulfilling what he considered to be his mission, Confucius did little towards committing to writing the views of
antiquity according to his own conception of them. He
discoursed about them freely with the disciples of his
school, from whom we have received a good deal of what
he said; and it is possible that his accounts of the ancient
views and practices took, unconsciously to himself, some
colour from the peculiar character of his mind. But his
favourite method was to direct the attention of his disciples
to the ancient literature of the nation. He would neither
affirm nor relate anything for which he could not adduce
some document of acknowledged authority. He said on
one occasion (Analects, III, ix) that he could describe the
ceremonies of the dynasties of Hsia (B.C. 2205-1767) and
Yin (B.C. 1766-1123), but did not do so, because the
records and scholars in the two states of KAu, that had
been assigned to the descendants of their sovereigns, could
not sufficiently attest his words. It is an error even to
suppose that he compiled the historical documents, poems,
and other ancient books from various works existing in his
time. Portions of the oldest works had already perished.
His study of those that remained, and his exhortations to
his disciples also to study them, contributed to their preservation, What he wrote or said about their meaning should
be received by us with reverence; but if all the works
which he handled had come down to us entire, we should
have been, so far as it is possible for foreigners to be, in
PREFACE, XV
the same position as he was for learning the ancient religion of his country. Our text-books would be the same
as his. Unfortunately most of the ancient books suffered
loss and injury after Confucius had passed from the stage
of life. We have reason, however, to be thankful that we
possess so many and so much of them. No other literature, comparable to them for antiquity, has come down to
us in such a state of preservation.
But the reader must bear in mind that the ancient books
of China do not profess to have been inspired, or to contain what we should call a Revelation. Historians, poets,
and others wrote them as they were moved in their own
minds. An old poem may occasionally contain what it
says was spoken by God, but we can only understand that
language as calling attention emphatically to the statements to which it is prefixed. We also read of Heaven’s
raising up the great ancient sovereigns and teachers, and
variously assisting them to accomplish their undertakings ;
but all this need not be more than what a religious man of
any country might affirm at the present day of direction,
help, and guidance given to himself and others from above.
But while the old Chinese books do not profess to contain
any divine revelation, the references in them to religious
views and practices are numerous; and it is from these
that the student has to fashion for himself an outline of
the early religion of the people. I will now state what the
books are.
First, and of greatest importance, there is the Book of
Historical Documents, called the Sh and, since the
period of the Han dynasty (began B.C. 202), the Sha
King. Its documents commence with thé reign of Y4o in
the twenty-fourth century B.C., and come down to that of
king Hsiang of the KAu dynasty, B.C. 651-619. The earliest
chapters were not contemporaneous with the events which
they describe, but the others begin to be so in the twentysecond century B.C, The reader will find a translation of
the whole of this work without abridgment.
Second, and nearly as important as the Sh4, there is
the Shih, or the Book of Poetry. It contains in all 305
xvi PREFACE.
Second, and nearly as important as the Sh4, there is
the Shih, or the Book of Poetry. It contains in all 305
xvi PREFACE.
pieces, five of which are of the time of the Shang dynasty
(called also the Yin), B.C. 1766-1123. The others belong
to the dynasty of K4u, from the time of its founder, king
Wan, born B.C. 1231, to the reign of king Ting, B.c. 606-
586. The whole is divided into four Parts, the last of
which is occupied with ‘Odes of the Temple and the
Altar.’ Many pieces in the other Parts also partake of
a religious character, but the greater number are simply
descriptive of the manners, customs, and events of the
times to which they belong, and have no claim to be included in the roll of Sacred Texts. In this volume will be
found all the pieces that illustrate the religious views of
their authors, and the religious practices of their times.
The third work is the Yi, commonly called the Book of
Changes. Confucius himself set a high value on it, as
being fitted to correct and perfect the character of the
learner (Analects, VII, xvi); and it is often spoken of by
foreigners as the most ancient of all the Chinese classics.
But it is not so. As it existed in the time of the sage, and
as it exists now, no portion of the text is older than the
time of king Wan, mentioned above. There were and are,
indeed, in it eight trigrams ascribed to F(-hsi, who is generally considered as the founder of the Chinese nation, and
whose place in chronology should, probably, be assigned in
the thirty-fourth century B.c. The eight trigrams are again
increased to sixty-four hexagrams, To form these figures,
two lines, one of them whole (——) and the other divided
(——),are assumed as bases. Those lines are then placed,
each over itself, and each over the other; and four binograms are formed. From these, by the same process with
the base lines, are obtained eight figures,—the famous trigrams, Three other repetitions of the same process give
us successively sixteen, thirty-two, and sixty-four figures.
The lines in the figures thus increase in an arithmetical
progression, whose common difference is one, and the number of the figures increases in a geometrical progression,
whose common ratio is two. But what ideas Fd-hs? attached to his primary lines,—the whole and the divided ;
what significance he gave to his trigrams; what to the
PREFACE. XVil
But what ideas Fd-hs? attached to his primary lines,—the whole and the divided ;
what significance he gave to his trigrams; what to the
PREFACE. XVil
sixty-four hexagrams,—if indeed he himself formed so
many figures; and why the multiplication of the figures
was stayed at sixty-four :—of none of these points have we
any knowledge from him, There is some reason to believe
that there were texts to the hexagrams under the dynasties
of Hsia and Shang, but none of them have been preserved.
It may be that king Wan and his equally famous son, the
duke of K4u, adopted much of what they found already
existing, and incorporated it with their own interpretations
of the figures; but they, and they alone, are accepted as
the authors of the text of the Yi. King W4n, we are told,
at a time when he was imprisoned by the tyrannical sovereign with whom the dynasty of Shang or Yin ended, took
in hand the ever-changing hexagrams, and appended to
each a brief explanation of the meaning which the trigrams
composing it suggested by their union to his mind; and in
some cases the practical course in affairs to which that
meaning should direct. His son did for the separate lines
of each hexagram what Wan had done for the whole figure.
Confucius is said to have entered into their labours about
600 years afterwards. Several appendixes are ascribed to
him, in which there is an attempt to explain the origin
of the Fd-hsi figures, and many of the interpretations of
Wan and his son. The early linear figures; the notes
of Wan and the duke of X4u; and the Confucian appendixes :—these constitute the Yi.
The work was from the first intimately connected with
the practice of divination, which, we know from the Sha,
entered largely into the religion of the ancient Chinese.
This goes far to account for its obscure and enigmatical
character ; but at the same time there occur in it, though
in a fragmentary manner, so many metaphysical, physical,
moral, and religious utterances, that the student of it is
gradually brought under a powerful fascination. In consequence, moreover, of its use in divination, it was exempted
by the superstitious tyrant of Ain from the flames to
which he condemned all the other Confucian literature in
B.C. 213. It has thus come down to us entire, and a translation of the whole of it will be given.
(1) b
XVIli * PREFACE,
An additional interest belongs to the Yi as the fountainhead from which the comparatively modern philosophers
of the Sung dynasty (began A.D. 960) professed to draw
what has been called their ‘atheo-political’ system. As
an appendix to the translation of the Yi, there will be given
an outline of that system, and an attempt will be made to
test the correctness of the interpretation of this classic by
its authors,
960) professed to draw
what has been called their ‘atheo-political’ system. As
an appendix to the translation of the Yi, there will be given
an outline of that system, and an attempt will be made to
test the correctness of the interpretation of this classic by
its authors,
The fourth of the great classics is the Lit Xi, or the
Record of Rites; but it is only one of a class that we may
denominate the Constitutional and Ritual Books of ancient
China, especially under the K4u dynasty. They are often
mentioned together as ‘the Three Rituals.’ The first of
them is called K4u Li, the Rites of KAu, and also Kau
Kwan, the Officers of Ku, which latter is the better name
for it. It is the official book of the Kau dynasty. The
prevailing opinion is that it was the production of the duke
of K4u; and if it were not composed in its present form by
him, it contains, no doubt, the substance of the regulations
which he made for the administration of the government,
after the dynasty of Shang had passed, through the achievements of his father and brother, into that of K4u. Under
the various departments in which that administration was
arranged, it enumerates the principal and subordinate
officers belonging to each, and describes their duties. After
the fires of Kin, the work was recovered nearly complete
in the first century B.C. A good translation of the whole
work was published in 1851, at Paris, by M. Edouard Biot.
The second Ritual Collection bears the name of f Li,
which has been translated ‘the Decorum Ritual,’ and ‘the
‘Rules of Demeanour.’ It was recovered earlier than the
former, and is as voluminous. It consists of the rules by
which a scholar or officer should regulate his behaviour on
social and state occasions. It has not yet, so far as I
know, been translated into any European language.
The third Collection, more voluminous than either of
the others, was made also under the Han dynasty. In the
first century B.C., it was an immense compilation of 214
books arranged in five divisions. The 214 were reduced
PREFACE. . xix
The third Collection, more voluminous than either of
the others, was made also under the Han dynasty. In the
first century B.C., it was an immense compilation of 214
books arranged in five divisions. The 214 were reduced
PREFACE. . xix
to eighty-five by Tai Teh, a scholar of the time, and his
eighty-five again to forty-six by a cousin, called T4i Kang.
Three other books were added to these towards the end of
the Han period, forming forty-nine in all, which have come
down to us under the title of Li Ai, or ‘the Record of
Rites,’ and have long constituted by imperial authority one
of the five King. An abridgment of this work was translated by M. J. M. Callery, at Turin, in 1853, with the
title.—‘ Li Ki, ou Memorial des Rites, traduit pour la
premiére fois du Chinois, et accompagné de notes, de
commentaires, et du texte original.’ Callery’s work, however, contains only thirty-six of the forty-nine books of
the Li Ki, and most of those thirty-six in a condensed
form. Whether it will be possible to give in these Sacred
Books of the East translations of the whole of these Rituals ;
and if that be not possible, by what principles to be guided
in the selection of portions of them :—these are questions
to be determined after further deliberation. Many passages
contain more of the mind of Confucius himself on the
sacrificial worship of his country, and the ideas underlying
it, than we find elsewhere.
But it must not be forgotten that these ritual books do
not throw so valuable a light on the ancient religion of
China as the older ShQ and Shih. They belong to the
period of the K4u dynasty, and do not go back as contemporaneous records to the dynasties beyond it and the still
remoter age of Yao and Shun. The views of Confucius,
moreover, as given in them, do not come to us at first hand.
They were gathered up by the Han scholars five and six
centuries after his death, nor can we be sure that these
did not sometimes put ideas of their own into the mouth of
the sage, and make additions to the writings which were
supposed, correctly or incorrectly, to have come from his
immediate disciples.
We owe the fifth and last of the Kings of China to
Confucius himself. It is what he called Khun KAid, or
‘the Spring and Autumn,’ a very brief chronicle compiled
by him of the annals of his native state of Lf for 242
years, from B.C, 722 to 481. But there is not much to ke
b 2
XX PREFACE.
gleaned from it for the Sacred Texts; and if we were to
launch out into the three supplements to it of 30 KAiming, Kung-yang, and K(-liang, the result would not repay
the labour. A translation of the whole of 30’s supplement,
much the most important, is given in my work on the
Khun Xhid, published at Hong Kong in 1872.
A translation of the whole of 30’s supplement,
much the most important, is given in my work on the
Khun Xhid, published at Hong Kong in 1872.
There is another short treatise attributed to Confucius,—
the Hsiao King, or ‘Classic of Filial Piety. Though not
like one of the five great works that have been described,
it was the first to receive the denomination of a King,—
and that from the lips of the sage himself,—if the account
which we have received of the matter is to be relied on.
This little work does not come to us, like the KAun KX Aid,
as directly from the pencil of Confucius, but in the shape of
conversations between him and his disciple 34ng-3ze, put
on record in the first place, probably, by some members of
Sang’s school. No portion of the ancient literature has
more exercised the minds and engaged the attention of
many of the emperors of successive dynasties. The Hsido
seems to me an attempt to construct a religion on the
basis of the cardinal virtue of Filial Piety, and is open
to criticism in many respects. A translation of it is given
in the present volume.
The classical books are often spoken of as being ‘the
five King’ and ‘the four Sh.’ The King have all been
separately referred to above; the four Sha is an abbreviation for the Sh or Books of the four Philosophers. The
first is the Lun Yii, or ‘Discourses and Conversations,’
occupied chiefly with sayings of Confucius and conversations
ketween him and many of his disciples. The second is the
Works of Mencius, perhaps the greatest thinker and writer
of the Confucian school after the Master. I hope to be
able to give both these works. The third of the ShQ is
the T4 Hsio, or ‘Great Learning,’ ascribed, like the Hsiao,
to Sang-3ze. The fourth is the Kung Yung, or ‘ Doctrine
of the Mean,’ the production of 3ze-sze, the sage’s grandson.
Both of these treatises, however, are taken from the Li Xt.
The whole of the Four Books were translated and published
by me in 1861.
PREFACE. XXxi
III. The third Religion in China is what is called Taoism.
It was, like Confucianism, of native origin, and its acknowledged founder was Li &, called also Li Po-yang, and, after
his death, Li Tan. More commonly he is designated L4o-
3ze, translated by some ‘the Old Philosopher,’ and by
others ‘the Old Boy’ from a fabulous story that his mother
carried him in her womb for seventy-two years, so that
when he was at length cut out of it, his hair was already
white. His birth is referred to the year 604 B.C., so that
he was between fifty and sixty years older than Confucius. There are accounts, hardly reliable, of interviews and
discussions between the two men.
His birth is referred to the year 604 B.C., so that
he was between fifty and sixty years older than Confucius. There are accounts, hardly reliable, of interviews and
discussions between the two men.
LAo-3ze’s system often goes with English writers by the
name of Rationalism; but if that name be retained, the
term must be taken in quite a peculiar sense. His doctrine was that of the T4o, but it is not easy to determine
what English term will best express the meaning of the
Chinese character. The only record which we have of
L4o-3ze’s views is the T4o-teh King, or ‘Classic of Tao
and Virtue,’ a treatise of no great length. It was published
at Paris in 1842, with a translation in French, by the late
Stanislas Julien, under the title of ‘Le Livre de la Voie
et de la Vertu.’ Appealing to the views of Kwang-jze and
other writers of the Taoist school, M. Julien says that ‘Le
T4o est dépourvu d’action, de pensée, de jugement, d’intelligence,’ and adds that ‘it appears impossible therefore to
take it for the primordial reason, the Sublime Intelligence, which created and rules the world.’
A translation in English was published, in 1868, by
the Rev. Dr. Chalmers of Canton, under the title of ‘the
Speculations in Metaphysics, Polity, and Morality, of “the
Old Philosopher.”’ Dr. Chalmers retains the term T4o
in his English Text, and says, ‘I have thought it better
to leave the word T4o untranslated, both because it has
given the name to the sect,—the TAoists—and because no
English word is its exact equivalent. Three terms suggest
themselves,—the Way, Reason, and the Word; but they
are all liable to objection. Were we guided by etymology,
“the Way” would come nearest to the original, and in one
XXii PREFACE.
or two passages the idea of a Way seems to be in the
term ; but this is too materialistic to serve the purpose of
a translation. Reason again seems to be more like a
quality or attribute of some conscious Being than TAo is.
I would translate it by the Word in the sense of the
Logos, but this would be like settling the question which
I wish to leave open, viz. what amount of resemblance there
is between the Logos of the New Testament and this Tao,
which is its nearest representative in Chinese.’
I would translate it by the Word in the sense of the
Logos, but this would be like settling the question which
I wish to leave open, viz. what amount of resemblance there
is between the Logos of the New Testament and this Tao,
which is its nearest representative in Chinese.’
Two other translations of the T4ao-teh King have appeared, both in German :—‘ Lao-tsze’s Tao Te King, aus
dem Chinesischen ins Deutsche iibersetzt, eingeleitet, und
commentirt, von Victor von Strauss (Leipzig, 1870),’
and ‘Lao-tse, Tao-te-king, “Der Weg zur Tugend,”
aus dem Chinesischen iibersetzt und erklart von Reinhold
von Planckner,’ also published at Leipzig. Strauss closely
follows Julien, while Planckner allows himself great freedom in dealing with his original. Notwithstanding these
four attempts to give the meaning of ‘the Old Philosopher’
in three European languages, there is room for a new version, which will be submitted to the reader in due course.
It is only by an intense and long-continued study of the
original that we can come to an agreement as to the meaning of the Tao. I propose not only to give a translation of
the T4o-teh King, but also of the works of Kwang-jze, the
most remarkable of the early writers of the T4Aoist school.
Whatever L4o-jze intended by the T4o, Taoism has, in
the course of time, borrowed largely, both from Confucianism and Buddhism. It inculcates a morality of a high
order in some respects, and has developed a system of
grotesque beliefs and practices, ministering to superstition,
and intended to refine and preserve the breath of life. Its
practical teachings will be exhibited in the most popular of
all the TAoist writings,—the treatise on ‘ Actions and their
Recompenses,’ and perhaps in one or more, besides, of the
characteristic productions of the system.
The version of the Sh that appears in this volume is
substantially the same as that in the third volume of my
PREFACE. xxili
large edition of the Chinese Classics, and which was published in 1865. I wrote out the whole afresh, however,
having before me not only my own version, but the earlier
translations of P. Gaubil in French and Dr. Medhurst in
English. Frequent reference was made likewise to a larger
apparatus of native commentaries than I had formerly used.
Going to the text anew, after more than twelve years
devoted mainly to the continuous study of the Chinese
classics, I yet hardly discovered any errors which it was
necessary to correct. A few verbal alterations were made
to make the meaning clearer. Only in one case will a
reader, familiar with the former version, be struck with any
alteration in this. The Chinese character itt (Ti), applied
repeatedly to the ancient Yao and Shun in the commencing
books of the classic, and once in the 27th Book of the fifth
Part, was there translated by ‘emperor,’ while it is left
untranslated in the present volume, and its name transferred to the English text.
The Chinese character itt (Ti), applied
repeatedly to the ancient Yao and Shun in the commencing
books of the classic, and once in the 27th Book of the fifth
Part, was there translated by ‘emperor,’ while it is left
untranslated in the present volume, and its name transferred to the English text.
Before adopting this change, I had considered whether
I ought to translate Ti in all other instances of its occurrence in the Sh (and invariably in the Shih), and its intensified form Shang Ti an if}, by our term ‘God.’
Gaubil rendered Ti for the most part by ‘le Seigneur,’ and
Shang Ti by-‘le Souverain Maitre,’ adding sometimes to
these names Ti and Shang Ti in brackets. Medhurst translated Ti by ‘the Supreme,’ and ‘the Supreme Ruler,’ and
Shang Ti by ‘the Supreme Ruler.’ More than twentyfive years ago I came to the conclusion that Ti was the
term corresponding in Chinese to our ‘God,’ and that
Shang Ti was the same, with the addition of Shang, equal
to ‘Supreme.’ In this view I have never wavered, and I
have rendered both the names by ‘God’ in all the volumes
of the Chinese Classics thus far translated and published.
What made me pause before doing so in the present
volume, was the consideration that the object of ‘the
Sacred Texts of the Religions of the East,’ as I understand it, is to give translations of those texts without any
colouring in the first place from the views of the trans-
XXIV PREFACE.
lators. Could it be that my own view of Ti, as meaning
God, had grown up in the heat of our controversies in
China as to the proper characters to be used for the words
God and Spirit, in translating the Sacred Scriptures?
A reader, confronted everywhere by the word God, might
be led to think more highly of the primitive religion of
China than he ought to think. Should I leave the names
Ti and Shang Ti untranslated? Or should I give for
them, instead of God, the terms Ruler and Supreme
Ruler? Icould not see my way to adopt either of these
courses.
The term Heaven (RK, pronounced Thien) is used
everywhere in the Chinese Classics for the Supreme Power,
ruling and governing all the affairs of men with an omnipotent and omniscient righteousness and goodness; and
this vague term is constantly interchanged in the same
paragraph, not to say the same sentence, with the personal
names Ti and Shang Ti. Thien and Ti in their written
forms are perfectly distinct. Both of them were among
the earliest characters, and enter, though not largely, as
the phonetical element into other characters of later formation. According to the oldest Chinese dictionary, the
Shwo Wan (A.D. 100), Thien is formed, ‘ by association of
ideas,’ from yi (—), ‘one,’ and ta ( x), ‘great,’ meaning—
what is one and undivided, and great. T4i Thung, of our
thirteenth century, in his remarkable dictionary, the Lit
ShQ Ka, explains the top line of it as indicating ‘what
is above, so that the significance of the character is ‘ what
is above and great.’ In both these dictionaries Ti ( if) is
T4i Thung, of our
thirteenth century, in his remarkable dictionary, the Lit
ShQ Ka, explains the top line of it as indicating ‘what
is above, so that the significance of the character is ‘ what
is above and great.’ In both these dictionaries Ti ( if) is
derived from —-- or — (shang), ‘above,’ or ‘what is
above:’ and they say that the whole character is of phonetical formation, in which I am not able to follow them};
1 It is said in the Shwo Wan that the phonetical element in Tt is i, but
this is pronounced Shze. Neither in form nor sound is there any similitude
between it and Tf. An error, probably, has crept into the text. Dr. Chalmers,
in his treatise on ‘the Origin of the Chinese,’ attempts (p. 12) to analyse the
character into its constituent parts in the following way :—‘ The peculiar nature
of the Chinese written language has done good service in stereotyping the primi-
PREFACE. XXV
but T4i Thung gives the following account of its meaning :—‘ Tt is the honourable designation of lordship and
tule,’ adding, ‘Therefore Heaven is called Shang Ti; the
five Elementary Powers are called the five Ti; and the
Son of Heaven !—that is, the Sovereign—is called Ti.’
Here then is the name Heaven, by which the idea of
Supreme Power in the absolute is vaguely expressed ; and
when the Chinese would speak of it by a personal name,
they use the terms Ti and Shang Ti;—saying, I believe,
what our early fathers did, when they began to use the
word God. Ti is the name which has been employed in
China for this concept for fully 5000 years. Our word
God fits naturally into every passage where the character
occurs in the old Chinese Classics, save those to which I
referred above on p. xxiii. It never became with the people
a proper name like the Zeus of the Greeks. I can no
more translate Ti or Shang Ti by any other word but God
than I can translate zn ( A) by anything else but man.
The preceding is a brief abstract of the reasoning by
which I was determined to retain the term God for Ti and
Shang Ti in this volume, excepting in the cases that have
called for these observations. But in the account of Ti
which I have adduced from Tai Thung, it is said that ‘the
sovereign is also called Ti;’ and most of my readers know
that Hwang Ti (Et ft) is the title of the emperor of
China. How did this application of the name arise? Was
it in the first place a designation of the ruler or emperor;
and was it then given to the Supreme Power, when the
vague Heaven failed to satisfy the thinker and worshipper,
tive belief in one Supreme Tt (Ff). who is ak “great,” over, and | ,
“ ruling,” heaven (~~ =+-—*) and earth (a ) This is ingenious, but not
entirely satisfactory. The three last steps are so; but the finding kK
(great) in the top part of if does not in the same way carry conviction to
the mind.
* Thien 3ze, ‘the Son of Heaven,’ is a common designation of the sovereign
of China, Originally 3ze performed in the expression the part of a verb, and
The three last steps are so; but the finding kK
(great) in the top part of if does not in the same way carry conviction to
the mind.
* Thien 3ze, ‘the Son of Heaven,’ is a common designation of the sovereign
of China, Originally 3ze performed in the expression the part of a verb, and
Thien 3ze was equivalent to ‘he whom Heaven sons,’ that is, considers and
treats as its son. See the second line of the ode, p. 318.
XXVi PREFACE.
and he wished to express his recognition of a personal
Being who was to himself his almighty ruler? If these
questions be answered in the affirmative, Ti would be a
name applied to the Supreme Being, just as we rise from
the paternal relation among ourselves and call him Father.
Or, on the other hand, was Ti the designation of the
Supreme Lord and Ruler, corresponding to our God, and
was it subsequently applied to the earthly ruler, thereby
deifying him, just as the title Divus was given to a Roman
emperor? I believe that it was in this latter way that Ti
came to be used of the sovereigns of China ; and therefore
in again publishing a translation of the Shd, I resolved,
that where the appellation is given in it to Y4o and Shun,
and it is only to them that it is given, I would retain
the Chinese term instead of_ rendering it, as formerly, by
‘emperor.’
The following are the reasons which weighed with me in
coming to this resolution :
First, the first really historical sovereign of China who
used the title of Hwang Ti was the founder of the K/in
dynasty ; and he assumed it in B.C. 221, when he had subjugated all the sovereignties into which the feudal kingdom
of Kau had become divided, and was instituting the
despotic empire that has since subsisted.
The Kau dynasty had continued for 867 years, from
B.C. 1122 to 256, and its rulers had been styled Wang or
kings. co
' KA&u superseded the dynasty of Shang or Yin, that had
endured for 644 years, from B.C. 1766 to 1123; and its
rulers had similarly been styled Wang or kings.
Shang superseded the dynasty of Hsia, which had lasted
for 439 years, from B.C. 2205 to 1767, and its rulers had
been styled Wang, or kings, and H4u, or sovereigns.
Thus, from the great Yii, B.C.2205 to B.C. 221, that is,
for nearly 2000 years, there was no Ti or emperor in
China. During all that time the people had on the whole
been increasing in numbers, and the nation growing in
territory ;—how did it come to pass, that the higher title, if
it had previously existed, gave place to an inferior one?
PREFACE. XXVil
During all that time the people had on the whole
been increasing in numbers, and the nation growing in
territory ;—how did it come to pass, that the higher title, if
it had previously existed, gave place to an inferior one?
PREFACE. XXVil
Prior to the dynasty of Hsia, with the exception of the
period of Y4o and Shun, the accounts which we have of the
history of China have been, and ought to be, pronounced
‘fabulous’ and ‘legendary.’ The oldest documents that
purport to be historical are the books in the Shd about
Yao and Shun, and even they do not profess to be contemporaneous with those personages. The earlier accounts
open with a Phan-kd, in whose time ‘heaven and earth
were first separated.’ To him succeeded the period of the
San Hwang, or Three August Lines, consisting of twelve
Celestial, eleven Terrestrial, and nine Human Sovereigns,
who ruled together about 50,000 years. After them come a
host of different Lines, till we arrive at the W Ti, or Five
Emperors. The first of these is commonly said to be Fdhsi, while he and two others are sometimes put down as
the San Hwang, in order to bring in Yao and Shun as the
last two of the Tis.
I have entered into these details because of the account
which we have of the king of K4in’s assuming the title of
Hwang Ti. We are told:—‘ As soon as the king had
brought the whole country into subjection, thinking that he
united in himself the virtues of the three Hwangs, and that
his merits exceeded those of the five Tis, he changed his
title into Hwang Ti.’ The three Hwangs are entirely fabulous, and the five Tis are, to say the least, legendary.
That there were either Hwangs or Tis ruling in China
before the age of the Hsia dynasty cannot be admitted.
Second, it has been stated above, and is shown in the
Introduction to the Sha, pp. 13-19, that the books in the
Shf, previous to the Hsia dynasty, are not historical in
the sense of their being contemporaneous documents of the
times about which they speak. They profess to be compilations merely from older documents; and when they
speak of Yao and Shun as Tis, the title Ti precedes the
name or designation, instead of following it, as it ought to
do, according to Chinese usage, if Ti is to be taken in the
sense of emperor. YAo Ti would be ‘the emperor Y4o,’
but we have Ti? Y4o, where Ti performs the part of an
adjective. King Wn, the founder of the Kau dynasty, is
XXVIii PREFACE.
YAo Ti would be ‘the emperor Y4o,’
but we have Ti? Y4o, where Ti performs the part of an
adjective. King Wn, the founder of the Kau dynasty, is
XXVIii PREFACE.
invariably mentioned as Wan Wang, ‘ Wan the king.’ To
say Wang W4n would be felt at once by every Chinese
scholar to be inadmissible; and not less so is Ti 'Y4o for
‘the emperor YA4o.’ It was the perception of this violation
of usage in Chinese composition, five years ago, that first
showed me the error of translating Ti Y4o and Ti Shun
by ‘the emperor Y4o’ and ‘the emperor Shun.’ It is true
that in the early books of the Sha, we have Ti used alone,
without the adjunct of Y4o or Shun, and referring to those
personages. In those cases it does perform the part of a
substantive, but its meaning depends on that which belonged to it as an adjective in the phrases Ti Yao and Ti
Shun. If it be ascertained that in these it means ‘the
Deified,’ then when used singly as a noun, it will: mean
Divus, or the Divine One.
Third, the sovereigns of the Hsia, the Shang, and the
Ku dynasties, it has been seen, were styled Wang and
not Ti. Confucius speaks repeatedly in the Analects of
Y4o and Shun, but he never calls either of them by the
title of Ti. Mencius, however, uses it both of the one and
the other, when he is quoting in substance from the
accounts of them in the ShQ. This confirms the view that
the early books of the Sha were current after the middle of
the Kau dynasty, very much in the form in which we now
have them ; and the question arises whether we can show
how the application of the title Ti as given in them to Y4o
and Shun arose. We can.
The fourth Book of the Li A? is called Yiieh Ling,
‘the Monthly Record of the Proceedings of Government.’
‘In it certain sacrificial observances paid to the five Tis are
distributed through the four seasons. The Tis are Fi-hsi,
Shin-nang, YQ-hsiung or Hsien-yiian, Kin-thien, and K4oyang, who are styled Thai H4o (the Greatly Resplendent),
Yen Ti (the Blazing Ti), Hwang Ti (the Yellow Ti), Shao
HAo (the Less Resplendent), and Awan Hsii (the Solely
Correct) ; with each Ti there is associated in the ceremony
a personage of inferior rank, who is styled Shain (iH =a
Spirit). The language descriptive of the ceremony is the
same in all the cases, with the exception of the names and
PREFACE. xxix
months. Thus the first entry is:—‘In the first month of
spring, on such and such days, the Ti is Thai H4o, and the
Shan is Kau-mang.’ Now this K4u-mang was a son of
Shao Hao, several hundreds of years later than Thai Ho,
so that the associating them together in this ceremony
could only have arisen in later times.
However we explain the ceremony thus curtly described ;
whether we see in it the growing prevalence of natureworship, or an illustration of the practice of worshipping
ancient heroes and worthies:—Ti appears in the account of
it plainly used in the sense of God. In each of the five
instances, we have a Ti and a Shan, not an emperor and a
spirit, but a God and a Spirit,—a Spirit standing in the
same relation to the God, that A#an (Fa=a subject or
minister) stands in to a ruler. Thus it was that, bya process
of deification, the title of Ti came to be given, in the time
of the A4u dynasty, to the great names, fabulous and
legendary, of antiquity; and thus it was that it was applied
to the heroes Y4o and Shun. It may well be that the title
Hwang Ti, used by a Chinese of the present emperor or of
any emperor of the past, does not call up to his mind any
other idea than that of a human sovereign ; but being
satisfied as to the proper signification of Ti as God, and as
to the process by which the title came to be applied to the
ancient Y4o and Shun, I could no longer render it, when
used of them in the Sha, by emperor, and elected to leave
it untranslated in the present volume.
To any unimportant changes of translation it is unnecessary to refer. The dates B.C. in the introductions and notes
are all one year more than in the translations formerly
published. They are thus brought into accordance with
those of P. Gaubil and the useful Chinese Chronological
Tables of the late Mr. Mayers.
The changes in the transliteration of Chinese names are
very considerable. As foreigners are now resident in Peking, it seemed proper to adopt the pronunciation of the
XXX PREFACE.
capital as given by Sir T. F. Wade in his Hsin Ching Lu
and Tzti Erh Chi. At the same time, in order to secure
as near an approach as possible to uniformity in all the
volumes of the Sacred Books of the East, the letters employed were made to conform to those in Professor Max
Miiller’s Scheme for the Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets. It was not easy at first to do this, for Chinese, having
no alphabet, reluctated against being made to appear as
if it had; but use has more than reconciled me to the
method now employed. It was not possible to introduce
into the table all the diphthongs in which Chinese speech is
rich. The reader has to be informed that i before another
vowel or a diphthong approximates to the sound of y,
so that the whole utterance is still monosyllabic. The
powers of » and ze must be heard before they can be
appreciated.
To call the attention of the reader to passages in the
Sha, embodying, more or less distinctly, religious ideas, an
asterisk (*) will be found appended to them.
J. L.
Oxrorp,
18th April, 1879.
THE SHO KING
OR
BOOK OF HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS.
Digitized by Google
THE SHU KING
OR
BOOK OF HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS.
INTRODUCTION.
CHAPTER I,
THE NATURE AND HISTORY OF. THE SHO.
J. L.
Oxrorp,
18th April, 1879.
THE SHO KING
OR
BOOK OF HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS.
Digitized by Google
THE SHU KING
OR
BOOK OF HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS.
INTRODUCTION.
CHAPTER I,
THE NATURE AND HISTORY OF. THE SHO.
1. The Sha is the most ancient of the Chinese classical
books, and contains historical documents of various kinds,
relating to the period from about B.C. 2357-627. The
Meaning of Character ShQ shows us by its composition
the name that it denotes ‘the pencil speaking,’ and
Sha King. hence it is often used as a designation of the
written characters of the language. This, indeed, was the
earliest meaning of it, but from this the transition was easy
to its employment in the sense of writings or books, applicable to any consecutive compositions; and we find it further
specially employed by Confucius and others to designate
the historical remains of antiquity, in distinction from the
poems, the accounts of rites, and other monuments of
former times. Not that those other monuments might not
also be called by the general name of Shi. The peculiar
significancy of the term, however, was well established, and
is retained to the present day.
The book has come down to us in a mutilated condition ;
but even as it is said to have existed in the time of Confucius, it did not profess to contain a history of China, and
much less, to give the annals of that history. It was simply
a collection of historical memorials, extending over a space
of about 1700 years, but on no connected method, and with
frequent and great gaps between them.
(1) 4 B
a
2 THE SHO KING.
The name King (now in Pekinese King) was not added
to Sha till the time of the Han dynasty (began B.C. 202).
If Confucius applied it to any of the classical works, it was
to the classic of Filial Piety, as will be seen in the Introduction to the translation of that work. The Han scholars,
however, when engaged in collecting and digesting the
ancient literary monuments of their country, found it convenient to distinguish the most valuable of them, that had
been acknowledged by Confucius, as King, meaning what
was canonical and of unchallengeable authority.
2. In the Confucian Analects, the sage and one of his
disciples quote from the Sha by the simple formula—
The Shi was The Sha says. In the Great Learning, four
anexisting different books or chapters of the classic,
collection of all in it as we have it now, are mentioned,
before each by its proper name. Mencius sometimes
Confucius. uses the same formula as Confucius, and at
other times designates particular books. It is most natural
for us to suppose that Confucius, when he spoke of the
Sha, had in his mind’s eye a collection of documents bearing
that title.
Mencius sometimes
Confucius. uses the same formula as Confucius, and at
other times designates particular books. It is most natural
for us to suppose that Confucius, when he spoke of the
Sha, had in his mind’s eye a collection of documents bearing
that title.
One passage in Mencius seems to put it beyond a doubt
that the Shad existed as such a collection in his time.
Having said that ‘it would be better to be without the
Shd than to give entire credit to it,’ he-makes immediate
reference to one of the books of our classic by name,
and adds, ‘In the Completion of the War I select two or
three passages only, and believe them?’ In Mo-jze, Hsiingze, and other writers of the last two centuries of the Kau
dynasty, the Sha is quoted in the same way, and also frequently with the specification of its parts or larger divisions, —
‘The Books of Yii,’ ‘ of Hsia,’ ‘of Shang,’ ‘of Kau.’ And,
in fine, in many of the narratives of 30 X%it-ming’s commentary on the Spring and Autumn, the Sha is quoted in
the same way, even when the narratives are about men
and events long anterior to the sage”. All these consi-
3 Mencius, VII, ii, ch. 3.
® The first quotation of the Shf in 8o is under the sixth year of duke Yin,
B.C. 717.
INTRODUCTION. 3
derations establish the thesis of this paragraph, that the
ShQ was an existing collection of historical documents
before Confucius.
3. From the above paragraph it follows that Confucius
did not compile the collection of documents that form the
Confucius did 2O- The earliest assertion that he did so we
not compile have from Khung An-kwo, his descendant in
the Shi The the eleventh generation, in the second century,
documents in B.C. Recounting the labours of his ancestor,
The his time. An-kwo says, in the Preface to his edition of
ascribed to the Sha, that ‘he examined and arranged the
him. : ° 3:
old literary monuments and records, deciding
to commence with Y4o and Shun, and to come down to
the times of X4u. Of those deserving to be handed down
to other ages and to supply permanent lessons, he made
in all one hundred books, consisting of canons, counsels,
instructions, announcements, speeches, and charges. The
same thing is stated by Sze-ma Khien in his Historical Records, completed about B.C. 100, but Kdien’s
information was derived from An-kwo. Such a compilation would have been in harmony with the character which
Confucius gave of himself, as ‘a transmitter and not a
maker, believing and loving the ancients!) and with what
his grandson says of him in the Doctrine of the Mean,
that ‘he handed down (the lessons of) Yao and Shun, as if
they had been his ancestors, and elegantly displayed those
of Wan and Wai, whom he took for his model?”
We have seen, however, that the collection existed in
his time and before it. Did it then, as An-kwo says,
consist of a hundred books? His authority for saying so
was a Preface, which was found along with the old tablets
of the Sha that were discovered in his time and deciphered
by him, as will be related farther on. He does not say, however, that it was the work of Confucius, though AZien does.
It still exists,—a list of eighty-one documents in a hundred books. The prevailing opinion of scholars in China
is now, that it was not written by the sage. I entirely
1 Analects, VII, i. 3 The Doctrine of the Mean, XXX, 1.
B 2
4 THE SHO KING.
agree myself with the judgment of 344i Kan, the disciple
of Kd Hsi, whose Collected Comments, first published
A.D, 1210, are now the standard of orthodoxy in the interpretation of the Shad. He says of the document: ‘It
sheds light on nothing, and there are things in it at variance with the text of the classic. On the books that are
lost it is specially servile and brief, affording us not the
slightest help. That it is not the work of Confucius is
exceedingly plain.’
The eighty-one documents mentioned in it, and more,
may have been in the Shd of the time of Confucius.
I think, however, that several of them must have been
lost subsequently, before the rise of the tyrant of KAin,
who doomed the whole collection to the flames. Mencius
complains that in his days the feudal princes destroyed
many of the records of antiquity that they might the better
perpetrate their own usurpations and innovations’, Other
considerations, on the exhibition of which I need not enter,
confirm me in this conclusion.
4. It will be well here to devote a paragraph to the
The sources Sources of the Shi. Have we sufficient proofs
of the Sha. of the composition in ancient times of such
documents as it contains, and of their preservation, so that
they could be collected in a sort of historical canon?
We have. Under the dynasty of Ku (B.C. 1122-256),
at the royal court, and at the courts of the feudal princes
on a smaller scale, there were officers styled Sze, which has
been translated ‘ Recorders,’ ‘Annalists,’ ‘ Historiographers,’
and simply ‘ Clerks.’ There were the Grand Recorder, the
Assistant Recorder, the Recorder of the Interior, the Recorder of the Exterior, and the Recorder in Attendance on
the Sovereign. Among the duties of the Recorder of the
Interior were the following :—‘ In case of any charge given
by the king to the prince of a state, or to any other digni- tary, he writes it on tablets ;’ ‘In case of any memorials
on business coming in from the different quarters of the
kingdom, he reads them (to the king);’ ‘It is his business
1 Mencius, V, ii, ch. 2.
INTRODUCTION. 5
2.
INTRODUCTION. 5
to write all charges of the king, and to do so in duplicate.’
Of the duties of the Recorder of the Exterior it is said :—
‘ He has charge of the histories of the states in all parts of
the kingdom ;’ ‘ He has charge of the most ancient books ;’
‘It is his business to publish in all parts of the kingdom
the books and the characters in them?)
These entries show that under the Kau dynasty there
was provision made for the recording and preservation of
royal charges and ordinances, of the operations of the
general government, and of the histories of the different
states ; and, moreover, for the preservation and interpretation of documents come down from more ancient times.
Confucius himself tells us that in his early days a recorder
would leave a blank in his text, rather than enter anything
. of which he had not sufficient evidence®. Mencius also
mentions three works, the Shang of Kin, the Thao-wd of
Kha, and the KAun K4Aid of LO, which must have come
from the recorders of those states.
Of the existence of a similar class of officers under the
previous dynasties of Shang or Yin (B.C. 1766-1123) and
Hsia (B.C. 2205-1765), we have not such abundant evidence. Chapter 2 in the roth Book of the 5th Part of our
classic, however, seems to speak of them in the time of the
former. Wd-ting (B.C. 1324-1264), the twentieth sovereign of
it, is described as communicating, in writing, a dream which
he had had, to his ministers?; and fully four hundred years
earlier, { Yin, the chief minister, remonstrates, in writing,
with his young and careless sovereign Thai A ia*. Going
back to the dynasty of Hsid, we find the prince of Yin,
during the reign of Kung Khang (B.C. 2159-2345), in addressing his troops, quotes the Statutes of Government in
a manner which makes us conceive of him as referring to
a well-known written compilation®, The grandsons of the
great Yii, its founder (B.C. 2205-2196), likewise, make
mention, in the Songs of the Five Sons, of his Lessons, in
a style that suggests to us the formula that Mencius was
* See for all these statements the Ritual or Official Book of Kau, XX XI, 35-42.
2 Analects, XV, xxv. 3 Part IV, viii, section 1.
* Part IV, v, section 1. 5 Part III, iv.
6 THE SHO KING.
wont to employ when referring to the documents acknowledged to be of authority in his day}. ;
2 Analects, XV, xxv. 3 Part IV, viii, section 1.
* Part IV, v, section 1. 5 Part III, iv.
6 THE SHO KING.
wont to employ when referring to the documents acknowledged to be of authority in his day}. ;
MA Twan-lin, the encyclopedist, in his General Examination of Records and Scholars, first published A.D. 1321,
says that ‘the pencil of the recorders was busy from the
time of Hwang Ti (B.C. 2697). The compilers of the
records of the Sui dynasty (A.D. 589-617) say that
‘historical documents began immediately with the invention of written characters. That invention I must place
myself at an earlier date than the time assigned to Hwang
Ti. When once the characters were invented, they would
come in time to be employed in the writing of history.
The early dates alleged for many of the documents in the
Sha are no valid reason for rejecting them without further
examination. We may rather be surprised that, when the
compilation was made, it did not contain many more than
a hundred documents.
5. The dynasty of K4u came to an end in B.C. 256, and
after an anarchic interval of thirty-five years, the king of
Khin succeeded in uniting all the feudal states under his
Destruction of OWN Sway, and proclaimed himself emperor.
the classical Up to this time the Sh had sustained no
literature by
the emperor Other damage than all human works are
of Kkin. —jiable to in the course of time ; but now it
narrowly escaped an entire destruction. An edict went forth
from the tyrant in B.C. 213, commanding that all the old
classical books should be consigned to the flames. excepting
those belonging to the great scholars in the service of the
court, and the Yi. His rage was hottest against the Sha
and the Shih (the Book of Poetry). Death was the doom
of scholars who should be known to meet together and
speak of these works, and all who should be discovered
having copies of them in their possession, when thirty days
had elapsed after the publication of the edict, were to be
branded, and sent to labour for four years on the Great
Wall, which was then building.
This is not the place to explain the reasons that led to
' Part IIL, iii.
INTRODUCTION. 7
this insane attempt to extinguish, with the exception of one
work, the ancient literary monuments of China. The edict
was ruthlessly enforced, and hundreds of scholars who refused obedience to the imperial command were buried alive.
The Sh@ had nearly perished from off the earth.
6. The tyrant, however, died in B.C. 210, within four years
from the issuing of his edict. The dynasty which he had
sought to establish passed away in B.C. 206. That of Han
dates from the year B.C. 202, and in 191 the edict against
the ancient books was formally repealed. They had been
Recovery of Under the ban for less than a quarter of a
The dynasty which he had
sought to establish passed away in B.C. 206. That of Han
dates from the year B.C. 202, and in 191 the edict against
the ancient books was formally repealed. They had been
Recovery of Under the ban for less than a quarter of a
the Sha. century. There would probably have been
no difficulty in recovering copies of them, but for the sack
of the capital in B.C. 206 by the most formidable opponent
of the founder of the House of Han. Then the fires blazed,
we are told, for three months among the palaces and public
buildings, and proved as destructive to the copies that might
have been preserved about the court as the edict of AAin
had been to those among the people.
Among the scholars of A4in, however, there had been
one, of the surname Fd, who, when the edict was issued,
hid his tablets of the Shi in a wall. Returning for them,
after the rule of Han was established, he found that many
were perished or gone. He recovered only twenty-nine
of the documents, containing, according to the division of
them that has long been followed, thirty-five books in all.
About one of them there is some difficulty, on the discussion
of which I need not enter. Fa commenced teaching them,
and from all parts scholars resorted to him, and sat at his
feet. The emperor Wan (B.C. 179-155) heard of him, and
sent one of the recorders of the court to visit him, and
bring the recovered tablets themselves, or a copy of them,
to the capital. They were in the form of the character
that was prevalent at that time, different from that which
had been used in previous centuries, and are known as
‘the Shd of the modern text.’ The Catalogue of the
Imperial Library, prepared by Lid Hin for the emperor
Ai (B.C. 6-1), contains an entry of ‘the text of the Shad
in twenty-nine portions,—the same, no doubt, which was
8 THE SHO KING.
received from Fd. Fd himself commented on his Sha.
The text was engraved on the stone tablets of the emperor
Ling (A.D. 168-189). Very many scholars of the Han
times laboured on this text, taught it to their disciples, and
published their views on it. Not one of their writings,
however, survived, in a complete form, the troubles which
desolated the empire during the reign of the emperor Hwai
(A. D. 307-312) of the western dynasty of Kin.
Not one of their writings,
however, survived, in a complete form, the troubles which
desolated the empire during the reign of the emperor Hwai
(A. D. 307-312) of the western dynasty of Kin.
In the reign of the Han emperor Wd (B.C. 140-85) a
discovery was made in the wall of the house of the Khung
or Confucian family of the tablets of the Sha, the Spring
and Autumn, the classic of Filial Piety, and the Lun-yii or
Confucian Analects. How long they had lain there we do
not know. It is commonly said that they had been hidden
by some one of the Khung family to save them from the
fires of KAin. But they were in a form of the character that
had long gone into disuse, and which hardly any one could
decipher, and must have been deposited towards the beginning of the fifth century B.c. They were committed to
the care of Khung An-kwo, who was then one of the ‘ great
scholars’ of the empire, and the chief of the Khung family.
By means of the current text of Fa and other resources he
made out all the tablets of the Sha that were in good preservation, and in addition to Fi’s twenty-nine documents
several others. He found also that Fd had in three cases
incorporated two different documents under one name, and
taken no note of the division of one other into three books or
sections. Altogether there were now forty-six documents or
different portions of the old Sha brought anew to light.
They appear in Lid’ Hin’s Catalogue as ‘the text of the
Sha in old characters in forty-six portions.’
When An-kwo had made out the tablets, he presented
them to the emperor in B.C. 97, with a transcript of them
in the current characters of the time, keeping a second
transcript of them for himself; and he received an order
to make a commentary on the whole. He did so, but
when he was about to lay the result of his labours before
the court, troubles had arisen which prevented for several
yeafs the paying attention to literary matters. It was
INTRODUCTION. 9
owing to these that his commentary was neglected for a
time, and the enlarged text which he had deciphered was
not officially put in charge of the Board of ‘Great Scholars,’
to which the care of the five King, so far as they had been
recovered, had been committed in B.C. 136.
9
owing to these that his commentary was neglected for a
time, and the enlarged text which he had deciphered was
not officially put in charge of the Board of ‘Great Scholars,’
to which the care of the five King, so far as they had been
recovered, had been committed in B.C. 136.
An-kwo’s commentary, however, was not lost; but
before speaking of it, I must refer to a third recovery of
a large. portion of the Shd early in our first century.
A scholar and officer, named Td Lin, had been a fugitive,
having many wonderful escapes, during the usurpation of
Mang (A.D. 9-22). During his wanderings he discovered
a portion of the Sha on ‘lacquered’ tablets, or perhaps on
lacquered cloth, which he thenceforth guarded as his richest
treasure, and kept near his person. When the empire was
again settled by the first emperor of the eastern Han, he
communicated his text to other scholars. Wei Hung published a commentary on it, and subsequently Xia Khwei, Ma
Yung, and Kang Khang-é/ang (all, great names in Chinese
literature) did the same. Td Lin’s ‘ lacquered’ books were
the same in number as An-kwo’s, but they contained five
documents in thirteen books, which were not in the text
of the other, and wanted nine documents, also in thirteen
books, which An-kwo’s text had. The commentary of
Kang Khang-&/ang continued till the Sui dynasty, after
which we lose sight of it.
I return to the commentary of An-kwo, which, of course,
contained his text. Its transmission from hand to hand
down to the close of the western Han dynasty is clearly
traced. Less distinctly, but surely, we can discover evidence of its preservation, till we come to the commencement
of the eastern dynasty of Kin, when Mei 3eh, a recorder
of the Interior, having come into possession of a copy, presented it to the emperor Yiian (A. D. 317-322). The
Canon of Shun was wanting in it, and was supplied from
the commentary of Ma Yung, based on the text of Td Lin.
From this time the text and commentary of An-kwo had
their place assigned them in the Imperial College. They
are mentioned in the Catalogue of the Imperial Library of
Sui. The second emperor of the Thang dynasty gave orders
10 THE SHO KING.
for a grand edition of the Sha, under the superintendence
of Khung Ying-t4, assisted by others. They adopted the
commentary of An-kwo, and enriched it with profuse annotations. In A.D. 654 their work was ordered to be printed,
and happily remains to the present day. The text of the
Sha, that is, of all of it that had been recovered by Ankwo, was still further secured, being engraved with that of
all the other classics on the Thang tablets of stone which
were completed in the year 837, and are still preserved at
Khang-an, in Shen-hsi.
The text of the
Sha, that is, of all of it that had been recovered by Ankwo, was still further secured, being engraved with that of
all the other classics on the Thang tablets of stone which
were completed in the year 837, and are still preserved at
Khang-an, in Shen-hsi.
It is not necessary to trace the history of the Sh further
on. The titles of more than 500 works, on the whole of it
or on portions, from the dynasty of Thang to the present day,
could easily be adduced. Under the Sung dynasty, indeed,
there began the sceptical criticism, which, setting comparatively little store on external evidence, decides on the
genuineness of documents principally from their style.
The results of such criticism always vary according to the
knowledge and the subjective character of the mind of its
author. Many maintain that the commentary said to be
that of An-kwo was not really from him, but was made by
Mei 3eh, and palmed on the world under the name of the
great Han scholar. Even if it were so, the work would
remain, produced nearly 1600 years ago. And to the annotations of the Thang scholars upon it we are indebted for
most of what we know of the earlier views of M4 Yung,
Kang Khang-&Aang, and other writers of the Han period.
Whether its author were the true Khung or a false Khung, its
value cannot be over-estimated. But I do not believe that it
was aforgery. That An-kwodid write a commentary on his
‘Sha in the ancient characters’ is admitted by all. When
did it perish? There is no evidence that it ever did so.
On the contrary, its existence rises as a fact, here and there,
at no great intervals of time, on the surface of the literary
history of the empire, till we arrive at Mei 3eh, who
received it, as Khung Ying-ta proves, from a scholar named
3ang Zhao.
Then as to the text of the Sha, there is no controversy
about the documents which were recovered in the first
INTRODUCTION. II
Then as to the text of the Sha, there is no controversy
about the documents which were recovered in the first
INTRODUCTION. II
place by Fd; but the additional ones found by Khung Ankwo are so much more easily understood, that I do not
wonder that the charge of not being genuine has been
raised against them. But even they are not easy. They
only appear to be so, when we come to one of them, after
toiling through some of the more contorted portions common to both texts. And, moreover, the style of the different books differs according to their subjects. The
‘Announcements’ are the hardest to understand of all.
The ‘Charges,’ ‘Speeches, and ‘Instructions’ are much
simpler in their construction; and the portions which we
owe to An-kwo consist principally of these. In making
out his obsolete characters he had, in the first place, to
make use of the Books of FQ. That he did not servilely
follow his text we conclude from the readings of Fi’s
followers, different from his in many passages which the
industry of critics has gathered up. When he came, however, to new books, which were not in Fd’s copy, he had to
make out his tablets as he best could. Tis most valuable
aid had ceased. We can conceive that, when he had
managed to read the greater portion of a paragraph, and
yet there were some stubborn characters that defied him,
he completed it according to his understanding of the
sense with characters of his own. That he was faithful
and successful in the main we find by the many passages
of his peculiar books that are found quoted in writings of
the Kau dynasty. This is a fact worthy of the most
attentive consideration. I do not think there is an important statement in his chapters that is not thus vouched
for. The characteristics of his books which. have exposed
them to suspicion are not sufficient to overthrow their claims
to be regarded as genuine transcripts of the tablets discovered in the wall of the house of the Khung family.
The conclusion to which I come, at the close of this
chapter, is, that there is nothing seriously to shake our
confidence in the portions of the Sha that we now possess,
as being substantially the same as those which were in
the collection of the Kau dynasty both before and after
Confucius.
12 THE SHO KING.
CHAPTER II.
THE CREDIBILITY OF THE RECORDS IN THE SHO.
1, Accepting the conclusion which I have stated imme-
diately above, I now go on to enquire whether the docu-
Whether the Ments in the Shd can be relied on as genuine
records in narratives of the transactions which they prothe Sha . :
are reliable fess to relate. And it may be said at once,
1, Accepting the conclusion which I have stated imme-
diately above, I now go on to enquire whether the docu-
Whether the Ments in the Shd can be relied on as genuine
records in narratives of the transactions which they prothe Sha . :
are reliable fess to relate. And it may be said at once,
or not. —_in reference to the greater number of them,
that there is no reasonable ground to call their credibility in
question. Allowance must be made, indeed, for the colouring with which the founders of one dynasty set forth the
misdeeds of the closing reigns of that which they were
superseding, and for the way in which the failures of a
favourite hero may be glossed over. But the documents
of the Sha are quite as much entitled to credit as the
memorials and edicts which are published at the present
day in the Peking Gazette.
The more recent the documents are, the more, of course,
are they to be relied on. And provision was made, we have
seen, by the statutes of Ku, for the preservation of the
records of previous dynasties. But it was not to be expected that many of those should not perish in the lapse
of time, and others suffer mutilations and corruptions.
And this, we find, was the case. Of the eighty-one documents that the Sha at one time contained, only one belonged to the period of Y4o; seven to the period of Shun ;
four to the dynasty of Hsia, much the larger one of which
narrates what was done in the time of Yao; thirty-one to
the dynasty of Shang; and thirty-eight to the first 500
years of that of Kau. All this seems to bear on the
surface of it the stamp of verisimilitude.
2. The Books of K4u were contemporaneous with the
The Books events which they describe, and became public
of Kau. property not long after their composition.
They are to be received without hesitation.
INTRODUCTION. 13
All this seems to bear on the
surface of it the stamp of verisimilitude.
2. The Books of K4u were contemporaneous with the
The Books events which they describe, and became public
of Kau. property not long after their composition.
They are to be received without hesitation.
INTRODUCTION. 13
Nor are those of the previous dynasty of Shang open
The Books to suspicion. We ascend by means of them
of Shang. to Thang the Successful, its founder, with a
confident step. The beginning of his rule is placed chronologically in B.C. 1766.
Of the still earlier dynasty of Hsia, there are only four
The Books documents, and we have no evidence that
of Hsia. there were any more when the collection of
the Shi was made in the times of K4u. The first and
longest of the four, though occupied with the great achievement of Yii, the founder of Hsi4, whose chronological
place is B.C, 2205-2196, really belongs to the reign of
Y4o, and is out of place among the records of Hsia. The
other three documents bring us down only to the reign of
Kung Khang (B.C. 2159-2145), and I see no grounds for
doubting their genuineness. In the last of them a celestial
phenomenon is mentioned, which has always been understood to have been an eclipse of the sun in Fang, a space of
about 54° from = to o of Scorpio, on the first day of the
last month of autumn. P. Gaubil thought he had determined by calculation that such an eclipse really took
place in the fifth year of Kung Khang, B.C. 2155. Doubts,
however, have been cast, as will be seen in the next chapter,
on the accuracy of his calculation, and therefore I do not
avail myself of it here as a confirmation of the truth of
the document.
3. We come to the earlier records,—those of the reigns
The Books Of Y4o and Shun, with which must be classed
of Thang the Tribute of Yii, the first of the documents
and Ya. of Hsia; and it must be admitted that there
is not the same evidence that they existed originally in
their present form.
i. The Canon of Yao and three of the four still exist-
They are ing books of the time of Yii, all commence
professedly with the words, ‘Examining into antiquity,
Tater compi- we find.’ They are therefore, on their own
tions, . . .
showing, the compilations of a later age. The
' writer separates himself from the date of the events which
he narrates, and while professing to draw from the records
14 THE SHO KING.
of ‘antiquity, yet writes himself from a modem standpoint.
The Yi and Xi, the last of the documents of the Shun
period, formed one book with the preceding in the Sha of
Fa, and came under the opening words of that, as being
a result of ‘the examination of antiquity.’ I will draw separate attention farther on to the Tribute of Yii.
ii, Much of what is related in the Canons of Y4o and
Shun, as well as in the other documents, has more the air
They are Of legend than of history. When Y4o has
ii, Much of what is related in the Canons of Y4o and
Shun, as well as in the other documents, has more the air
They are Of legend than of history. When Y4o has
legendary. been on the throne for seventy years, he proposes to resign in favour of his principal minister, who is
styled the Four Mountains. That worthy declares himself unequal to the office. Yao then asks him whom he
can recommend for it; be the worthiest individual a noble
or a poor man, he will appoint him to the dignity. This
brings Shun upon the stage. All the officers about the
court can recommend him,—Shun of Yii', an unmarried
man among the lower people. His father, a blind man,
was obstinately unprincipled; his mother, or stepmother,
was insincere; his brother was arrogant; and yet Shun
had been able by his filial piety to live harmoniously with
them, and to bring them to a considerable measure of selfgovernment and good conduct. Y4o is delighted. He had
himself heard somcthing of Shun. He resolved to give him
a preliminary trial. And a strange trial it was. He gave
him his own two daughters in marriage, and declared that
he would test his fitness for the throne by seeing his behaviour with his two wives.
Shun must have stood the test. Y4o continued to employ him as General Regulator for three years, and then
called him to ascend the throne. Shun refused to do so,
but discharged the royal duties till the death of Y4o in
2257, becoming himself sole ruler in B.C. 2255. These
‘FB mm
guished from Yii (FE). the name of Shun’s successor, the founder of the
dynasty of Hsia. Bunsen confounded the two appellations (Egypt's Place in
Universal History, IIT, p. 399).
—Yii is the dynastic designation of Shun. It is to be distin-
INTRODUCTION. 15
2255. These
‘FB mm
guished from Yii (FE). the name of Shun’s successor, the founder of the
dynasty of Hsia. Bunsen confounded the two appellations (Egypt's Place in
Universal History, IIT, p. 399).
—Yii is the dynastic designation of Shun. It is to be distin-
INTRODUCTION. 15
and other marvellous notices of Y4o and Shun are
largely added to by Mencius and Sze-ma Kzdien, but
their accounts are of the same extraordinary character.
I must believe that the oldest portions of the Shd do not
give us the history of Yao and Shun, but legendary tales
about them.
At the same time it must be allowed that the compiler
Thei .__ of these books in their present form had in
eir compiler | , .
had ancient his possession some documents as old as the
documents on time of Yao. To my mind three things renbase his der this admission necessary. First, the titles
representations. of the high officers of Y4o and Shun are different from those of the corresponding dignitaries at a later
age. The principal personage was called the Four Mountains; next to him was the General Regulator; and the
Minister of Religion was the Arranger of the Ancestral
Temple. It is more probable that the compiler received
these and other peculiar designations from old documents
than that he invented them himself. Second, the style of
these early books is distinguished in several particulars from
the style of those of Hsia, Shang, and Kau. I need only
specify the exclamations, ‘Alas!’ ‘Ah!’ and ‘Oh!’ which are
expressed by characters that we do not elsewhere find used
in the same way. Third, the directions of Y4o to his astronomers, telling them how to determine the equinoxes and
solstices, by means of the stars culminating at dusk in those
seasons, could not be the inventions of a later age. The
reader will find this subject discussed in the next chapter,
where it is shown how those culminating stars may be
employed to ascertain the era of Yao. No compiler,
ignorant of the precession of the equinoxes, which was
not known in China till about the middle of our fourth
century, could have framed Y4o’s directions with such an
adjustment to the time assigned to him in chronology.
When the Books of Thang and Yii received their present
form, we cannot tell. Probably it was in the early period of
the K4u dynasty, though I am not without a suspicion
that some verbal changes were made in them under the
short-lived dynasty of AKAin, which intervened between
16 THE SHO KING.
the dynasties of Kau and Han, and possibly some also
when they were recovered under the latter.
4. It remains for us to consider the case of the Tribute
The Tribute Of Yii, the first, as the books are now arranged,
the dynasties of Kau and Han, and possibly some also
when they were recovered under the latter.
4. It remains for us to consider the case of the Tribute
The Tribute Of Yii, the first, as the books are now arranged,
of Yi. of those of Hsia, but belonging, as has been
already said, to the period of Y4o, or at least to the period
when Y4o and Shun were together on the throne. It thus
appears out of its chronological order, and must share in the
general uncertainty which attaches to the documents of
the first two parts of our classic.
Yao, in what year of his reign we are not told, appears
suddenly startled by the ravages of a terrible inundation.
The waters were overtopping the hills, and threatening the
heavens in their surging fury. The people everywhere were
groaning and murmuring Was there a capable man to
whom he could assign the correction of the calamity? All
the nobles recommend one Khw4n, to whom Y4o, against
his own better judgment, delegates the difficult task, on
which Khwan labours without success for nine years. His
son Yii then entered on the work. From beyond the
western bounds of the present China proper he is represented as tracking the great rivers, here burning the woods,
hewing the rocks, and cutting through the mountains that
obstructed their progress, and there deepening their channels until their waters flow peacefully into the eastern sea.
He forms lakes, and raises mighty embankments, till at
length ‘the grounds along the rivers were everywhere made
habitable; the hills cleared of their superfluous wood ; and
access to the capital was secured for all within the four
seas. A great order was effected in the six magazines (of
material wealth); the different parts of the country were
subjected to an exact comparison, so that contribution of
revenue could be carefully adjusted according to their
resources. The fields were all classified according to the
three characters of the soil, and the revenues of the Middle
Kingdom were established.’ Of the devotion with which
Yii pursued his work, he says himself in the Yi and
Ki:—I mounted my four conveyances,’— carriages on
the land, boats on the water, sledges in icy places, and
INTRODUCTION. 17
17
shoes with spikes in them in ascending the hills,—‘ and all
along the hills hewed down the woods, at the same time,
along with Yi, showing the people how to get flesh to
eat, —that is, by capturing fish and birds and beasts. ‘I
opened passages for the streams throughout the nine provinces, and conducted them to the sea. I deepened the
channels and canals, and conducted them to the streams,
at the same time, along with Ki, sowing grain, and showing
the people how to procure the food of toil.in addition to
flesh meat. I urged them to exchange what they had for
what they had not, and to dispose of their accumulated
stores. In this way all the people got grain to eat, and
the myriad regions began to come under good rule.’ And
again :—‘ When I married in Td-shan, I remained with my
wife only four days.’ Mencius says that while engaged on
his task, he thrice passed the door of his house; but did not
enter it. His own words are:—‘ When K4Ai (my son) was
wailing and weeping, I did not regard him, but kept planning with all my might my labour on the land.’
Along with his operations to assuage the wide-spread
inundation, Yii thus carried on other most important labours
proper to an incipient civilization. We gather from the Sha
that it did not take him many years to accomplish his
mighty undertaking. It was successfully finished before
the death of Yao. All this is incredible. The younger
Biot, in an article on the Tribute of Yii, published in the
Journal Asiatique, in 1842, says: —‘If we are to believe
the commentators, Yii will become a supernatural being,
who could lead the immense rivers of China as if he had
been engaged in regulating the course of feeble streamlets.’ There is no occasion to say, ‘If we are to believe
the commentators ;'—if we are to believe the Sha, this is
the judgment that we must form about Yii.
The general conclusion to which Biot came about the
document under our notice was that we are to find in it
only the progress of a great colony. Yii was the first
explorer of the Chinese world. He established posts of
colonists or planters in different parts of the territory.
He caused the wood around those posts to be cut down,
Ct] c
18 THE sHOd KING.
Yii was the first
explorer of the Chinese world. He established posts of
colonists or planters in different parts of the territory.
He caused the wood around those posts to be cut down,
Ct] c
18 THE sHOd KING.
and commenced the cultivation of the soil. After Yii, the
labours of draining the country and clearing the forests
continued during some ages, and the result of all was
attributed by Chinese tradition to the first chief. I have
no doubt there is an inkling of the truth in this view of
the French sinologue, but the idea of Yii’s being the leader
of a Chinese colony had better be abandoned. We recognise the primitive seat of the Chinese people, in the
southern parts of the present Shan-hsi, with the Ho on
the west and south of it. His son fought a battle with
the Chief of Hf at a place in the present department of
Hsi-an, in Shen-hsi, across the Ho, and his grandson was
kept a sort of prisoner at large in the present province of
Ho-nan, south of the river. The people or tribe extended
itself westward, eastward, and southward, and still later
northward, as it increased in numbers, and was able to
subdue the earth.
The flood of Y4o was probably an inundation of the
Ho, similar to many in subsequent times which have procured for that river the name of ‘China’s Sorrow,’ and
Yii distinguished himself in the assuaging of it, and the
regulation of its course to the sea. The extent of the
country came to be ascertained under the dynasties of
Hsia and Shang, and its different parts were gradually
occupied by the increasing numbers of the people, and
contributed their various proportions of revenue to the
central government. There were memorials of the toils
which Yii had undergone, and of allotments of territory
which he had made to the most distinguished among his
followers. It occurred to some historiographer to form a
theory as to the way in which the whole country might
have been brought to order by the founder of the Hsia
dynasty, and he proceeded to glorify Yi by ascribing so
grand an achievement to him. About the same time,
probably, the popular stories of Yii’s self-denial had found
their expression in the Yi and Xi, prompting at once
the conception of the Tribute of Yii, and obtaining for
it a favourable reception. Yii entered well into association with Y4o and Shun, and formed a triad with them
INTRODUCTION, 19
at the beginning of the Chinese monarchy. Their wisdom
and benevolence appeared in him, combined with a practical devotion to the duties of his position, in which all
sovereigns would have a model, to win them from indolence
and self-indulgence, and stimulate them to a painstaking
discharge of their responsibilities.
Their wisdom
and benevolence appeared in him, combined with a practical devotion to the duties of his position, in which all
sovereigns would have a model, to win them from indolence
and self-indulgence, and stimulate them to a painstaking
discharge of their responsibilities.
In the nineteenth of the Books of Part V, the duke of
K4u counsels his young sovereign, king KAing (B.C. 1115-
1077), to have his armies in a good state of preparation,
so that he might go forth ‘ beyond the footsteps of Yii,’ and
travel over all beneath the sky, everywhere meeting with
submission. The duke’s reference to ‘the footsteps of Yii’
does not prove that Yii really travelled and toiled as the
Tribute of Yii reports, but only that such was the current
belief at the commencement of the K4u dynasty, while it
affords at the same time a presumption that our document
was then among the archives of the kingdom. It may have
been compiled before the end of the Hsia dynasty, or under
that of Shang. From Shang it passed to Kau, and came
under the care of the recorders of the Exterior. Then
subsequently it was very properly incorporated in the
collection of the Shad.
5. While we are thus unable to receive the six earliest
documents in our classic as contemporaneous in their present form with the events which they relate, it is not meant
Yao, Shun to throw doubt on the existence of Y4Ao,
and Viiare hun, and Yii as historical personages. More
alt historical especially does Yii stand forth as the first
Personae: sovereign of the dynasty of Hsia, the man
who laid the foundation of the hereditary monarchy in
China, its feudal sovereign who ‘conferred surnames and
lands. The documents which follow the Tribute of Yi,
commencing with the Speech at Kan, delivered in B.c. 2197
by Yii’s son and successor, may all be received as veritable
monuments of antiquity.
20 THE SHO KING.
CHAPTER III.
ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF CHINA, AND THE PRINCIPAL
ERAS IN THE SHO.
1. Ido not enter here on the subject of the chronology
of China further than is necessary to show that there is no
chronological difficulty in the way of our accepting the
documents of the Shd, which I have just specified, as being
possessed of the antiquity ascribed to them.
The Sha itself does not supply the means of laying down
No detailed any scheme of chronology for the long period
chronological of time which it covers. We learn from it that
be made out the dynasty of K4u succeeded to that of
The Sha itself does not supply the means of laying down
No detailed any scheme of chronology for the long period
chronological of time which it covers. We learn from it that
be made out the dynasty of K4u succeeded to that of
from the Shd. Shang (another name for which was Yin), and
the dynasty of Shang to that of Hsia, and that prior to Yii,
the founder of the Hsia, there were the reigns of Shun
and Y4o. As P. Gaubil has observed, ‘If we had only
the Shad King, we should have but confused ideas of the
time comprised in the different parts of the book.’ There
is nothing in this to awaken our surprise. The chronology
of a nation comes to be cultivated as a science only when
a necessity is felt to arrange the events of its history in
regular series on the course of time.
2. It was under the Han dynasty that it was first
Attempts at attempted to construct a_ chronological
systematic scheme of the history of the nation. For
“once this purpose its scholars employed the well-
the Han known cycle of sixty years, in the fifteenth
Period. year of the seventy-sixth revolution of which
T am now writing. It was assumed that this cycle was first
devised by T4-n4o, an officer of Hwang Ti, in B.C. 2637,
which is the first year of the first cycle. But all scholars
in China, whether they call in question this origin of the
cycle or not, now agree in saying that the use of the cyclic
characters to chronicle years was not the ancient method,
and did not begin earlier than the time of the usurper
Mang (A. D. 9-22).
In the Shd itself the current cycle is used to chronicle
INTRODUCTION. 21
D. 9-22).
In the Shd itself the current cycle is used to chronicle
INTRODUCTION. 21
days, and days only. Years are specified according to their
order in the reign of the sovereign to whom they are referred. Such specification of years in it, however, is rare.
Before the Han dynasty a list of sovereigns, and of the
Ancient length of their several reigns, was the only
method of method which the Chinese had of determining
Sine lente the duration of their national history. And
Oh eeinete it would still be a satisfactory methcd, if we
" had a list of sovereigns, and of the years that
each reigned, that was complete and reliable. But we do
not have this. Even in the early part of the Han dynasty,
Sze-m4 Khien’s father and himself, in their Historical
Records, completed about B.C. 100, were obliged to content
themselves with giving simply the names and order of most
of the rulers of Shang and Hsia. It is right to state also
that in A.D. 279, when the grave of king Hsiang of Wei
(died in B.C. 295) was opened, there were found a number
of bamboo tablets in it, written in the ancient seal characters,
among which the most valuable portion was a book of
annals, beginning with the reign of Hwang Ti, and coming
down to the sixteenth year of the last king of K'4u, B.C. 299.
This work is still current under the name of the Annals of the
Bamboo Books. The chronology derived from it is shorter
than the received system by rather more than 200 years.
If in any of the ‘classical books of the A4u dynasty we
had a statement of the length of the national history from
any given era to the time of the writer, the notice would
be exceedingly valuable; or, if the length of the reigns of
the sovereigns of Shang and Hsia, cursorily mentioned in it,
were correctly given, we should be in a position to make
an approximate computation for ourselves. But there are
only two passages in all those books which are helpful to
us in this point. The former of them is in a narrative in
30 Kkid-ming’s supplement to the Spring and Autumn,
under the third year of duke Hsiian, where it is said that
the dynasty of Shang possessed the throne for 600 years.
The other passage is the last chapter of the works of Mencius, where that philosopher says that ‘from Yao and Shun
to Thang ’—a period including all the dynasty of Hsia —
22 THE SHO KING.
The other passage is the last chapter of the works of Mencius, where that philosopher says that ‘from Yao and Shun
to Thang ’—a period including all the dynasty of Hsia —
22 THE SHO KING.
‘there were 500 years and more; from Thang to king
Wan ’—the period of the Shang dynasty—‘ 500 years and
more ; and from king Wan to Confucius, 500 years and
more. We know that Confucius was born in B.C. 551.
Adding 551 to the 1500 years ‘and more,’ given by Mencius,
we have the era of Y4o and Shun at 2100 years ‘and
more’ before our Christian era. And the received chronology places Yii’s accession to the throne, as the successor
of Shun, in B.C. 2205. Vague as the language of Mencius
is, I do not think that with the most painstaking research,
apart from conclusions based on astronomical considera
tions, we can determine anything more precise and definite
concerning the length of Chinese history than it conveys.
3. The Charge to the Marquis Wan, which now forms
‘The period the 28th Book of the 5th Part of the Sha,
ofthe Kau is understood to have been delivered by
dynasty. king Phing, the thirteenth of his line. His
place in historical time is well ascertained. Confucius’
chronicle of the Spring and Autumn commences in
B.C. 722. The first of the thirty-six solar eclipses mentioned in it took place three years after, on the 14th
February (N.S.) 719, and it is recorded that in the month
after king Phing died. Here therefore is a point of time
about which there can be no dispute. An earlier date in
the K4u dynasty is known with the same certainty. The
Book of Poetry mentions an eclipse of the sun which took
place on the 29th August, B.C. 776, in the sixth year of
king YQ, who preceded Phing. Yd reigned eleven years,
and his predecessor, Hsiian, forty-six, whose reign consequently commenced B.C. 827. Up to this date Chinese
chronologers agree. To the ten reigns before king Hsiian,
the received chronology assigns 295 years, making the
dynasty begin in B,C, 1122, which cannot be far from the
truth.
4. In the period of the Shang dynasty we cannot fix a
The period single reign by means of astronomical facts.
ofthe Shang The received chronology assigns to it twentydynasty. eight reigns, extending over 644 years, so
that its commencement was in B.C. 1766, The scheme.
INTRODUCTION. 23
4. In the period of the Shang dynasty we cannot fix a
The period single reign by means of astronomical facts.
ofthe Shang The received chronology assigns to it twentydynasty. eight reigns, extending over 644 years, so
that its commencement was in B.C. 1766, The scheme.
INTRODUCTION. 23
derived from the bamboo books makes the sovereigns to
be thirty, but the aggregate of their reigns is only 508.
Mencius says that between Thang, the founder of the
dynasty, and Wad-ting, the twentieth sovereign (in the
common scheme), ‘there had been six or seven worthy and
sage rulers!,’—leading to the conclusion that the number
of twenty-eight sovereigns in all is not beyond the truth,
In the fifteenth of the Books of K4u the names of three
of the Shang rulers are given, and the duration of their
reigns,—to show how Heaven is likely to crown a good
king with length of sway. They are Thai Mau, who reigned
seventy-five years; W4-ting, who reigned fifty-nine; and
30-4i4, who reigned thirty-three. The two schemes
agree in the length of those reigns and of five others.
From the statement in the 30-4wan, to which I have
referred above, that the Shang dynasty possessed the throne
for 600 years, and Mencius’ language that it lasted ‘for 500
years and more,’ we may believe that the 644 years of the
common scheme are more likely to be correct than the 508
of the shorter.
5. The dynasty of Hsia lasted, according to the received
chronology, 439 years, and according to the bamboo books,
The period 431; So that the difference here between the
of Hsia. two schemes is small. The former estimate
carries us up to B.C. 2205, as the first year of Yii’s reign.
I referred on page 13 to an eclipse of the sun, mentioned
in the fourth of the Books of Hsi4, as having occurred in
the reign of Kung Khang, a grandson of Yii, and stated
that P. Gaubil had found by calculation that on the day
and month stated in the document, and in the quarter of
the heavens given, an eclipse did occur in the fifth year
of Kung Khang, that is, in B.C. 2156, and was visible at
his capital at 6" 49’, A.M. In 1840, J. B. Biot submitted a
copy of Gaubil’s calculations to the younger Largeteau, a
member, like himself, of the Institute of France, who went
over them with the lunar tables of Damoiseau and the
solar tables of Delambre, and brought out the result that
1 Mencius, II, i, ch. 1.
24 THE SHO KING.
B. Biot submitted a
copy of Gaubil’s calculations to the younger Largeteau, a
member, like himself, of the Institute of France, who went
over them with the lunar tables of Damoiseau and the
solar tables of Delambre, and brought out the result that
1 Mencius, II, i, ch. 1.
24 THE SHO KING.
there was indeed an eclipse on the day stated, but before
the rising of the sun at the then capital of China. My
friend, the Rev. Dr. Chalmers of Canton, not knowing anything of the examination made by Largeteau, undertook
to verify the eclipse in 1861, and found that while the year,
the month, and the day, as given by Gaubil, were correct,
the eclipse had taken place during the night, and could not
have been seen by the Chinese astronomers. The eclipse
mentioned in the document of the Sha cannot therefore
be used at present to confirm the received chronology of
China ; but I am unwilling to give it up entirely. M. Biot
says that, ‘ Notwithstanding the failure of the attempt of
Largeteau to verify the eclipse, the hope of yet finding it
in some one of the years of the twenty-second century
before our era is not entirely lost. We ought to wait till
the further perfecting of the lunar tables brings us new
lights, by means of which we can form a surer judgment.’
6. We come to the earliest period of Chinese history of
which the ShQ makes more than a cursory mention,—that
The period Of Yo and Shun. It says that Shun was
of Yao _— thirty years on the throne with Y4o, and that,
and Shun. fifty years after, he died and went on high.
We learn from it also that it was in the seventieth year of
his reign that Y4o sought for another to relieve him of the
toils of government. The period covered by the two therefore is 150 years, which both the schemes of chronology
accept. Adding two years of mourning between Shun’s
death and Yii’s accession to the throne, we have B.C. 2357
as the first year of Y4o.
In the Canon of Yao, when that personage is giving
directions to his astronomers how to determine the equinoxes and solstices, he tells them that at the vernal equinox
they would find the star in Nido, and at the autumnal in
Hsii; at the summer solstice, the star in Hwo, and at the
winter in M4o. It has always been assumed by Chinese
scholars that when Yé4o said, ‘The star of mid-spring is in
1 Etudes sur l'Astronomie Indienne et sur l’Astronomie Chinoise, pp. 376-
382.
INTRODUCTION. 25
Nido, he meant the star culminating at dusk at that season,
at the point of observation. And so of the other stars and
seasons. A Chinese astronomer at the present day would
similarly express himself.
376-
382.
INTRODUCTION. 25
Nido, he meant the star culminating at dusk at that season,
at the point of observation. And so of the other stars and
seasons. A Chinese astronomer at the present day would
similarly express himself.
Further, the most common, and what was the earliest
division of the ecliptic in China, is that of the twenty-eight
lunar mansions, forming what we may call the Chinese
zodiac. These mansions are grouped together in four
classes of seven each, assigned to the four quarters of the
heavens’. Of the celestial spaces which Y4o specified, Nido
is the general name for the seven mansions or constellations
belonging to the southern quarter; Hwo is an old name of
what is now called Fang, the central constellation of the
eastern quarter ; Hsii and Mao are the central constellations of the northern and southern quarters respectively.
What Y4o meant therefore was, that his astronomers could
determine the solstices and the autumnal equinox by the
culmination of the stars in the mansions which he specified
for those seasons. And we may assume that he directed
them, for the star of the vernal equinox, to Hsing, the
central mansion in the southern space Nido. Now, Hsing
corresponds to a (Alphard) Hydra, and small stars near
it, in our stellar nomenclature; Hwo, to f, 3 in Scorpio;
Hsii, to 8 Aquarii; and M4o, to Pleiades. When we wish
to make the directions of Y4o available for the purpose
of chronological enquiry, the question that arises is this :—
When did the above-named stars culminate at dusk in China
at the equinoctial and solstitial seasons?
Bunsen tells us that Ideler, computing the places of the
constellations backwards, fixed the accession of Yao at
B.C. 2163, and that Freret was of opinion that the observations left an uncertainty of 3°, leaving a margin of 210
1 In the Official Book of Kau, a work of the twelfth century before our
era, Book XXVI, par. 25, in the enumeration of the duties of the astronomer
royal of that day, there is mentioned the determination of ‘the places of the
twenty-eight stars,’ meaning ‘the principal stars in the twenty-eight lunar mansions.’ The names of the stars and their mansions are not mentioned ;—surely
a sufficient indication that they were even then well known. See Biot’s Etudes
sur l’Astronomie Indienne, &c., pp. 112, 113.
26 THE SHO KING.
See Biot’s Etudes
sur l’Astronomie Indienne, &c., pp. 112, 113.
26 THE SHO KING.
years’. Qn the other hand, J. B. Biot found in the directions a sufficient confirmation of the received date for
Y4o’s accession,— B.C. 2357%. Appended to this Introduction is a chart of the stars as they were visible in China in
B.C. 2300, which the Rev. C. Pritchard, Savilian Professor of
Astronomy in the University of Oxford, kindly prepared
for me. An inspection of it, in the manner directed by
him, will show that the phenomena indicated by Y4o to
his astronomers were all apparent at that date. This
fact must be accepted as a strong proof of the approximate correctness of the chronology, which places Y4o in
the twenty-fourth century B.c. The precession of the equinoxes, it has already been observed, was not known in
China till more than 2500 years after the time assigned to
Yao, so that the culminating stars at the equinoxes and
solstices .of his remote period could not have been computed back scientifically in the time of the Kau dynasty,
during which the collection of the Sh existed. The form
in which the directions are given, and other things in the
Canon, savour, indeed, of legend, and I have not claimed
for it that in its present form it be received as a document
contemporaneous with the reign of Yao. I have argued,
however, that the compiler of it had before him ancient
documents, and one of them must have contained the facts
about the culminating of the stars, which I have now endeavoured to set in a clear light.
The mention of these culminating stars does seem to fix
Y4o’s place in chronology in the twenty-fourth century B. C.,
and to show that at that remote era it was the custom to
make and to record astronomical observations of the heavenly
bodies. Having respect to these things, my claim to have
the documents of the Sha from the Speech at Kan,
nearly two centuries later than Yao, downwards, regarded
as contemporaneous with the events which they describe,
cannot be considered extravagant.
7. In the 27th Book of the 5th Part, the Marquis of
1 Egypt's Place in Universal History, III, pp. 400, 401.
* Etudes sur 1’Astronomie Indienne, &c., pp. 361-366.
INTRODUCTION. 27
7. In the 27th Book of the 5th Part, the Marquis of
1 Egypt's Place in Universal History, III, pp. 400, 401.
* Etudes sur 1’Astronomie Indienne, &c., pp. 361-366.
INTRODUCTION. 27
Lii on Punishments, there is a historical reference which
would carry us back four centuries beyond the time of
Yao. It is said that, ‘According to the teachings of antiquity, AZih Yd was the first to create disorder.’ There
is no intimation, however, of the time when this rebel
disturbed the happy order and innocence which had previously prevailed ; and the very same sentence brings the
review of antiquity down to the time of Shun. But the
chronologers place him in the reign of Hwang Ti, towards
the end of the twenty-seventh century B.c. Other writers
describe the struggle between him and Hwang Ti, in which
dragons, mists, and the invention of the compass play conspicuous parts. It is to the credit of the Sh, and an
evidence of its being a genuine collection of historical memorials, that this cursory reference to KAih Y0 is the only
mention in it of any name older than that of Yao.
Tue Use or THE Cart.
This chart is intended to represent approximately the aspect of
the principal zodiacal stars as seen above the horizon of any
place in central China, at any hour of any day, about the year
B.C. 2300.
In order to apply the chart to a practical purpose, the reader is
advised to cut out a sheet of paper (cardboard is preferable) with
its upper edge exactly fitting the curved line A BOCD, and to
draw, near to the bottom of the paper, a line coinciding with ‘the
hour-line’ on the chart.
This being done, if it be asked what will be the aspect of the
heavens when the Sun sets at the Vernal Equinox, the reader is to
move the line at the bottom of the cardboard along the horizontal
‘hour-line’ of the chart until the place of the Sun in the Ecliptic at
the Vernal Equinox O just touches the curved top of the paper;
then all the stars not covered over are above the horizon at the time
of that sunset, viz. in this case Aldebaran, Sirius, Spica, &c.; the
Pleiades are just setting, Regulus and a Hydra are very near the
meridian, 8 Centauri is on the point of rising, and a Serpentis is
well up above the horizon. This exactly corresponds with that
state of the heavens which Y4o, (alleged in the Chinese records to
have flourished about B.c. 2300,) indicated to his astronomers (Hst
and Ho) would be the case, viz. that he would find the star (or the
28 THE SHO KING.
stellar division) Shun Hwo (corresponding, it is said, to a Hydre)
culminating at the time of sunset at the Vernal Equinox’.
2300,) indicated to his astronomers (Hst
and Ho) would be the case, viz. that he would find the star (or the
28 THE SHO KING.
stellar division) Shun Hwo (corresponding, it is said, to a Hydre)
culminating at the time of sunset at the Vernal Equinox’.
Again, if it be required to-find what constellation is culminating
at the time of sunset at the Summer Solstice, the cardboard must
be moved, as before, towards the right hand until the position of
the Sun at the Summer Solstice, viz. G, just touches the horizon
curve, when it will be seen that a Serpentis and Antares are then
culminating, Regulus and 8 Centauri are just setting, while the
constellations of Aquila and Aquarius are rising; Vega is a conspicuous object above the eastern horizon. This again corresponds
to the indications given by Y4o to his astronomers, viz. that they
would find the constellation Scorpio culminating at the time.
Thirdly, to find what constellation is culminating at sunset at the
Winter Solstice, the cardboard horizon is to be moved, as before,
until the Sun at F falls upon it, when the constellations Aries and
Taurus with the Pleiades will be seen near to their culmination.
This is a third correspondence with the indications of the astronomical sovereign. .
Lastly, at sunset of the Autumnal Equinox the movable horizon
is to be shifted to the left until the point A falls upon it, where it
will be seen in this position that the stars in Aquarius are culminating at the time. It is scarcely possible that all these indications of the positions of the stars at these several times of the year
could be simultaneously correct at any other epoch than somewhere about B.c. 2300 or a very small number of centuries before
or after.
The reader may easily make for himself many other interesting
applications of the chart. A general notion of the effects of
precession on the positions of the stars may be seen at once by
observing the three positions of the Pleiades, at the three epochs
B.C. 2300, A.D. I, and A.D. 1878, marked in the chart by the letters
K, L, M; and as the approximate effect of precession is to cause
all stars to move parallel to the Ecliptic and through the same arc,
if the reader will imagine every star to be shifted parallel to the
Ecliptic through spaces equal respectively to K L, L M, he will get
the aspect of the heavens at the epochs a.p. 1 and a.p. 1878.
The following table has been calculated for the apparent positions of the principal stars in the years B.c. 2300, B.C. 1500, A.D. I,
and A.D. 1000 ; except in one instance it will be found to confirm
a similar calculation made by Biot for the earliest of these dates.
1 See an excellent memoir by Mr. Williams, the late Assistant Secretary of
the Royal Astronomical Society, on Chinese Comets, procurable at the apartments of the Royal Astronomical Society, Burlington House, London,
29
INTRODUCTION.
For the year For the year For the year For the year For the year
Williams, the late Assistant Secretary of
the Royal Astronomical Society, on Chinese Comets, procurable at the apartments of the Royal Astronomical Society, Burlington House, London,
29
INTRODUCTION.
For the year For the year For the year For the year For the year
Name of Star. B.C. 2300. B.C. 1500. A.D. I. A.D. 1000. A.D. 187%,
R.A. N.P.D. R.A. N.P.D. R.A. N.P.D. R.A. N.P.D. R.A. N.P.D.
h. m. s. o h. m. 5. o 8 h. m. s. o 7 h. m. s. oF h. m. s. os
a Andromedz | 20 33 18| 82 1.7 | 21 13:18] 79 1.3 | 22 37 33 | 71 49.4 | 23 18 4| 66 284 | © 2 51] 61 35.0
+ Pegasi 30 28 50 | 96 1.1 | 31 12 0 | 92 589 | 22 30 26) 85 45.9 | 23 22 23] 80 23.8 | © 657) 75 29.7
B Ceti 20 40 23 | 129 55.3 | a1 32 5 | 126 40.1 | 22 59 27 | 119 2.8 | 23 53 7 | 113 33-4 | © 37 28 | 108 39.4
a Arietis 22 18 8| 89 27.4 | 22 59 59 | 85 16.6 0 18 20| 76 57.2 11225] 71 363 2 018] 67 6.9
» Tauri 2349 0; 86 83 o 3115 | 8x 42.1 152 20| 73 52.4 249 17 | 69 31.6 3.4014 | 66 16.4
Aldebaran © 40 10] go 54.6 1 a3 25 | 86 38.2 2 43 20!/ 79 37.0 33917| 76 75 428 55 | 73 44.3
Capella 043 7} 60 13.4 | 12214] 55 56.4 | 25515] 49 30) 4 49 | 45540 | 5 7 4t| 44 7-7
Rigel 1 47 31 | 111 43.8 2 26 12 | 107 58.3 3 38 7 | 102 21.2 | 4 2641! 99 52.2 § 8 40] 98 20.7
a Orionis 2 5 71 93 37-4 24656) 90 48 | 4 640] 85 9. § 110] 83 22.1 5 48 34 82 37.1
Sirius 316 37 | 112 9.0 | 4 2 2 | 108 57.4 5 14 27 | 106 24.3 6 0 31 | 106 65 6 39 46 | 106 33.0
Castor 25418] 62 4. 34410] 59 14.8 § 22 33 | §6 27.0 | 6 29 36| 56 35.9 7 26 49 | 57 50.7
Procyon 3.4427} 85 4) 4 28 20 | 83 50.0 5 50 36| 82 183 | 6 45 52] 82 59.1 732551 84 27.8
a Hydre 5 45 32 | 88 32.7 6 28 6 | 88 43.5 7 46 41 | OI 25.9 8 38 14 | 94 39-4 | 9 21 35] 98 7.8
Regulus § 58 10| 65 406 | 645 15 | 66 68 8 1611 | 69 366 | 9 14 2] 74 25.8 | 10 152] 77 26.2
B Leonis 739 12 | 55 54.2 8 31 25 | 58 65 | 10 1 9 | 64 43.8 | 10 56 54| 69 54.5 | 11 42 50| 74 44.8
Spica 9 37 49 | 78 15.6 | 10 37 29 | 82 7.8 | 11 40 35 | 90 15.5 | 12 33.13 | 95 45.2 | 13 18 46 | 100 31.4
8 Centauri 10 16 8 | 127 25.1 | 10 46 42 | 131 31.7 | 12 1 16 | 139 48.1 | 12 59 23 | 145 11.8 | 13 55 14 | 149 47.0
Arcturus 10 36 18 | 47 58.2 | 11 a2 12 | 52 16.1 | 12 39 47 | 60 40.3 | 13 28 52] 65 48.7 |] 14 10 61] 70 109
a Serpentis 1210 58 | 63 47.2 | 12 51 58 | 68 11.0 | 14 6 6] 75 46.5 | 14 55 30] 79 588 | 15 38 16| 83 11.4
Aatares 12 24 0] 98 16.5 | 13 6 50 | 102 37.4 | 14 30 II | 109 53.9 | 15 29 8 | 113 36.6 | 16 21 56 | 116 9.6
a Lyre 16 8 29 | 48 3.6 | 16 36 28 | 49 531.2 | 17 28 24] §r 380 | 18 3 18 | 51 43.5 | 18 32 48 | §1 19.7
@ Aquilze 1617. 0| 8213.2 | 16 57 6} 83 44.0 | 18 12 14 | 84 21.1 | 19 2 19 | 83 12.7 | 19 44 50 | 81 27.2
@ Aquarii 18 19 16 | 103 8.6 | 18 55 26 | roa 28.3 | 20 19 41 | 98 45.1 | 21 14 2] 94 53-9 | 21 59 3% | 90 54.7
Fomalhaut 18 16 30 | 134 54.0 | 19 15 43 | 133 §7-8 | 20 58 57 | 129 17.4 | 22 I § | 124 46.9 | 22 $0 54 | 120 16.7
a Pegasi 19 24 1 | 92 34-4 | 20 6 35] 90 33.5 | 21 24 14 | 84 49.4 | 2215 19 | 80 26 | 22 58 4t | 75 27.0
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Sacred Books of the fast: The Shu King
Digitized by Google
THE SHU KING,
PART I, THE BOOK OF THANG.
Tre Canon or YAo.
Sut Kine, the name of the whole work, has been sufficiently
explained in the Introduction. The name of this Part, the
first of the five into which the whole is divided, is the
Book of Thang, Thang being taken as the dynastic designation of Yao, who before his elevation to the throne had been’
marquis of the‘small state of Thang, the name of which is
supposed to be still retained in Thang, one of the districts of
the department P&o-ting, in Xih-lf. It is said that after his
elevation he established his capital in Phing-yang, lat. 36° 06’,
long. 111° 33’, in Shan-hsf. But all this is very uncertain. See
on Part III, Book iii, ch. 2. The one Book, forming this Part,
is called the Canon of Y4o, The character which we translate ‘Canon’ means a document of the most exalted nature,
the contents of which are entitled to the greatest regard. The
name is given expressly only to one other Book in the
Sha. The Canons are the first of the six classes of documents
which the Sh contains.
Y4o is the subject of the Book:—In ch. 1, in his personal character
and the general results of his government; in ch. 2, in his
special care for the regulation of the calendar and the labours
of agriculture; in ch. 3, in his anxiety to find one who could
cope with the ravages of a terrible inundation, and take his
place on the throne. The third chapter introduces to our
notice Shun, the successor of Y4o.
32 THE SHO KING. PART I.
1. Examining into antiquity, (we find that) the Tt
Y4o! was styled Fang-hsiin’%. He was reverential,
intelligent, accomplished, and thoughtful,—naturally
and without effort. He was sincerely courteous, and
capable of (all) complaisance. The bright (influence
of these qualities) was felt through the four quarters
(of the land), and reached to (heaven) above and
(earth) beneath.
He made the able and virtuous distinguished, and
thence proceeded to the love of (all in) the nine
classes of his kindred, who (thus) became harmonious. He (also) regulated and polished the people
(of his domain), who all became brightly intelligent.
(Finally), he united and harmonized the myriad
states; and so the black-haired people were transformed. The result was (universal) concord.
2. He commanded the Hstfs and Hos’, in reverent accordance with (their observation of) the wide
heavens, to calculate and delineate (the movements
and appearances of) the sun, the moon, the stars,
and the zodiacal spaces, and so to deliver respectfully the seasons to be observed by the people.
2. He commanded the Hstfs and Hos’, in reverent accordance with (their observation of) the wide
heavens, to calculate and delineate (the movements
and appearances of) the sun, the moon, the stars,
and the zodiacal spaces, and so to deliver respectfully the seasons to be observed by the people.
1 Y4o is to us now the name of the ancient ruler so denominated. The character means ‘high,’ ‘lofty and grand.’ It
may originally have been an epithet, ‘the Exalted One.’ On
the meaning of Tf in Tf Y4o, see what has been said in the
Preface.
® The Han scholars held that Fang-hsiin was the name of Y4o.
Those of Sung, taking the characters as an epithet, make them
signify ‘the Highly Meritorious.’
* The Hsts and Hos seem to have been brothers of two
families, on whom devolved the care of the calendar, principally
with a view to regulate the seasons of agriculture. See Parts III,
iv, and V, xxvii. On Y4o’s directions to them, see the Introduction, pp. 24-28.
CHAP. 2. THE CANON OF YAO. 33
He separately commanded the second brother
Hsi to reside at Yii-i!, in what was called the
Bright Valley, and (there) respectfully to receive
as a guest the rising sun, and to adjust and arrange
the labours of the spring. ‘The day,’ (said he), ‘is
of the medium length, and the star is in Nido ;—you
may thus exactly determine mid-spring. The people
are dispersed (in the fields), and birds and beasts
breed and copulate.’
He further commanded the third brother Hsi to
reside at Nan-#ido*, (in what was called the Brilliant Capital), to adjust and arrange the transformations of the summer, and respectfully to observe the
exact limit (of the shadow). ‘The day,’ (said he),
‘is at its longest, and the star is in Hwo ;—you may
thus exactly determine mid-summer. The people
are more dispersed ; and birds and beasts have their
feathers and hair thin, and change their coats.’
He separately commanded the second brother
Ho to reside at the west, in what was called the
Dark Valley, and (there) respectfully to convoy the
setting sun, and to adjust and arrange the completing
labours of the autumn. ‘The night,’ (said he), ‘is
of the medium length, and the star is in Hsii ;—you
may thus exactly determine mid-autumn. The people
feel at ease, and birds and beasts have their coats in
good condition.’
He further commanded. the third brother Ho to
1 Yi-f is by some identified with Tang-A4u, in Shan-tung,
lat. 37° 48’, long. 121° 4’; by others, it is sought in Corea.
3 Nan-4ido was south, it is said, on the border of An-nan
or Cochin-China, The characters for ‘in what was called the
Brilliant Capital’ are supposed to have dropt out of the text.
[1] D
34 THE SHO KING. PART I.
37° 48’, long. 121° 4’; by others, it is sought in Corea.
3 Nan-4ido was south, it is said, on the border of An-nan
or Cochin-China, The characters for ‘in what was called the
Brilliant Capital’ are supposed to have dropt out of the text.
[1] D
34 THE SHO KING. PART I.
reside in the northern region, in what was called
the Sombre Capital, and (there) to adjust and examine the changes of the winter. ‘The day,’ (said
he), ‘is at its shortest, and the star is in Mao ;—you
may thus exactly determine mid-winter. The people
keep in their houses, and the coats of birds and
beasts are downy and thick.’
The Tt said, ‘Ah! you, Hsis and Hos, a round
year consists of three hundred, sixty, and six days.
Do you, by means of the intercalary month, fix the
four seasons, and complete (the period of) the year.
(Thereafter), the various officers being regulated
in accordance with this, all the works (of the year)
will be fully performed.’
3. The Tt said, ‘Who will search out (for me) a
man according to the times, whom I can raise and
employ?’ Fang-&Ai said, ‘(Your) heir-son AQ! is
highly intelligent.’ The Ti said, ‘ Alas! he is insincere and quarrelsome :—can he do ?’
The Tt said, ‘Who will search out (for me) a man
equal to the exigency of my affairs?’ Hwan-tau?
said, ‘Oh! the merits of the Minister of Works
have just been displayed on a wide scale.’ The Tt
said, ‘Alas! when-all is quiet, he talks; but when
employed, his actions turn out differently. He is
respectful (only) in appearance. See! the floods
assail the heavens!’
The Ti said, ‘Ho! (President of) the Four
1 In Part II, iv, 2, Yui speaks of this son of Yo as ‘the haughty
Ka of Tan,’ Tan probably being the name of a state, over which,
according to tradition, he had been appointed.
2 Hwan-t4u and the Minister of Works, whom he recommends,
appear in the next Book as great criminals.
CHAP. 3. THE CANON OF YAO. 35
Mountains}, destructive in their overflow are the
waters of the inundation. In their vast extent they
embrace the hills and overtop the great heights,
threatening the heavens with their floods, so that the
lower people groan and murmur! Is there a capable
man to whom I can assign the correction (of this
calamity)?’ All (in the court) said, ‘Ah! is there
not Khwan??’ The Tt said, ‘Alas! how perverse is
he! He is disobedient to orders, and tries to injure
his peers.’ (The President of) the Mountains said,
‘Well but—. Try if he can (accomplish the work).’
(Khw&n) was employed accordingly. The Ti said (to
him), ‘Go; and be reverent!’ For nine years he
laboured, but the work was unaccomplished.
He is disobedient to orders, and tries to injure
his peers.’ (The President of) the Mountains said,
‘Well but—. Try if he can (accomplish the work).’
(Khw&n) was employed accordingly. The Ti said (to
him), ‘Go; and be reverent!’ For nine years he
laboured, but the work was unaccomplished.
The Tt said, ‘ Ho! (President of) the Four Mountains, I have been on the throne seventy years. You
can carry out my commands ;—I will resign my place
to you.’ The Chief said, ‘I have not the virtue ;—
I should disgrace your place.’ (The Ti) said, ‘Show
me some one among the illustrious, or set forth
one from among the poor and mean.’ All (then)
said to the Ti, ‘ There is an unmarried man among
the lower people, called Shun of Yii*%’ The Tt
1 (President of) the Four Mountains, or simply Four Mountains, appears to have been the title of the chief minister of Y4o.
The four mountains were—mount Thfi in the east; Hw4 in the
west, in Shan-hst; Hang in the south, in Hf-nan; and Hing in
the north, in Xih-li. These, probably, were the limits of the
country, so far as known, and all within these points were the care
of the chief minister.
* Khwan is believed to have been the father of Yi, who afterwards coped successfully with the inundation. We are told that
he was earl of Xhung, corresponding to the present district of HA,
in Shen-hsf.
* See on the title of next Book.
D2
36 THE SHO KING. PART I.
said, ‘Yes, I have heard of him. What have you
to say about him?’ The Chief said, ‘ He is the son
of a blind man. His father was obstinately unprincipled; his (step-)mother was insincere; his (half-)
brother Hsiang was arrogant. He has been able,
(however), by his filial piety to live in harmony with
them, and to lead them gradually to self-government,
so that they (no longer) proceed to great wickedness. The Tt said, ‘I will try him; I will wive
him, and thereby see his behaviour with my two
daughters.’ (Accordingly) he arranged and sent
down his two daughters to the north of the Kwei?,
to be wives in (the family of) Yi. The Tt said to
them, ‘ Be reverent!’
1 The Kwei is a small stream in Shan-hsf, which flows into
the Ho.
PART II. THE. BOOKS OF YU.
Book I. THe Canon or Suun.
The Tt said to
them, ‘ Be reverent!’
1 The Kwei is a small stream in Shan-hsf, which flows into
the Ho.
PART II. THE. BOOKS OF YU.
Book I. THe Canon or Suun.
Tue Books of Yii is the name of this Part of the Sh, Yi
being the dynastic designation of Shun, as Thang was that
of Yao. It does not appear so clearly, however, how it came
to be so. Yii must be the name of a state, and is commonly
identified with the present district of An-yi, in Kieh K4u,
Shan-hsf. Some think that YAo, after marrying his two daughters
to Shun, appointed him lord of this state; but in the first
mention of him to Y4o in the last Book, he is called Shun of
Yi. It is generally said that Shun’s ancestors had been lords
of the principality of Yii up to the time of his father, who lost
his patrimony and was reduced to the rank of a private man.
But after what has been said, in the Introduction, on the Books
in the first two Parts of the Shi, it will not be thought surprising
that much in the accounts about Y4o and Shun should be open
to suspicion. According to Mencius, IV, Part ii, ch. 1, Shun was
from the country of the wild tribes on the east. Sze-m4 K/ien
makes him to have been descended from Hwang-Ti, in which
case he and his wives, the daughters of Y4o, would have had
the same ancestor. Nothing more injurious to the fame of
Yo and Shun, according to Chinese notions of propriety, could
be alleged against them.
Shun is the subject of this Canon, as Y4o was of the former.
As it now stands, we may divide it into six chapters :—the first,
describing Shun’s virtues and gradual advancement; the second,
Y4o’s satisfaction with his administration of affairs, and associating of Shun with himself on the throne; the third, the acts
of Shun in that position; the fourth, the demise of Yao, and
Shun’s accession as sole monarch; the fifth, his choice of
ministers and complete organization of his government; and
the sixth, his death.
38 THE SHO KING. PART Il.
1. Examining into antiquity, (we find that) the
Tit Shun! was styled Aung-hw4?, His character
was entirely conformed to (that of) the (former) T1;he was profound, wise, accomplished, and intelligent.
He was mild and courteous, and truly sincere. The
report of his mysterious virtue was heard on high,
and he was appointed to office.
2. (Shun) carefully set forth the beauty of the
five cardinal duties, and they came to be (universally) observed. Being appointed to be General
Regulator, the affairs of every (official) department
were arranged in their proper seasons. (Being
charged) to receive (the princes) from the four
quarters of the land, they were all docilely submissive. Being sent to the great plains at the foot
of the mountains, notwithstanding the tempests of
wind, thunder, and rain, he did not go astray.
(Being
charged) to receive (the princes) from the four
quarters of the land, they were all docilely submissive. Being sent to the great plains at the foot
of the mountains, notwithstanding the tempests of
wind, thunder, and rain, he did not go astray.
The Ti said, ‘Come, you Shun. I have consulted
you on (all) affairs, and examined your words, and
found that they can be carried into practice ;—(now)
for three years. Do you ascend the seat of the Tt.’
Shun wished to decline in favour of some one more
virtuous, and not to consent to be (Y4o’s) successor.
On the first day of the first month, (however), he
received (Y4o’s) retirement (from his duties) in the
temple of the Accomplished Ancestor®.*
3. He examined the pearl-adorned turning sphere,
1 If Shun be taken as an epithet, it will mean ‘the Benevolent and Sage.’
* Khung-hwé4, the name of Shun according to the Han scholars,
may mean ‘the Glorious (Y4o) repeated.’
®’ The Accomplished Ancestor would be, probably, the individual in some distant time to whom Y4o traced his possession of
the throne.
BOOK I. THE CANON OF SHUN. 39
with its transverse tube of jade, and reduced to a
harmonious system (the movements of) the Seven
Directors 1.
Thereafter, he sacrificed specially, but with the
ordinary forms, to God; sacrificed with reverent
purity to the Six Honoured Ones; offered their
appropriate sacrifices to the hills and rivers; and
extended his worship to the host of spirits *.*
He called in (all) the five jade-symbols of rank ;
and when the month was over, he gave daily audience to (the President of) the Four Mountains, and
all the Pastors, (finally) returning their symbols to.
the various princes.
In the second month of the year he made a tour
of inspection eastwards, as far as Thai-yung *, where
he presented a burnt-offering to Heaven, and sacrificed in order to the hills and rivers.* Thereafter
he gave audience to the princes of the east. He set
in accord their seasons and months, and regulated
the days; he made uniform the standard-tubes, with
the measures of length and of capacity, and the steelyards ; he regulated the five (classes of) ceremonies,
with (the various) articles of introduction,—the five
1 Probably the seven stars of the Great Bear.
* Who the Six Honoured Ones were cannot be determined
with certainty. An-kwo thought they were, ‘the seasons, cold and
heat, the sun, the moon, the stars, and drought,’ that is, certain
spirits, supposed to rule over these phenomena and things, and
residing probably in different stars. The whole paragraph describes
Shun’s exercise of the prerogative of the sovereign, so far as religious worship was concerned.
3 The princes of the various states, whose official chief was the
President of the Four Mountains, all ‘shepherds of men.’
‘ Thai-zung is mount Th4i, in Shan-tung. See note on the
President of the Four Mountains, p. 35.
40 THE sHO KING. PART II.
3 The princes of the various states, whose official chief was the
President of the Four Mountains, all ‘shepherds of men.’
‘ Thai-zung is mount Th4i, in Shan-tung. See note on the
President of the Four Mountains, p. 35.
40 THE sHO KING. PART II.
symbols of jade, the three kinds of silk, the two
living (animals) and the one dead one. As to the
five instruments of rank, when all was over, he returned them. In the fifth month he made a similar
tour southwards, as far as the mountain of the south!,
where he observed the same ceremonies as at Thai.
In the eighth month he made a tour westwards, as
far as the mountain of the west!, where he did as
before. In the eleventh month he made a tour
northwards, as far as the mountain of the north},
where he observed the same ceremonies as in the
west. He (then) returned (to the capital), went to
(the temple of) the Cultivated Ancestor *, and sacrificed a single bull.*:
In five years there was one tour of inspection, and
there were four appearances of the princes at court.
They gave a report (of their government) in words,
which was clearly tested by their works. They received chariots and robes according to their merits.
He instituted the division (of the land) into twelve
provinces?, raising altars upon twelve hills in them.*
He (also) deepened the rivers.
He exhibited (to the people) the statutory punishments, enacting banishment as a mitigation of the
five (great) inflictions‘; with the whip to be employed in the magistrates’ courts, the stick to be
1 See note on the President of the Four Mountains, p. 35.
* Probably the same as the Accomplished Ancestor on p. 38.
5 As Yu, according to Part III, i, divided the land into nine provinces, this division of it into twelve must have been subsequent to
the completion of Yii’s work. See on the Tribute of Yu.
‘ Those five great inflictions were—branding on the forehead ;
cutting off the nose; cutting off the feet; castration; and death,
inflicted in various ways.
BOOK I. THE CANON OF SHUN. 41
employed in schools!, and money to be received
for redeemable offences. Inadvertent offences and
those which could be ascribed to misfortune were
_to be pardoned, but those who transgressed presumptuously and repeatedly were to be punished
with death. ‘Let me be reverent! Let me be
reverent !’ (he said to himself.) ‘Let compassion
rule in punishment !’
He banished the Minister of Works to Y4 island ;
confined Hwan-tau on mount Aung; drove (the
chief of) San-mido (and his people) into San-wei,
and kept them there; and held Khwan a prisoner
till death on mount Yii. These four criminals being
thus dealt with, all under heaven acknowledged the
justice (of Shuf’s administration) *.
These four criminals being
thus dealt with, all under heaven acknowledged the
justice (of Shuf’s administration) *.
74. After twenty-eight years the Ti deceased,
when the people mourned for him as for a parent
for three years. Within the four seas all the eight
kinds of instruments of music were stopped and
hushed. On the first day of the first month (of the)
next year, Shun went to (the temple of) the Accomplished Ancestor.*
1 This punishment was for officers in training; not for boys at
school.
* The Minister of Works, Hwan-t4u, and Khw&n are mentioned
in the former Canon. Yf island, or Yi Adu, was in the extreme
north of the present district of Mi-yun, department Shun-thien,
Xib-li.
Mount Xhung was in the district of Yung-ting, Lt Kau, Hfi-nan.
San-midéo was the name of a territory, embracing the present
departments of Wf-4sang in Hf-pei, Yo-A4u in Hi-nan, and
id-kiang in Kiang-hsi. San-wei was a tract of country round
a mountain of the same name in the present department of Anhsi, Kan-sO. Mount Yi was in the present district of Than-&/4ng,
Shan-tung.
42 THE SHO KING. PART IL.
5. He deliberated with (the President of) the
Four Mountains how to throw open the doors (of
communication between himself and the) four
(quarters of the land), and how he could see with |
the eyes, and hear with the ears of all.
He consulted with the twelve Pastors}, and said
to them, ‘ The food !—it depends on observing the
seasons. Be kind to the distant, and cultivate the
ability of the near. Give honour to the virtuous,
and your confidence to the good, while you discountenance the artful ;—so shall the barbarous tribes
lead on one another to make their submission.’
Shun said, ‘Ho! (President of) the Four Mountains, is there any one who can with vigorous service attend to all the affairs of the Ti, whom I may
appoint to be General Regulator, to assist me in
(all) affairs, managing each department according to
its nature?’ All (in the court) replied, ‘There is
Po-yii?, the Minister of Works.’ The Tt said, ‘Yes.
Ho! Yii, you have regulated the water and the
land. In this (new office) exert yourself.’ Yii did
obeisance with his head to the ground, and wished
to decline in favour of the Minister of Agriculture,
or Hsieh, or K4o-y4o. The Tt said, ‘ Yes, but do
you go (and undertake the duties).
The Tt said, ‘Ai’, the black-haired people are
(still) suffering from famine. Do you, O prince, as
1 These were the’ twelve princes holding the chief sway and
superintendence in his twelve provinces.
* Po-yii is the great YU, the founder of the Hsia dynasty. Po
denotes, probably, his order as the eldest among his brothers,
5 KAt was the name of the Minister of Agriculture, better known
in the Shih and other books as H4u-A, the progenitor of the kings
of Kau. See the legend about him in the Shih, Part III, ii, Ode 1.
BOOK I. THE CANON OF SHUN. 43
Minister of Agriculture, (continue to) sow (for them)
the various kinds of grain.’
See the legend about him in the Shih, Part III, ii, Ode 1.
BOOK I. THE CANON OF SHUN. 43
Minister of Agriculture, (continue to) sow (for them)
the various kinds of grain.’
The Tt said, ‘Hsieh?, the people are (still)
wanting in affection for one another, and do not
docilely observe the five orders of relationship. It
is yours, as the Minister of Instruction, reverently
to set forth the lessons of duty belonging to those
five orders. Do so with gentleness.’
The Ti said, ‘ K4o-y4o*, the barbarous tribes
trouble our great land. There are (also) robbers,
murderers, insurgents, and traitors. It is yours, as
the Minister of Crime, to use the five punishments
to deal with their offences. For the infliction of
these there are the three appointed places. There
are the five cases in which banishment in the appropriate places is to be resorted to, to which places, —
though five, three localities are assigned. Perform
your duties with intelligence, and you will secure a
sincere (submission),’
The Ti said, ‘Who can superintend my works, as
they severally require?’ All (in the court) replied,
‘Is there not Zui??’ The Tt said, ‘Yes. Ho!
Zui, you must be Minister of Works.’ Zui did
obeisance with his head to the ground, and wished
to decline in favour of Sha, K4iang, or Po-yii. The
' Hsieh was honoured by the kings of the Shang dynasty as their
progenitor. See the Shih, Part IV, iii, Odes 3 and 4.
® See the preliminary note to Book iii.
* Zui was not claimed by any great family as its progenitor,
but he was handed down by tradition as a great artificer. See
a reference to him in Part V, xxii, 2. Shit and Ahiang must
have been named from their skill in making halberds and axes.
The Yii (quite different from the name of the great Yil) in Po-yii
gives us no indication of the skill of that individual.
44 THE SHO KING. PART II.
Tt said, ‘Yes, but do you go (and undertake the
duties). Effect a harmony (in all the departments).
The Tt said, ‘Who can superintend, as the nature
of the charge requires, the grass and trees, with the
birds and beasts on my hills and in my marshes ?’
All (in the court) replied, ‘Is there not Yi!?’ The
Ti said, ‘Yes. Ho! Yi, do you be my Forester.’
Yi did obeisance with his head to the ground, and
wished to decline in favour of Ad, Hd, Hsiung,
or Pt. The Tt said, ‘Yes, but do you go (and
undertake the duties). You must manage them
harmoniously.’
The T1 said, ‘ Ho! (President of the) Four Mountains, is there any one able to direct my three
(religious) ceremonies*?’ All (in the court) answered, ‘Is there not Po-t??’ The Tt said, ‘Yes.
Ho! Po, you must be the Arranger in the Ancestral
Temple. Morning and night be reverent. Be upright,
be pure.’ Po did obeisance with his head to the
ground, and wished to decline in favour of Khwei
or Lung. The Tt! said, ‘Yes, but do you go (and
undertake the duties). Be reverential !’*
Ho! Po, you must be the Arranger in the Ancestral
Temple. Morning and night be reverent. Be upright,
be pure.’ Po did obeisance with his head to the
ground, and wished to decline in favour of Khwei
or Lung. The Tt! said, ‘Yes, but do you go (and
undertake the duties). Be reverential !’*
The Ti said, ‘Khwei‘, I appoint you to be Director of Music, and to teach our sons, so that the
straightforward shall yet be mild; the gentle, dignified ; the strong, not tyrannical; and the impetuous,
1 For Yi, see the preliminary note to Book iv. He wishes here
to decline his appointment in favour of X@ (‘The Cedar’), Ha
(‘The Tiger’), Hsiung (‘ The Bear’), or Pf (‘The Grisly Bear’).
? The three ceremonies were the observances in the worship of
the Spirits of Heaven, the Spirits of Earth, and the Spirits of Men.
5 Po-f was the progenitor of the great family of Kiang, members
of which ruled in XA? and other states.
* Of Khwei we know nothing more than what is here told us.
The character denotes a monstrous animal, ‘a dragon with one leg.’
BOOK I. THE CANON OF SHUN. 45
not arrogant. Poetry is the expression of earnest
thought ; singing is the prolonged utterance of that
expression ; the notes accompany that utterance, and
they are harmonized themselves by the standardtubes. (In this way) the eight different kinds of
musical instruments can be adjusted so that one
shall not take from or interfere with another; and
spirits and men are brought into harmony.’ Khwei
said,‘I smite the (sounding-) stone,] gently strike it,and
the various animals lead on one another to dance.’
The Tt said, ‘Lung?, 1 abominate slanderous
speakers and destroyers of the (right) ways, who
agitate and alarm my people. I appoint you to
be the Minister of Communication. Early and late
give forth my orders and report to me, seeing that
everything is true.’
The Tt said, ‘Ho! you, twenty and two men, be
reverent ; so shall you be helpful to the business
(entrusted to me by) Heaven.’ *
_ Every three years there was an examination of
merits, and after three examinations the undeserving
were degraded, and the deserving advanced. (By
this arrangement) the duties of all the departments
were fully discharged; the (people of) San-mido
(also) were discriminated and separated.
6. In the thirtieth year of his age, Shun was
called to employment. Thirty years he was on the
throne (with Yao). Fifty years afterwards he went
on high and died 2.*
1 We are in ignorance of Lung, as we are of Khwei. The
character denotes ‘the dragon.’
* The Chinese text is here difficult to construe. AQ Hsf says
that the term ‘went on high’ is appropriate to the death of the Son
of Heaven; and that the meaning is that Shun went to heaven.
—~—
nN
46 THE SHO KING. PART II,
Boox II. Tuer CounseEts or THE Great Yi.
Or the six classes of documents in the Shf, ‘Counsels’ are the
second, containing the wise remarks and suggestions of high
officers on the subject of government.
—~—
nN
46 THE SHO KING. PART II,
Boox II. Tuer CounseEts or THE Great Yi.
Or the six classes of documents in the Shf, ‘Counsels’ are the
second, containing the wise remarks and suggestions of high
officers on the subject of government.
This Book may be divided into three chapters :—the first, containing counsels of Yii and Yi on principles and methods of
government; the second, occupied with Shun’s resignation of
the administration to Yu, and containing also many sage
observations and maxims; and the third, describing Yii’s
operations against the people of Miao, and counsels addressed
to him by Yi. The style differs from that of the Canons; being
more sententious, and falling occasionally into rhyme.
1. Examining into antiquity, (we find that) the
Great Yii! was styled W&n-ming*?, Having arranged and divided (the land), all to the four seas,
in reverent response to the Ti, he said, ‘If the
sovereign can realize the difficulty of his sovereignship, and the minister the difficulty-of his ministry,
the government will be well ordered, and the blackhaired people will sedulously seek to be virtuous.’
The Tt said, ‘Yes; let this really be the case,
and good words will nowhere lie hidden; no men of
virtue and talents will be left neglected, away from
court, and the myriad states will all enjoy repose.
(But) to obtain the views of all; to give up one’s
opinion and follow that of others; to keep from
oppressing the helpless, and not to neglect the
1 The name Yi, taken as an epithet, would mean ‘the Unconstrained.’ As an epithet after death, it has the meaning of
‘Receiving the Resignation and Perfecting the Merit ;’ but this is
evidently based on the commonly received history of Yi.
* W4n-ming may be translated, ‘ the Accomplished and the Issuer
of Commands.’
BOOK 11. THE COUNSELS OF THE GREAT YU. 47
straitened and poor ;—it was only the (former) Tt
who could attain to this.’
Yi said, ‘Oh! your virtue, O Tt, is vast and incessant. It is sagely, spirit-like, awe-inspiring, and
adorned with all accomplishments. Great Heaven
regarded you with its favour, and bestowed on you its
appointment. Suddenly you possessed all within the
four seas, and became ruler of all under heaven.’*
your virtue, O Tt, is vast and incessant. It is sagely, spirit-like, awe-inspiring, and
adorned with all accomplishments. Great Heaven
regarded you with its favour, and bestowed on you its
appointment. Suddenly you possessed all within the
four seas, and became ruler of all under heaven.’*
Yii said, ‘ Accordance with the right leads to good
fortune ; following what is opposed to it, to bad ;—
the shadow and the echo. Yt said, ‘Alas! be
cautious ! Admonish yourself to caution, when there
seems to be no occasion for anxiety. Do not fail to
observe the laws and ordinances. Do not find your
enjoyment in idleness. Do not go to excess in
pleasure. In your employment of men of worth, let
none come between you and them. Put away evil
without hesitation. Do not carry out plans, of (the
wisdom of) which you have doubts. Study that all
your purposes may be with the light of reason. Do
Not go against what is right, to get the praise of the
people. Do not oppose the people’s (wishes), to follow
your own desires. (Attend to these things) without
idleness or omission, and the barbarous tribes all
around will come and acknowledge your sovereignty.’
Yii said, ‘Oh! think (of these things),O Tit. The
virtue (of the ruler) is seen in (his) good government, and that government in the nourishing of
the people. There are water, fire, metal, wood,
the earth, and grain,—these must be duly regulated; there are the rectification of (the people’s)
virtue, (the tools and other things) that supply the
conveniences of life, and the securing abundant
means of sustentation,—these must be harmoniously
48 THE SHO KING. PART II,
attended to. When the nine services (thus indicated)
have been orderly accomplished, that accomplishment will be hailed by (the people’s) songs. Caution
them with gentle (words), correct them with the
majesty (of law), stimulate them with the songs on
those nine subjects,—in order that (your success) may
not suffer diminution.’ The Tt said, ‘The earth has
been reduced to order, and the (influences of) heaven
produce their complete effect; those six magazines
and three departments» of (governmental) action are
all truly regulated, and may be depended on for a
myriad generations :—this is your merit.’
2. The Ti said, ‘Come, you Yi. I have occupied my place for thirty and three years. I am
between ninety and a hundred years old, and the
laborious duties weary me. Do you, eschewing all
indolence, take the leading of my people.’ Yii replied, ‘My virtue is not equal (to the position), and
the people will not repose in me. (But there is)
K4o-yéo with vigorous activity sowing abroad his
virtue, which has descended on the black-haired
people, till they cherish him in their hearts. O Ti,
think of him! When I think of him, (my mind) rests
on him (as the man fit for this place); when I
would put him out of my thoughts, (my mind still)
rests on him; when I name and speak of him, (my
mind) rests on him (for this); the sincere outgoing
of my thoughts about him is that he is the man. O
Ti, think of his merits.’
The Tt said, ‘K4o-y4o, that of these my ministers and all (my people) hardly one is found to
offend against the regulations of the government is
owing to your being Minister of Crime, and intelligent in the use of the five punishments, thereby
BOOK 11, THE COUNSELS OF THE GREAT YU. 49
assisting (the inculcation of) the five cardinal duties,
with a view to the perfection of my government,
and that through punishment there may come to
be no punishments, but the people accord with (the
path of) the Mean. (Continue to) be strenuous,’
K4o-y4o replied, ‘Your virtue, O Ti, is faultless.
You condescend to your ministers with a kindly
ease ; you preside over the multitudes with a generous forbearance. Punishments do not extend to
(the criminal’s) heirs, while rewards reach to (succeeding) generations. You pardon inadvertent
faults, however great, and punish purposed crimes,
however small. In cases of doubtful crimes, you
deal with them lightly; in cases of doubtful merit,
you prefer the high estimation. Rather than put an
innocent person to death, you will run the risk of
irregularity and error. This life-loving virtue has
penetrated the minds of the people, and this is why
they do not render themselves liable to be punished
by your officers. The Ti said, ‘That I am able
to follow and obtain what I desire in my government, the people responding everywhere as if moved
by the wind,—this is your excellence.’
The Tt said, ‘Come Yi. The inundating waters
filled me with dread, when you accomplished truly
(all that you had represented), and completed your
service ;—thus showing your superiority to other
men. Full of toilsome earnestness in the service of
the country, and sparing in your expenditure on
your family, and this without being full of yourself
and elated,—you (again) show your superiority to
other men. You are without any prideful assumption, but no one under heaven can contest with you
the palm of ability; you make no boasting, but no
[1] E
50 THE SHO KING. PART Il.
You are without any prideful assumption, but no one under heaven can contest with you
the palm of ability; you make no boasting, but no
[1] E
50 THE SHO KING. PART Il.
one under heaven can contest with you the palm of
merit. I see how great is your virtue, how admirable your vast achievements. The determinate
appointment of Heaven rests on your person; you
must eventually ascend (the throne) of the great
sovereign.* The mind of man is restless, prone (to
err); its affinity to what is right is small. Be discriminating, be uniform (in the pursuit of what is
right), that you may sincerely hold fast the Mean.
Do not listen to unsubstantiated words; do not
follow plans about which you have not sought
counsel. Of all who are to be loved, is not the
ruler the chief? Of all who are to be feared, are
not the people the chief? If the multitude were
without their sovereign Head, whom should they
sustain aloft? If the sovereign had not the multitude, there would be none to guard the country for.
him. Be reverential! Carefully maintain the throne
which you are to occupy, cultivating (the virtues)
that are to be desired in you. If within the four
seas there be distress and poverty, your Heavenconferred revenues will come to a perpetual end.
It is the mouth which sends forth what is good, and
raises up war. I will not alter my words.’
Yii said, ‘Submit the meritorious ministers one
by one to the trial of divination’, and let the favouring indication be followed.’ The Tt replied, ‘(According to the rules for) the regulation of divination,
one should first make up his mind, and afterwards
refer (his judgment) to the great tortoise-shell. My
mind (in this matter) was determined in the first
place; I consulted and deliberated with all (my
3 On Divination, see Part V, iv.
BOOK 11. THE COUNSELS OF THE GREAT YU. 51
ministers and people), and they were of one accord
with me. The spirits signified their assent, and the
tortoise-shell and divining stalks concurred. Divination, when fortunate, should not be repeated.’ *
Yii did obeisance with his head to the ground, and
firmly declined (the place). The T! said, ‘You must
not do so. It is you who can suitably (occupy my
place).’ On the first morning of the first month, (Yi)
received the appointment in the temple (dedicated by
Shun) to the spirits of his ancestors, and took the
leading of all the officers, as had been done by the T!
at the commencement (of his government). *
It is you who can suitably (occupy my
place).’ On the first morning of the first month, (Yi)
received the appointment in the temple (dedicated by
Shun) to the spirits of his ancestors, and took the
leading of all the officers, as had been done by the T!
at the commencement (of his government). *
3. The Tt said, ‘Alas! O Yi, there is only the
lord of Miao? who refuses obedience; do you go
and correct him.’ Yii on this assembled all the
princes, and made a speech to the host, saying, ‘ Ye
multitudes here arrayed, listen all of you to my
orders. Stupid is this lord of Mido, ignorant, erring,
and disrespectful. Despiteful and insolent to others,
he thinks that all ability and virtue are with himself.
A rebel to the right, he destroys (all the obligations of) virtue. Superior men are kept by him in
obscurity, and mean men fill (all) the offices. The
people reject him and will not protect him. Heaven
1 Many contend that this was the ancestral temple of Y§o.
But we learn from Confucius, in the seventeenth chapter of the
Doctrine of the Mean, that Shun had established such a temple
for his own ancestors, which must be that intended here.
* The lord of Mi&o against whom Yd proceeded would not
be the one whom Shun banished to San-wei, as related in the
former Book, but some chieftain of the whole or a portion of the
people, who had been left in their native seat. That Y4o, Shun,
and Yii were all obliged to take active measures against the
people of Miao, shows the difficulty with which the Chinese sway
was established over the country.
E 2
52 THE SHO KING. PART It.
is sending down calamities upon him.* I therefore,
along with you, my multitude of gallant men, bear
the instructions (of the Ti) to punish his crimes.
Do you proceed with united heart and strength, so
shall our enterprize be crowned with success.’
At the end of three decades, the people of Mido
continued rebellious against the commands (issued
to them), when Yt came to the help of Yii, saying,
‘It is virtue that moves Heaven; there is no distance to which it does not reach. Pride brings loss,
and humility receives increase ;—this is the way of
Heaven.* In the early time of the Tf, when he was
living by mount Li}, he went into the fields, and
daily cried with tears to compassionate Heaven,
and to his parents, taking to himself all guilt, and
charging himself with (their) wickedness.* (At the
same time) with respectful service he appeared before Kd-sau, looking grave and awe-struck, till Ka
also became transformed by his example. Entire
sincerity moves spiritual beings,—how much more
will it move this lord of Miado!’* Yii did homage to
the excellent words, and said, ‘Yes.’ (Thereupon)
he led back his army, having drawn off the troops.
The Tt set about diffusing on a grand scale the
virtuous influences of peace;—with shields and
feathers they danced between the two staircases (in
his courtyard). In seventy days, the lord of Mido
came (and made his submission).
The Tt set about diffusing on a grand scale the
virtuous influences of peace;—with shields and
feathers they danced between the two staircases (in
his courtyard). In seventy days, the lord of Mido
came (and made his submission).
+ Mount Lf is found in a hill near Ph Kau, department of
Phing-yang, Shan-hsf. It is difficult to reconcile what Yf says
here of Shun ‘in his early life’ and his father Ka-sau with the
account of it as happening when Shun was fifty years old; see
Mencius V, Part i, ch. 5. The whole is legendary, and there were,
no doubt, more forms of the legend than one.
BOOK III. THE COUNSELS OF KAo-yAo. 53
Boox III. THe Counsets or KAo-vAo.
KaAo-yAo was Minister of Crime to Shun, and is still celebrated
in China as the model for all administrators of justice. There
are few or no reliable details of his history. Sze-ma Kdien
says that Yii, on his accession to the throne, made K4o-y4o
his chief minister, with the view of his ultimately succeeding
him, but that the design was frustrated by K4o-y4o’s death.
But if there had been such a tradition in the time of Mencius,
he would probably have mentioned it, when defending Yii from
the charge of being inferior to Y4o and Shun, who resigned the
throne to the worthiest, whereas he transmitted it to his son.
K4o-y4o’s surname was Yen, but an end was made of his
representatives, when the principality belonging to them was
extinguished in the dynasty of Kau by the ambitious state of
Kht. There is still a family in China with the surname K4o,
claiming to be descended from this ancient worthy; but K4o
and Y4o are to be taken together in the Shf as his name.
The ‘Counsels’ in the Book do not appear as addressed directly
to Shun, but are found in a conversation between Yii and
K4o-y4o, the latter being the chief speaker. The whole may
be divided into four chapters:—the first, enunciating the
principle that in government the great thing is for the ruler
to pursue the course of his virtue, which will be seen in his
knowledge and choice of men for office, thereby securing the
repose of the people; the second, illustrating how men may be
known ; the third, treating of the repose of the people; in the
fourth, the speaker asserts the reasonableness of his sentiments,
and humbly expresses his own desire to be helpful to the
sovereign.
e
1. Examining into antiquity, (we find that) K4oyao said, ‘If (the sovereign) sincerely pursues the
course of his virtue, the counsels (offered to him)
will be intelligent, and the aids (of admonition that
he receives) will be harmonious.’ Yii said, ‘ Yes,
but explain yourself.’ K4o-y4o said, ‘Oh! let him
be careful about his personal cultivation, with
thoughts that are far-reaching, and thus he will
54 THE SHO KING. PART IT.
let him
be careful about his personal cultivation, with
thoughts that are far-reaching, and thus he will
54 THE SHO KING. PART IT.
produce a generous kindness and nice observance
of distinctions among the nine branches of his
kindred. All the intelligent (also) will exert themselves in his service; and in this way from what
is near he will reach to what is distant.’ Yii did
homage to the excellent words, and said, ‘Yes.’
K4o-y4o continued, ‘Oh! it lies in knowing men,
and giving repose to the people.’ . Yi said, ‘ Alas!
to attain to both these things might well be a difficulty even to the Ti. When (the sovereign) knows
men, he is wise, and can put every one into the
office for which he is fit. When he gives repose
to the people, his kindness is felt, and the blackhaired race cherish him in their hearts. When he
can be (thus) wise and kind, what occasion will he
have for anxiety about a Hwan-téu? what to be
removing a lord of Mido? what to fear any one
of fair words, insinuating appearance, and great
artfulness ?’
2. K4ao-y4o said, ‘Oh! there are in all nine
virtues to be discovered in conduct, and when we
say that a man possesses (any) virtue, that is as
much as to say he does such and such things.’
Yii asked, ‘What (are the nine virtues)?’ K4oyao replied, ‘ Affability combined with dignity ;
mildness combined with firmness; bluntness combined with respectfulness; aptness for government
combined with reverent caution; docility combined
with boldness ; straightforwardness combined with
gentleness; an easy negligence combined with discrimination ; boldness combined with sincerity ; and
valour combined with righteousness. (When these
qualities are) displayed, and that continuously, have
we not the good (officer)? When there is a daily
BOOK 111. THE COUNSELS OF KAo-YAo. 55
display of three (of these) virtues, their possessor
could early and late regulate and brighten the clan
(of which he was made chief). When there is a
daily severe and reverent cultivation of six of them,
their possessor could brilliantly conduct the affairs
of the state (with which he was invested). When
(such men) are all received and advanced, the possessors of those nine virtues will be employed in
(the public) service. The men of a thousand and
men of a hundred will be in their offices; the
various ministers will emulate one another; all the
officers will accomplish their duties at the proper
times, observant of the five seasons (as the several
elements predominate in them),—and thus their
various duties will be fully accomplished. Let not
(the Son of Heaven) set to the holders of states —
the example of indolence or dissoluteness. Let him
be wary and fearful, (remembering that) in one day
or two days there may occur ten thousand springs
of things. Let him not have his various officers
cumberers of their places. The work is Heaven's ;
men must act for it!’ *
Let him
be wary and fearful, (remembering that) in one day
or two days there may occur ten thousand springs
of things. Let him not have his various officers
cumberers of their places. The work is Heaven's ;
men must act for it!’ *
3. ‘From Heaven are the (social) relationships
with their several duties; we are charged with (the
enforcement of) those five duties ;—and lo! we have
the five courses of honourable conduct’. From
Heaven are the (social) distinctions with their
several ceremonies ; from us come the observances
of those five ceremonies ;—and lo! they appear in
' The five duties are those belonging to the five relationships,
which are the constituents of society ;—those between husband
and wife, father and son, ruler and subject, elder brother and
younger, friend and friend.
56 THE SHO KING. PART II.
regular practice's When (sovereign and ministers
show) a common reverence and united respect for
these, lo! the moral nature (of the people) is made
harmonious. Heaven graciously distinguishes the
virtuous ;—are there not the five habiliments, five
decorations of them?? Heaven punishes the
guilty ;—are there not the five punishments, to be
severally used for that purpose? The business of
government !—ought we not to be earnest in it ?
ought we not to be earnest in it ? *
‘Heaven hears and sees as our people hear and
see; Heaven brightly approves and displays its
terrors as our people brightly approve and would
awe ;—such connexion is there between the upper
and lower (worlds). How reverent ought the masters
of territories to be!’ *
4. K4o-ydo said, ‘ My words are in accordance with
reason, and may be put in practice.’ Yii said, ‘ Yes,
your words may be put in practice, and crowned
with success.’ K4o-y4o added, ‘(As to that) I do
not know, but I wish daily to be helpful. May (the
government) be perfected !’
Book IV. Tue Yi ann Kt.
Yi and Xi, the names of Shun’s Forester and Minister of
Agriculture, both of whom receive their appointments in Book i,
occur near the commencement of this Book, and occasion is
thence taken to give its title to the whole. But without good
reason; for these worthies do not appear at all as interlocutors
1 The five ceremonies are here those belonging to the distinctions
of rank in connexion with the five constituent relations of society.
* See in next Book, ch. 1.
BOOK IV. THE yf AND kf. 57
in it. Yd is the principal speaker; the Book belongs to the
class of ‘Counsels,’
To Yi there is, of course, assigned an ancient and illustrious
descent; what is of more importance, is that the lords of KAin,
who finally superseded the kings of Kau, traced their lineage to
him. Af was the name of Xi, the character for the latter term
meaning ‘Millet, and XAi was so styled from his labours in
teaching the people to sow and reap, so that A? became equivalent to ‘Minister of Agriculture.’
Af was the name of Xi, the character for the latter term
meaning ‘Millet, and XAi was so styled from his labours in
teaching the people to sow and reap, so that A? became equivalent to ‘Minister of Agriculture.’
The contents of the Book have been divided into three chapters.
The first gives a conversation between Shun and Yi. Yi
relates his own diligence and achievements as a model to Shun,
and gives him various admonitions, while Shun insists on what
his ministers should be, and wherein he wished them to help
him. In the second chapter, Khwei, the Minister of Music,
makes his appearance; it has no apparent connexion with the
former. In the third, Shun and K4o-y4o sing to each other
on the mutual relation of the sovereign and his ministers.
1. The Tt said, ‘Come Yii, you also must have
excellent words (to bring before me).’ Yii did
obeisance, and said, ‘Oh! what can I say, O T1,
(after K4o-y4o) ? I can (only) think of maintaining
a daily assiduity.’ K4o-y4o said, ‘Alas! will you
describe it?’ Yi replied, ‘The inundating waters
seemed to assail the heavens, and in their vast
extent embraced the hills and overtopped the great
mounds, so that the people were bewildered and
overwhelmed. I mounted my four conveyances},
and all along the hills hewed down the trees, at the
same time, along with Yi, showing the multitudes
how to get flesh to eat. I (also) opened passages for
the streams (throughout the) nine (provinces), and
conducted them to the four seas. I deepened (moreover) the channels and canals, and conducted them
to the streams, sowing (grain), at the same time,
} See the Introduction, pp. 16, 17.
58 THE SHO KING. PART II.
along with At, and showing the multitudes how to
procure the food of toil, (in addition to) the flesh meat.
I urged them (further) to exchange what they had for
what they had not, and to dispose of their accumulated stores. (In this way) all the people got grain
to eat, and the myriad regions began to come under
good rule.’ K4o-y4o said, ‘ Yes, we ought to model
ourselves after your excellent words.’
Yii said, ‘Oh! carefully maintain, O Tt, the throne
which you occupy. The Tt replied, ‘Yes;’ and
Yii went on, ‘Find your repose in your (proper)
resting-point. Attend to the springs of things ; study
stability ; and let your assistants be the upright :—
then shall your movements be grandly responded to,
(as if the people only) waited for your will. Thus
you will brightly receive (the favour of) God ;—
will not Heaven renew its appointment of you, and
give you blessing ?’ *
Thus
you will brightly receive (the favour of) God ;—
will not Heaven renew its appointment of you, and
give you blessing ?’ *
The Tt said, ‘Alas! what are ministers ?—are
they not (my) associates? What are associates ?—
are they not (my) ministers?’ Yi replied, ‘ Yes;’
and the Ti went on, ‘My ministers constitute my
legs and arms, my ears and eyes. I wish to help
and support my people ;—you give effect to my
wishes. I wish to spread the influence (of my
government) through the four quarters ;—you act
as my agents. I wish to see the emblematic figures
of the ancients,—the sun, the moon, the stars, the
mountain, the dragons, and the flowery fowl (=the
pheasant), which are depicted (on the upper garment); the temple cups, the pondweed, the flames,
the grains of rice, the hatchet, and the symbol of
distinction, which are embroidered (on the lower
garment),—(I wish to see all these) fully displayed
BOOK Iv. THE yf AND xt. 59
in the five colours, so as to form the (ceremonial)
robes ;—it is yours to see them clearly (for me).
I wish to hear the six pitch-tubes, the five notes
(determined by them), and the eight kinds of musical
instruments (regulated again by these), examining
thereby the virtues and defects of government,
according as (the odes that) go forth (from the
court, set to music), and come in (from the people),
are ordered by those five notes ;—it is yours to hear
them (for me). When I am doing wrong, it is yours
to correct me ;—do not follow me to my face, and,
when you have retired, have other remarks to make.
Be reverent, ye associates, who are before and behind
and on each side of me! As to all the obstinately
stupid and calumniating talkers, who are found not
to be doing what is right, are there not—the target
to exhibit (their true character)!, the scourge to
make them recollect, and the book of remembrance?? Do we not wish them to live along with
us? There are also the masters (of music) to receive their compositions, (set them to music), and
continually publish them (as corrected by themselves). If they become reformed they are to be
received and employed; if they do not, let the
terrors (of punishment) overtake them.’
1 Archery was anciently made much of in China, and supposed
to be a test of character. Unworthy men would not be found
hitting frequently, and observing the various rules of the exercise.
Confucius more than once spoke of archery as a discipline of
virtue; see Analects, III, xvi.
2 In the Official Book of Kau, the heads of districts are
required to keep a register of the characters of the people.
Shun’s Book of Remembrance would be a record on wood
or cloth. The reference implies the use of writing.
60 THE SHO KING. PART If.
2 In the Official Book of Kau, the heads of districts are
required to keep a register of the characters of the people.
Shun’s Book of Remembrance would be a record on wood
or cloth. The reference implies the use of writing.
60 THE SHO KING. PART If.
Yii said, ‘So far good! But let your light shine,
O Tf, all under heaven, even to every grassy corner
of the sea-shore, and throughout the myriad regions
the most worthy of the people will all (wish) to be
your ministers. Then, O Tt, you may advance
them to office. They will set forth, and you will
receive, their reports ; you will make proof of them
according to their merits; you will confer chariots
and robes according to their services. Who will
then dare not to cultivate a humble virtue ? who
will dare not to respond to you with reverence? If
you, O Tt, do not act thus, all (your ministers) together will daily proceed to a meritless character.’
‘Be not haughty like AQ of Tan}, who found
his pleasure only in indolence and dissipation, and
pursued a proud oppressive course. Day and night
without ceasing he was thus. He would make boats
go where there was no water. He introduced licentious associates into his family. The consequence
was that he brought the prosperity of his house to
anend. I took warning from his course. When I
married in Thd-shan 2, (I remained with my wife only
the days) hsin, zin, kwei, and 4i4. When (my son)
Kt was wailing and weeping, I did not regard him,
but kept planning with all my might my labour on
the land. (Then) I assisted in completing the five
Tenures ?, extending over 5000 It‘; (in appointing)
in the provinces twelve Tutors, and in establishing
1 This was the son of Yao. He must have been made lord of
some principality, called Tan.
* Yu married the daughter of the lord of Thf-shan, a principality
in the present department of Fang-yung, An-hui.
® See in the Tribute of Yu, Part II.
4 The If is what is called the Chinese mile, generally reckoned
to be 360 paces,
BOOK Iv. THE yf AND xf. 61
in the regions beyond, reaching to the four seas,
five Presidents. These all pursue the right path,
and are meritorious ; but there are still (the people
of) Mido, who obstinately refuse to render their
service. Think of this, O Tt.’ The Tt said,
‘That my virtue is followed is the result of your
meritorious services so orderly displayed. And now
K4o-y4o, entering respectfully into your arrangements, is on every hand displaying the (various) punishments, as represented, with entire intelligence,’
Think of this, O Tt.’ The Tt said,
‘That my virtue is followed is the result of your
meritorious services so orderly displayed. And now
K4o-y4o, entering respectfully into your arrangements, is on every hand displaying the (various) punishments, as represented, with entire intelligence,’
2. Khwei said, ‘When the sounding-stone is tapped
or struck with force, and the lutes are strongly swept
or gently touched, to accompany the singing, the
progenitors (of the T!) come (to the service),* the
guest of Yii! is in his place, and all the princes
show their virtue in giving place to one another.
(In the court) below (the hall) there are the flutes
and hand-drums, which join in at the sound of the
rattle, and cease at that of the stopper, when the
organ and bells take their place. (This makes)
birds and beasts fall moving. When the nine parts
of the service, as arranged by the Ti, have all been
performed, the male and female phoenix come with
their measured gambolings (into the court).’
Khwei said, ‘Oh! when I smite the (sounding-)
stone, or gently strike it, the various animals lead
on one another to dance ?, and all the chiefs of the
official departments become truly harmonious.’
1 KX of Tan.
* These last words of Khwei have already appeared in Book i,
ch. 5. They are more in place here, though this second chapter
has no apparent connexion with what precedes. ‘The stone’
is the sonorous stone formed, often in the shape of a carpenter's
square, into a musical instrument, still seen everywhere in China,
62 THE SHO KING. PART II.
3. The Tt on this made a song, saying, ‘We
must deal cautiously with the favouring appointment of Heaven, at every moment and in the smallest
particular.’ * He then sang,
‘When the members (work) joyfully,
The head rises (grandly) ;
And the duties of all the offices are fully discharged!’
K4o-y4o did obeisance with his head to his hands
and then to the ground, and with a loud and rapid
voice said,‘ Think (O Tt). It is yours to lead on and
originate things. Pay careful attention to your laws
(in doing so). Be reverential! and often examine
what has been accomplished (by your officers). Be
reverential!’ With this he continued the song,
‘When the head is intelligent,
The members are good;
And all affairs will be happily performed!’
Again he continued the song,
‘When the head is vexatious,
The members are idle;
And all affairs will go to ruin!’
The Tt said,‘ Yes, go and be reverently (attentive
to your duties).’
PART III. THE BOOKS OF HSIA.
Boox I. Tue Tripute or Yu.
Hsif is the dynastic designation under which Yii and his descendants held the throne for 439 years (B.c. 2205-1767). On the
conclusion of his labours, according to what was the universally
accepted tradition in the Kau period, Yui was appointed by
Yo to be earl of Hsia, a small principality in Ho-nan, identified
with the present Yii-A4u, department Khéi-fang, which thus still
retains the name of Yi.
2205-1767). On the
conclusion of his labours, according to what was the universally
accepted tradition in the Kau period, Yui was appointed by
Yo to be earl of Hsia, a small principality in Ho-nan, identified
with the present Yii-A4u, department Khéi-fang, which thus still
retains the name of Yi.
It has been repeatedly said in the Introduction that the Tribute
of Yu describes what was done before the death of Y4o. The
reason why it got its place as the first of the Books of Hsia was,
no doubt, because the merit set forth in it was the ground of
Yii’s advancement to the throne.
Altogether the Books of Hsia are properly no more than three ;—
a fact which shows that in so early a period the duty of the
recorder was little exercised, or that the destruction of its
monuments in the course of time was nearly complete. We
may assume that it was in consequence of both of these things
that, when the collection of the Shi was made, only three
documents of Hsia were found, to go into it.
The word ‘Tribute’ in the name of this first Book is not to be
understood only in the sense of a contribution paid by one
nation to another in acknowledgment of subjection, but also
as the contribution of revenue paid by subjects to their proper
tuler. The term, moreover, gives a very inadequate idea of
the contents, which describe generally the labours of Yti in
remedying the disasters occasioned by the inundation with
which he had to cope, and how he then defined the boundaries
of the different provinces, made other important territorial
divisions, and determined the quality of the soil in each province, and the proportion of revenue it should pay, with other
particulars. The Book, if we could fully credit it, would be
a sort of domesday book of China in the twenty-third century
64 THE SHO KING. PART III.
B.c., in the compass of a few pages. In the classification of
the Books of the Sh, according to their subject-matter, this is
rightly considered as a Canon. The first section of it is divided
into one short introductory chapter, and nine others, each containing the account of one province.
Section 1.
1. Yii divided the land. Following the course of
the hills, he cut down the trees. He determined
the highest hills and largest rivers (in the several
regions).
2. With respect to At Kau’, he did his work
at Ha-khau, and took effective measures at (the
mountains) Liang and AAt. Having repaired the
works on Thai-yiian, he proceeded on to the south
of (mount) Yo. He was successful with his labours
on Tan-hwai, and went on to the cross-flowing stream
of Kang.
The soil of this province was whitish and mellow.
Its contribution of revenue was the highest of the
highest class, with some proportion of the second.
Its fields were the average of the middle class.
He was successful with his labours
on Tan-hwai, and went on to the cross-flowing stream
of Kang.
The soil of this province was whitish and mellow.
Its contribution of revenue was the highest of the
highest class, with some proportion of the second.
Its fields were the average of the middle class.
1 KY} Kau embraced the present provinces of Shan-hst, Xih-If,
the three most northern departments of Ho-nan, and the western
portion of Lifo-tung. It had the Ho—what we call the Yellow
river—on three sides of it. On the west was all that part of the
Ho which forms the dividing line between Shen-hst and Shan-hsf.
At the south-western corner of Shan-hsf, the Ho turns to the
east: and in Yti’s time it flowed eastwards to about the place
where Xih-If, Shan-tung, and Ho-nan all touch, forming the
southern boundary of A? Kau. Thence it ran north and east,
till its waters entered the present gulph of ih-li, forming, so
far, the eastern boundary of the province. The northern boundary
must be left undefined.
It would be foreign to the object of the present publication of
the Shfi, and take too much space, to give notes on the details
of Yii’s operations in A? Kau and the other provinces.
BOOK I. THE TRIBUTE OF YU. 65
The (waters of the) Hang and Wei were brought
to their proper channels, and T4-lii was made capable
of cultivation.
The wild people of the islands (brought) dresses
of skins (i.e. fur dresses); keeping close on the right
to the rocks of Kieh, they entered the Ho.
3. Between the At and the Ho was Yen Kau’.
The nine branches of the Ho were made to keep
their proper channels. Léi-hsi4 was made a marsh,
in which (the waters of) the Yung and the 3ii were
united. The mulberry grounds were made fit for
silkworms, and then (the people) came down from
the heights, and occupied the grounds (below).
The soil of this province was blackish and rich ;
the grass in it was luxuriant, and the trees grew
high. Its fields were the lowest of the middle class.
Its contribution of revenue was fixed at what would
just be deemed the correct amount ; but it was not
required from it, as from the other provinces, till
after it had been cultivated for thirteen years. Its
articles of tribute were varnish and silk, and, in
baskets, woven ornamental fabrics.
They floated along the At and Tha, and so
reached the Ho.
4. The sea and (mount) Tai were the boundaries
of Khing Kau’.
1 Yen Ku was a small province, having the Ho on the north,
the AT on the south, the gulph of Xih-li on the east, and Yii
Ka4u, Yii’s seventh province, on the west. It embraced the
department of T4-ming, with portions of those of Ho-Aien and
Thien-fing, in Xih-li, and the department of Tung-44ang, with
portions of those of Xi;nan and Yen-Adau, in Shan-tung.
* Khing Kau, having mount Tai and Hsii au (the next
province) on the west and south, Yen Kau and the sea on the
north-west and the north, and the sea on the east and south,
(rt) F
66 THE SHO KING. PART If.
* Khing Kau, having mount Tai and Hsii au (the next
province) on the west and south, Yen Kau and the sea on the
north-west and the north, and the sea on the east and south,
(rt) F
66 THE SHO KING. PART If.
(The territory of) Yii-t was defined ; and the Weiand 3ze were made to keep their (old) channels.
Its soil was whitish and rich. Along the shore
of the sea were wide tracts of salt land. Its fields
were the lowest of the first class, and its contribution of revenue the highest of the second. Its
articles of tribute were salt, fine cloth of dolichos
fibre, productions of the sea of various kinds; with
silk, hemp, lead, pine trees, and strange stones, from
the valleys of Tai. The wild people of LAi were
taught tillage and pasturage, and brought in their
baskets the silk from the mountain mulberry tree.
They floated along the Wan, and so reached
the At.
5. The sea, mount TAi, and the HwéAi were (the
boundaries of) Hsii AAu!.
The Hwdi and the f (rivers) were regulated, The
(hills) Mang and Yui were made fit for cultivation.
(The waters of) Ta-yeh were confined (so as to form
would be still smaller than Yen Adu, and contain the three
departments of Xhing-Adu, Laéi-Adu, and Téng-#4u, with the
western portion of that of A?-nan, in Shan-tung. From the text
we should never suppose that it passed across the sea which
washes the north and east of Shan-tung, and extended indefinitely
into Lido-tung and Corla. This, however, is the view of many
Chinese geographers.
1 The western boundary of Hstt Xu, which is not given in
the text, was Yii Kau, and part of KAing Kau. It embraced |
the present department of Hsti-A4u, the six districts—Th4o-ytian,
Khing-ho, An-tung, Hsti-4Aien, Sui-ning, and Kan-yé, department
of Hwai-an, with Phei Kau and H4i XAu,—all in Xiang-si; the
whole of Yen-44u department, Tung-phing A4u and the south
of Phing-yin district in the department of Th4i-an, the department
of f-44u, and portions of those of Ki-nan and Khing-s4u,—all
in Shan-tung; with the four districts Hw4i-ytan, Wa-ho, Hung,
and Ling-pi, department of Fang-yang, with Sze Kau and Hsti
X4u,—all in An-hui.
BOOK I. THE TRIBUTE OF YU. 67
a marsh) ; and (the tract of) Tung-yilan was successfully brought under management.
The soil of this province was red, clayey, and rich.
Its grass and trees grew more and more bushy. Its
fields were the second of the highest class ; its contribution of revenue was the average of the second.
Its articles of tribute were—earth of five different
colours, variegated pheasants from the valleys of
mount Yii, the solitary dryandra from the south of
mount Yt, and the sounding-stones that (seemed to)
float on the (banks of the) Sze. -The wild tribes
about the Hwdi brought oyster-pearls and fish, and
their baskets full of deep azure and other silken
fabrics, chequered and pure white.
They floated along the Hwéi and the Sze, and so
reached the Ho.
6. The Hwai and the sea formed (the boundaries
of) Yang K4éul.
-The wild tribes
about the Hwdi brought oyster-pearls and fish, and
their baskets full of deep azure and other silken
fabrics, chequered and pure white.
They floated along the Hwéi and the Sze, and so
reached the Ho.
6. The Hwai and the sea formed (the boundaries
of) Yang K4éul.
The (lake of) Phang-It was confined to its proper
limits, and the sun-birds (= the wild geese) had places
' The Hw4i was the boundary of Yang K4u on the north,
and we naturally suppose that the other boundary mentioned,
the sea, should be referred to the south of the province. If it
were really so, Yang A4u must have extended along the coast
as far as Cochin-China, and not a few Chinese scholars argue that
it did so. But that no southern boundary of the province is
mentioned may rather be taken as proving that when this Book
was compiled, the country south of the Kiang—the present
Yang-3ze—was unknown.
Along the greater part of its course, the province was conterminous on the west with Xing Kéu, and in the north-west
with Yui Kau. We may safely assign to it the greater portion of
An-hui, and a part of the department of Hwang-A4u, in Hf-pei.
All this would be the northern portion of the province. How far
it extended southwards into Xé-Aiang and Xiang-hsf, it is impossible to say.
F 2°
68 THE SHO KING. PART Ill.
to settle on. The three Kiang were led to enter
the sea, and it became possible to still the marsh of
Kan. The bamboos, small and large, then spread
about; the grass grew thin and long, and the trees
rose high ; the soil was miry.
The fields of this province were the lowest of the
lowest class; its contribution of revenue was the
highest of the lowest class, with a proportion of the
class above. Its articles of tribute were gold, silver,
and copper; yao and khw4n stones ; bamboos, small
and large; (elephants’) teeth, hides, feathers, hair,
and timber. The wild people of the islands brought
garments of grass, with silks woven in shell-patterns
in their baskets. Their bundles contained small
oranges and pummeloes,—rendered when specially
required.
They followed the course of the Kiang and the
sea, and so reached the HwéAi and the Sze.
7. (Mount) Xing and the south of (mount) Hang
formed (the boundaries of) King Kau’.
The Xiang and the Han pursued their (common)
course to the sea, as if they were hastening to court.
The nine Kiang were brought into complete order.
The Tho and zien (streams) were conducted by
7. (Mount) Xing and the south of (mount) Hang
formed (the boundaries of) King Kau’.
The Xiang and the Han pursued their (common)
course to the sea, as if they were hastening to court.
The nine Kiang were brought into complete order.
The Tho and zien (streams) were conducted by
* Mount Xing, which bounded Xing Ku on the north, is
in the department of Hsiang-yang, Hf-pei, and is called the
southern King, to distinguish it from another mountain of the
same name farther north in Yung Kau. Mount Hang, its southern
boundary, is ‘the southern mountain’ of the Canon of Shun
in Hang-Aau department, Hf-nan. Yang X4u was on the east,
and the country on the west was almost unknown. Xing Kau
contained the greater portion of the present provinces of Hf-pei
and Hf-nan, and parts also of Kwei-44u and Sze-zhiian. Some
geographers also extend it on the south into Kwang-tung and
Kwang-hsi, which is very unlikely.
BOOK I. THE TRIBUTE OF YU. 69
their proper channels. The land in (the marsh of)
Yiin (became visible), and (the marsh of) Mang was
made capable of cultivation.
The soil of this province was miry. Its fields
were the average of the middle class; and its contribution of revenue was the lowest of the highest
class. Its articles of tribute were feathers, hair,
(elephants’) teeth, and hides; gold, silver, and
copper; Aun trees, wood for bows, cedars, and
cypresses; grindstones, whetstones, flint stones to
make arrow-heads, and cinnabar; and the 4fiin
and lf bamboos, with the h@ tree, (all good for
making arrows)—of which the Three Regions were
able to contribute the best specimens. The threeribbed rush was sent in bundles, put into cases.
The baskets were filled with silken fabrics, azure
and deep purple, and with strings of pearls that
were not quite round. From the (country of the)
nine Kiang, the great tortoise was presented when
specially required (and found).
They floated down the Xiang, the Tho, the Kien,
and the Han, and crossed (the country) to the Lo,
whence they reached the most southern part of
the Ho.
8. The King (mountain) and the Ho were (the
boundaries of) Yii KAu?.
The f, the Lo, the A4an, and the Kien were
conducted to the Ho. The (marsh of) Yung-po was
1 Yii K4u was the central one of Yii’s nine divisions of the
country, and was conterminous, for a greater or less distance, with
all of them, excepting AAing K4u, which lay off in the east by
itself. It embraced most of the present Ho-nan, stretching also
into the east and south, so as to comprehend parts of Shan-tung
and H0-pei.
70 THE SHO KING. PART IIL.
confined within its proper limits. The (waters of
that of) Ko were led to (the marsh of) Mang-40.
It embraced most of the present Ho-nan, stretching also
into the east and south, so as to comprehend parts of Shan-tung
and H0-pei.
70 THE SHO KING. PART IIL.
confined within its proper limits. The (waters of
that of) Ko were led to (the marsh of) Mang-40.
The soil of this province was mellow; in the lower
parts it was (in some places) rich, and (in others)
dark and thin. Its fields were the highest of the
middle class; and its contribution of revenue was the
average of the highest class, with a proportion of
the very highest. Its articles of tribute were varnish,
hemp, fine cloth of dolichos fibre, and the boehmerea.
The baskets were full of chequered silks, and of fine
floss silk. Stones for polishing sounding-stones were
rendered when required.
They floated along the Lo, and so reached
the Ho.
9g. The south of (mount) Hwé4 and the Blackwater were (the boundaries of) Liang Kau’.
The (hills) Min and Po were made capable of
cultivation. The Tho and zien streams were
conducted by their proper channels. Sacrifices were
offered to (the hills) 3h4i and M4ng on the regulation (of the country about them).* (The country
of) the wild tribes about the Ho was successfully
operated on.
1 Liang au was an extensive province, and it is a remarkable fact
that neither the dominions of the Shang nor the Kau dynasty, which
followed Hsi4, included it. Portions of it were embraced in the Yui
and Yung provinces of XAu, but the greater part was considered as
wild, savage territory, beyond the limits of the Middle Kingdom. It
is difficult to believe that the great Yu operated upon it, as this
chapter would seem to indicate. The Hw at its north-eastern
corner is the western mountain of Shun. The Black-water, or
‘the Kiang of the Golden Sands,’ is identified with the present
La. The province extended over most of the present Sze-A/ilan,
with parts of Shen-hsf and Kan-s@. I can hardly believe, as many
do, that it extended far into Yiin-nan and Kwei-4au.
BOOK I. THE TRIBUTE OF YU. 71
The soil of this province was greenish and light.
Its fields were the highest of the lowest class; and
its contribution of revenue was the average of the
lowest class, with proportions of the rates immediately above and below. Its articles of tribute were
—the best gold, iron, silver, steel, flint stones to
make arrow-heads, and sounding-stones; with the
skins of bears, foxes, and jackals, and (nets) woven
of their hair.
From (the hill of) Hst-44ing they came by the
course of the Hwan; floated along the AZien, and
then crossed (the country) to the Mien; passed to
the Wei, and (finally) ferried across the Ho.
10. The Black-water and western Ho were (the
boundaries of) Yung Kau}.
The Weak-water was conducted westwards. The
King was led to mingle its waters with those of the
Wei. The AAi and the Ai were next led in a
similar way (to the Wei), and the waters of the Féng
found the same receptacle.
10. The Black-water and western Ho were (the
boundaries of) Yung Kau}.
The Weak-water was conducted westwards. The
King was led to mingle its waters with those of the
Wei. The AAi and the Ai were next led in a
similar way (to the Wei), and the waters of the Féng
found the same receptacle.
(The mountains) King and AAt were sacrificed to.*
(Those of) Kung-nan and Kun-wd (were also regulated), and (all the way) on to Nido-shd. Successful
measures could now be taken with the plains and
swamps, even to (the marsh of) Ad-yeh. (The
country of) San-wei was made habitable, and the
(affairs of the) people of San-mido were greatly
arranged,
2 The Black-water, which was the western boundary of Yung Xu,
was a different river from that which, with the same name, ran along
the south of Liang Kau. Yung Kau was probably the largest of
Y's -provinces, embracing nearly all the present provinces of
Shen-hsi and Kan-s@, and extending indefinitely northwards to the
Desert.
92 THE SHO KING. PART III.
The soil of the province was yellow and mellow.
Its fields were the highest of the highest class, and
its contribution of revenue the lowest of the second.
Its articles of tribute were the £4i0 jade and the
lin, and (the stones called) lang-kan.
Past Ai-shih they floated on to Lung-man on the
western Ho. They then met on the north of the
Wei (with the tribute-bearers from other quarters).
Hair-cloth and skins (were brought from) Khwanlun, Hsi-4ih, and AAii-sdu ;—the wild tribes of the
west (all) coming to (submit to Yii’s) arrangements.
Section 2.
The division of the Book into two sections is a convenient arrangement, but modern, and not always followed. The former section
gives a view of Yii’s labours in each particular province. This
gives a general view of the mountain ranges of the country, and
of the principal streams; going on to other labours, subsequently, as was seen in the Introduction, ascribed to Yt,—his
conferring lands and surnames, and dividing the whole territory
into five domains. The contents are divided into five chapters :
—the first, describing the mountains; the second, describing
the rivers ; the third, containing a summary of all the labours of
Yt thus far mentioned; the fourth, relating his other labours ;
and the fifth, celebrating Yi’s fame, and the completion of his
work,
1. (Yui) surveyed and described (the hills), beginning with Adien and A4i and proceeding to mount
King; then, crossing the Ho, Hf-khau, and Léishau, going on to Thai-yo. (After these came)
Ti-kO and Hsi-£44ng, from which he went on to
Wang-wi; (then there were) Thai-hang and mount
Hang, from which he proceeded to the rocks of
Kieh, where he reached the sea.
(South of the Ho, he surveyed) Hsi-é/ing, K0-yii,
BOOK I. THE TRIBUTE OF YU. 73
and Nido-shd, going on to Thai-hw4; (then) Hsiung-r,
Wai-fang, and Thung-pi, from which he proceeded to
Pei-wei.
(South of the Ho, he surveyed) Hsi-é/ing, K0-yii,
BOOK I. THE TRIBUTE OF YU. 73
and Nido-shd, going on to Thai-hw4; (then) Hsiung-r,
Wai-fang, and Thung-pi, from which he proceeded to
Pei-wei.
He surveyed and described Po-k/ung, going on to
(the other) mount King; and Néi-fang, from which
he went on to Ta-pieh.
(He did the same with) the south of mount Min,
and went on to mount Hang. Then crossing the nine
Kiang, he proceeded to the plain of Fd-£/ien.
2. He traced the Weak-water as far as the Ho-li
(mountains), from which its superfluous waters went
away among the moving sands.
He traced the Black-water as far as San-wei, from
which it (went away to) enter the southern sea.
He traced the Ho from At-shih as far as Lungmn ; and thence, southwards, to the north of (mount)
Hwa; eastward then to Ti-é/0; eastward (again)
to the ford of Mang; eastward (still) to the junction
of the Lo; and then on to T4-pei. (From this the
course was) northwards, past the Kiang-water, on to
TA-lii; north from which the river was divided, and
became the nine Ho, which united again, and formed
the Meeting Ho, when they entered the sea.
From Po-kdung he traced the Yang, which, flowing
eastwards, became the Han. Farther east it became
the water of 3hang-lang; and after passing the three
Dykes, it went on to T4-pieh, southwards from which
it entered the Kiang. Eastward still, and whirling
on, it formed the marsh of Phang-It; and from that
its eastern flow was the northern Xiang, as which it
entered the sea.
From mount Min he traced the Xiang, which,
branching off to the east, formed the Tho; eastward
again, it reached the Lt, passed the nine Kiang, and
74 THE SHO KING. PART III.
went on to Tung-ling; then flowing east, and winding
to the north, it joined (the Han) with its eddying
movements. From that its eastern flow was the
middle Kiang, as which it entered the sea.
He traced the Yen water, which, flowing eastward,
became the Ai, and entered the Ho. (Thereafter)
it flowed out, and became the Yung (marsh). Eastward, it issued forth on the north of Thao-£4id, and
flowed farther east to (the marsh of) Ko; then it
went north-east, and united with the Wan; thence it
went north, and (finally) entered the sea on the
east.
He traced the Hwai from the hill of Thung-pai.
Flowing east, it united with the Sze and the {, and
(still) with an eastward course entered the sea.
He traced the Wei from (the hill) Nido-shd-thunghsiieh. Flowing eastward, it united with the Féng,
and eastwards again with the Aing. Farther east
still, it passed the KAi and the AAii, and entered
the Ho.
He traced the Lo from (the hill) Hsiung-r.
Flowing to the north-east, it united with the Kien
and the Aan, and eastwards still with the {. Then
on the north-east it entered the Ho.
Farther east
still, it passed the KAi and the AAii, and entered
the Ho.
He traced the Lo from (the hill) Hsiung-r.
Flowing to the north-east, it united with the Kien
and the Aan, and eastwards still with the {. Then
on the north-east it entered the Ho.
3. (Thus), throughout the nine provinces a
similar order was effected :—the grounds along the
waters were everywhere made habitable; the hills
were cleared of their superfluous wood and sacrificed to ;* the sources of the rivers were cleared ; the
marshes were well banked ; and access to the capital
was secured for all within the four seas.
The six magazines (of material wealth) were fully
attended to ; the different parts of the country were
subjected to an exact comparison, so that con-
BOOK I. THE TRIBUTE OF YU. 75
tribution of revenue could be carefully adjusted
according to their resources. (The fields) were all
classified with reference to the three characters of
the soil; and the revenues for the Middle Region
were established.
4. He conferred lands and surnames. (He
said), ‘ Let me set the example of a reverent attention to my virtue, and none will act contrary to my
conduct.’
Five hundred It formed the Domain of the
Sovereign. From the first hundred they brought
as revenue the whole plant of the grain; from the
second, the ears, with a portion of the stalk ; from
the third, the straw, but the people had to perform
various services ; from the fourth, the grain in the
husk ; and from the fifth, the grain cleaned.
Five hundred li (beyond) constituted the Domain
of the Nobles. The first hundred lt was occupied
by the cities and lands of the (sovereign’s) high
ministers and great officers; the second, by the
principalities of the barons; and the (other) three
hundred, by the various other princes.
Five hundred 11 (still beyond) formed the Peacesecuring Domain. In the first three hundred, they
cultivated the lessons of learning and moral duties ;
in the other two, they showed the energies of war
and defence.
Five hundred It (remoter still) formed the Domain of Restraint. The (first) three hundred were
occupied by the tribes of the {; the (other) two
hundred, by criminals undergoing the lesser banishment.
Five hundred It (the most remote) constituted
the Wild Domain. The (first) three hundred were
76 THE SHO KING. PART III.
occupied by the tribes of the Man; the (other)
two hundred, by criminals undergoing the greater
banishment.
5. On the east, reaching to the sea; on the west,
extending to the moving sands; to the utmost
limits of the north and south :—his fame and influence filled up (all within) the four seas. Yii
presented the dark-coloured symbol of his rank,
and announced the completion of his work.
a
Book II. THe SpeecuH aT Kan.
Yii
presented the dark-coloured symbol of his rank,
and announced the completion of his work.
a
Book II. THe SpeecuH aT Kan.
Witx this Book there commence the documents of the Sh that
may be regarded, as I have said in the Introduction, as contemporaneous with the events which they describe. It is the
first of the ‘Speeches,’ which form one class of the documents
of the classic.
The text does not say who the king mentioned in it was, but
the prevalent tradition has always been that he was Ki, the son
and successor of Yii. Its place between the Tribute of Yi
and the next Book belonging to the reign of Thai Khang, Ais
son, corroborates this view.
Kan is taken as the name of a place in the southern border of the
principality of H, with the lord of which XAf fought. The name
of HQ itself still remains in the district so called of the department Hsi-an, in Shen-hsf,
The king, about to engage in battle with a rebellious vassal,
assembles his generals and troops, and addresses them. He
declares obscurely the grounds of the expedition which he had
undertaken, and concludes by stimulating the soldiers to the
display of courage and observance of order by promises of
reward and threats of punishment.
There was a great battle at Kan. (Previous to
it), the king called together the six nobles, (the
leaders of his six hosts), and said,‘Ah! all ye who
BOOK II. THE SPEECH AT KAN. 77
are engaged in my six hosts, I have a solemn
announcement to make to you.
‘The lord of Hd wildly wastes and despises the
five elements (that regulate the seasons), and has
idly abandoned the three acknowledged commencements of the year’. On this account Heaven is
about to destroy him, and bring to an end his
appointment (to Hf); and I am now reverently
executing the punishment appointed by Heaven.*
‘If you, (the archers) on the left?, do not do your
work on the left, it will be a disregard of my orders.
If you, (the spearmen) on the right’, do not do your
work on the right, it will be a disregard of my
orders. If you, charioteers?, do not observe the
rules for the management of your horses, it will be
a disregard of my orders. You who obey my orders,
shall be rewarded before (the spirits of) my ancestors; and you who disobey my orders, shall be put
to death before the altar of the spirits of the land,
and I will also put to death your children.’ *
1 The crimes of the lord of Hf are here very obscurely stated.
With regard to the second of them, we know that Hsia commenced
its year with the first month of spring, Shang a month earlier,
and au about mid-winter. It was understood that every dynasty
should fix a new month for the beginning of the year, and the
dynasty of Xhin actually carried its first month back into our
November. If the lord of Hf claimed to begin the year with
another month than that which Yi had fixed, he was refusing
submission to the new dynasty. No doubt, the object of the
expedition was to put down a dangerous rival.
If the lord of Hf claimed to begin the year with
another month than that which Yi had fixed, he was refusing
submission to the new dynasty. No doubt, the object of the
expedition was to put down a dangerous rival.
* The chariots were the principal part of an ancient Chinese
army ; it is long before we read of cavalry. A war-chariot generally carried three. The driver was in the centre; on his left was
an archer, and a spearman occupied the place on his right. They
all wore mail,
78 THE SHO KING. PART III.
Book III. Tue Soncs or THE FIVE Sons.
This Book ranks in that class of the documents of the Shi which
goes by the name of ‘Instructions.’ Though the form of it be
poetical, the subject-matter is derived from the Lessons left by
Yu for the guidance of his posterity.
Thai Khang succeeded to his father in .c. 2188, and his reign continues in chronology to 2160. His character is given here in the
introductory chapter. A‘iung, the principality of f who took the
field against him, is identified with the sub-department of Té-
Ku, department Ai-nan, Shan-tung. There is a tradition that
i, at an early period of his life, was lord of a state in the present
Ho-nan. This would make his movement against Thai Khang,
‘south of the Ho,’ more easy for him. The name of Thai Khang
remains in the district so called of the department AAin-Adu,
Ho-nan. There, it is said, he died, having never been able to
recross the Ho.
In his song the king’s first brother deplores how he had lost
the affections of the people; the second speaks of his dissolute
extravagance ; the third mourns his loss of the throne; the
fourth deplores his departure from the principles of Yu, and its
disastrous consequences; and the fifth is a wail over the miserable condition of them all.
1. Thai Khang occupied the throne like a personator of the dead‘. By idleness and dissipation he
extinguished his virtue, till the black-haired people
all wavered in their allegiance. He, however,
pursued his pleasure and wanderings without any
' The character that here as a verb governs the character signifying ‘throne’ means properly ‘a corpse,’ and is often used for the
personator of the dead, in the sacrificial services to the dead which
formed a large part of the religious ceremonies of the ancient
Chinese. A common definition of it is ‘the semblance of the
spirit, =the image into which the spirit entered. Th4i Khang
was but a personator on the throne, no better than a sham
sovereign.
BOOK III. THE SONGS OF THE FIVE SONS. 79
A common definition of it is ‘the semblance of the
spirit, =the image into which the spirit entered. Th4i Khang
was but a personator on the throne, no better than a sham
sovereign.
BOOK III. THE SONGS OF THE FIVE SONS. 79
self-restraint. He went out to hunt beyond the Lo,
and a hundred days elapsed without his returning.
(On this) f, the prince of A/iung, taking advantage
of the discontent of the people, resisted (his return)
on (the south of) the Ho. The (king’s) five brothers
had attended their mother in following him, and were
waiting for him on the north of the Lo; and (when
they heard of f’s movement), all full of dissatisfaction, they related the Cautions of the great Yii in
the form of songs.
2. The first said,
‘It was the lesson of our great ancestor :—
The people should be cherished,
And not looked down upon.
The people are the root of a country ;
The root firm, the country is tranquil.
When I look at all under heaven,
Of the simple men and simple women,
Any one may surpass me.
If the One man err repeatedly',
Should dissatisfaction be waited for till it appears ?
Before it is seen, it should be guarded against.
In my dealing with the millions of the people,
I should feel as much anxiety as if I were driving
six horses with rotten reins,
The ruler of men—
How should he be but reverent (of his duties) ?’
The second said,
‘It is in the Lessons :-—
When the palace is a wild of lust,
And the country is a wild for hunting ;
1 Any king, in the person of Yu, may be understood to be the
speaker.
80 THE SHO KING. PART III,
When spirits are liked, and music is the delight ;
When there are lofty roofs and carved walls ;—
The existence of any one of these things
Has never been but the prelude to ruin.’
The third said,
‘ There was the lord of Thao and Thang?,
Who possessed this region of Kt.
Now we have fallen from his ways,
And thrown into confusion his rules and laws ;—
The consequence is extinction and ruin.’
The fourth said,
Brightly intelligent was our ancestor,
Sovereign of the myriad regions.
He had canons, he had patterns,
Which he transmitted to his posterity.
The standard stone and the equalizing quarter.
Were in the royal treasury.
Wildly have we dropt the clue he gave us,
Overturning our temple, and extinguishing our
sacrifices.’ *
The fifth said,
‘Oh! whither shall we turn?
The thoughts in my breast make me sad.
All the people are hostile to us ;
On whom can we rely ? .
Anxieties crowd together in our hearts ;
Thick as are our faces, they are covered with blushes.
We have not been careful of our virtue ;
And though we repent, we cannot overtake the
past.’
1 The lord of Théo and Thang is Y4o, who was lord of the principalities of Thao and Thang, but of which first and which last is
uncertain, before his accession to the throne. 7 is the At au
of the Tribute of Yi.
BOOK Iv. THE PUNITIVE EXPEDITION OF YIN. 81
Book IV. Tue Punitive Expepition or YIN.
7 is the At au
of the Tribute of Yi.
BOOK Iv. THE PUNITIVE EXPEDITION OF YIN. 81
Book IV. Tue Punitive Expepition or YIN.
Tus Book is another of the ‘Speeches’ of the Shd, belonging to
the reign of Kung Khang, a brother of Thai Khang, the fourth
of the kings of Shang (B. c. 2159-2147).
Hsi and Ho, the principal ministers of the Board of Astronomy,
descended from those of the same name in the time of Y4o, had
given themselves over to licentious indulgence in their private
cities, and grossly neglected their duties. Especially had they
been unobservant of an eclipse of the sun in autumn. The
king considered them worthy of death, and commissioned the
marquis of Yin to execute on them the sentence of his justice.
Where Yin was is not now known.
The principal part of the Book consists of the speech made by the
marquis to his troops.
1. When Kung Khang commenced his reign
over all within the four seas, the marquis of Yin
was commissioned to take charge of the (king's)
six hosts. (At this time) the Hst and Ho had
neglected the duties of their office, and were abandoned to drink in: their (private) cities; and the
marquis of Yin received the king’s charge to go and
punish them.
2. He made an announcement to his hosts, saying,
‘Ah! ye, all my men, there are the well-counselled
instructions of the sage (founder of our dynasty),
clearly verified in their power to give stability and
security :—‘ The former kings were carefully attentive to the warnings of Heaven!,* and their ministers observed the regular laws (of their offices). All
the officers (moreover) watchfully did their duty to
1 That is, here, such warnings as were supposed to be conveyed
by eclipses and other unusual celestial phenomena.
[rt] G
82 THE SHO KING. PART Il.
assist (the government), and their sovereign became
entirely intelligent.” Every year, in the first month
of spring, the herald, with his wooden-tongued bell,
goes along the roads}, (proclaiming), “ Ye officers
able to instruct, be prepared with your admonitions.
Ye workmen engaged in mechanical affairs, remonstrate on the subjects of your employments. If any
of you do not attend with respect (to this requirement), the country has regular punishments for
you.”
Ye workmen engaged in mechanical affairs, remonstrate on the subjects of your employments. If any
of you do not attend with respect (to this requirement), the country has regular punishments for
you.”
‘Now here are the Hst and Ho. They have
allowed their virtue to be subverted, and are besotted by drink. They have violated the duties of
their office, and left their posts. They have been the
first to let the regulating of the heavenly (bodies) get
into disorder, putting far from them their proper business. On the first day of the last month of autumn,
the sun and moon did not meet harmoniously in
Fang. The blind musicians beat their drums; the
inferior officers galloped, and the common people
(employed about the public offices) ran about®. The
Hst and the Ho, however, as if they were (mere)
personators of the dead in their offices, heard nothing
and knew nothing ;—so stupidly went they astray ©
(from their duties) in the matter of the heavenly
appearances, and rendered themselves liable to the
death appointed by the former kings. The statutes
of government say, “ When they anticipate the time,
let them be put to death without mercy; when (their
1 A similar practice existed in the Kau dynasty.
* See the Introduction, p. 13.
§ Similar observances are still practised on occasion of an
eclipse of the sun. See Biot’s Etudes sur |’Astronomie Indienne
et Chinoise, pp. 357-360.
ROOK Iv. THE PUNITIVE EXPEDITION OF YIN. 83
reckoning) is behind the time, let them be put to
death without mercy.”
‘ Now I, with you all, am entrusted with the execution of the punishment appointed by Heaven.*
Unite your strength, all of you warriors, for the
royal House. Give me your help, I pray you, reverently to carry out the dread charge of the Son of
Heaven.
‘When the fire blazes over the ridge of Khwan',
gems and stones are burned together; but if a
minister of Heaven exceed in doing his duty, the
consequences will be fiercer than blazing fire. While
I destroy, (therefore), the chief criminals, I will not
punish those who have been forced to follow them ;
and those who have long been stained by their
filthy manners will be allowed to renovate themselves.
‘Oh! when sternness overcomes compassion,
things are surely conducted to a successful issue.
When compassion overcomes sternness, no merit
can be achieved. All ye, my warriors, exert yourselves, and take warning, (and obey my orders)!’
1 Khw&n is perhaps a part of the Khw&an-lun mountain in the
west of the Ko-ko-nor, where the Ho has its sources. The
speaker evidently thought of it as volcanic.
G 2
PART IV. THE BOOKS OF SHANG.
Book I. THe SpEEcH oF THANG.
The
speaker evidently thought of it as volcanic.
G 2
PART IV. THE BOOKS OF SHANG.
Book I. THe SpEEcH oF THANG.
SHane was the name under which the dynasty that superseded
Hsia (B.c. 1766) held the kingdom for fully 300 years. Yin
then began to be used as well as Shang, and the dynasty was
called indifferently Shang or Yin, and sometimes Yin-Shang by
a combination of the two names. The ruling House traced its
origin into the remote times of antiquity, through Hsieh, whose
appointment by Shun to be Minister of Instruction is related in
the Canon of Shun. For his services Hsieh was invested with
the principality of Shang, corresponding to the present small
department of the same name in Shen-hst. From MUsieh to
Thang, the founder of the dynasty, there are reckoned fourteen
generations, and we find Thang, when he first becomes prominent
in history, a long way from the ancestral fief, in ‘the southern
Po,’ corresponding to the present district of Shang-AAi0, department Kwei-teh, Ho-nan. The title of the dynasty, however, was
derived from the original Shang.
There were in the Sh, when the collection was formed, thirty-one
documents of Shang in forty Books, of which only eleven remain
in seventeen Books, two of them containing each three parts or
sections. The Speech of Thang, that is now the first Book in
the Part, was originally only the sixth. Thang was the designation of the hero, whose surname, dating from Hsieh, was 3ze,
and name Lf. Thang may be translated, ‘the Glorious One.’
His common style in history is as Khang Thang, ‘Thang the
Completer,’ or ‘ Thang the Successful.’
He had summoned his people to take the field with him against
Kieh, the cruel and doomed sovereign of Hsia, and finding
them backward to the enterprise, he sets forth in this Book his
reasons for attacking the tyrant, argues against their reluctance,
using in the end both promises and threats to induce them to
obey his orders,
BOOK 1. THE SPEECH OF THANG. 85
The king said, ‘Come, ye multitudes of the
people, listen all to my words. It is not I, the
little child}, who dare to undertake a rebellious
enterprise; but for the many crimes of the sovereign
of Hsia, Heaven has given the charge to destroy
him.*
‘ Now, ye multitudes, you are saying, “Our prince
does not compassionate us, but (is calling us) away
from our husbandry to attack and punish Hsia.”
I have indeed heard (these) words of you all; (but)
the sovereign of Hsia is guilty, and, as I fear God,
I dare not but punish him.*
‘Now you are saying, ‘“‘ What are the crimes of
Hsia to us?” The king of Hsia in every way
exhausts the strength of his people, and exercises
oppression in the cities of Hsia. His multitudes
are become entirely indifferent (to his service), and
feel no bond of union (to him). They are saying,
“When wilt thou, O sun, expire? We will all
perish with thee®.”” Such is the course of (the
sovereign) of Hsi4, and now I must go (and punish
him).
His multitudes
are become entirely indifferent (to his service), and
feel no bond of union (to him). They are saying,
“When wilt thou, O sun, expire? We will all
perish with thee®.”” Such is the course of (the
sovereign) of Hsi4, and now I must go (and punish
him).
‘Assist, I pray you, me, the One man, to carry
out the punishment appointed by Heaven. I will
greatly reward you. On no account disbelieve me ;—
I will not eat my words. If you do not obey the
words which I have thus spoken to you, I will put
1 «The little child’ is a designation used humbly of themselves
by the kings of Shang and Kau. It is given also to them and
others by such great ministers as f Yin and the duke of X4u.
3 Kieh, it is said, had on one occasion, when told of the danger
he was incurring by his cruelties, pointed to the sun, and said that
as surely as the sun was in the heavens, so firm was he on the
throne.
86 THE SHO KING. PART Iv.
your children to death with you ;—you shall find no
forgiveness.’
Book IJ. THe ANNOUNCEMENT OF AUNG-HUI.
Tuts Book is the first of the ‘Announcements,’ which form a large
class of the documents in the Shi. They are distinguished
from the Speeches, as being made in a general assembly, or
published, for the information of all, whereas the Speeches were
Made to an army.
Kung-hui, of an old family, whose surname was Zan, with its seat in
the territory of Hsieh, corresponding to the present district of
Thang, department Yen-Aau, Shan-tung, was a minister of Thang.
Thang has been successful against Xieh, and dethroned him, but
is haunted by some feeling of remorse, and afraid that what he
has done may be appealed to in future ages as an apology for
rebellion. This gives occasion to the Announcement, in which
Xung-hui vindicates the proceeding of the king, showing, first,
that he had only obeyed the guidance of Heaven, and, then, that
men consented with Heaven in the matter. He concludes with
various counsels addressed to the king.
1. When Thang the Successful was keeping Kieh
in banishment in Nan-£440', he had a feeling of
shame on account of his conduct, and said, ‘I am
afraid that in future ages men will fill their mouths
with me, (as an apology for their rebellious proceedings.) ’
2. On this Xung-hui made the following announcement: ‘Oh! Heaven gives birth to the people with
(such) desires, that without a ruler they must fall
into all disorders; and Heaven again gives birth
1 Nan-Ahdo is identified with the present district of Kao, department LQ-A4u, An-hui.
BOOK Il. THE ANNOUNCEMENT OF KUNG-HUI. 87
Heaven gives birth to the people with
(such) desires, that without a ruler they must fall
into all disorders; and Heaven again gives birth
1 Nan-Ahdo is identified with the present district of Kao, department LQ-A4u, An-hui.
BOOK Il. THE ANNOUNCEMENT OF KUNG-HUI. 87
to the man of intelligence to regulate them.* The
sovereign of Hsia had his virtue all-obscured, and
the people were (as if they had fallen) amid mire
and (burning) charcoal. Heaven hereupon gifted
(our) king with valour and prudence, to serve as
a sign and director to the myriad regions, and
to continue the old ways of Yii. You are now
(only) following the proper course, honouring and
obeying the appointment of Heaven. The king
of Hsia was an offender, falsely and calumniously
alleging the sanction of supreme Heaven, to spread
abroad his commands among the people. On this
account God viewed him with disapprobation,
caused our Shang to receive his appointment, and
employed (you) to enlighten the multitudes (of the
people).’ *
3. ‘Contemners of the worthy and parasites of
the powerful,—many such followers he had indeed ;
(but) from the first our country was to the sovereign
of Hsia like weeds among the springing corn, and
blasted grains among the good. (Our people), great
and small; were in constant apprehension, fearful
though they were guilty of no crime. How much
more was this the case, when our (prince’s) virtues
became a theme (eagerly) listened to! Our king
did not approach to (dissolute) music and women ;
he did not seek to accumulate property and wealth.
To great virtue he gave great offices, and to great
merit great rewards. He employed others as if
(their excellences) were his own; he was not slow
to change his errors. Rightly indulgent and rightly
benevolent, from the display (of such virtue), confidence was reposed in him by the millions of the
people.
88 THE suo KING. PART Iv.
‘When the earl of Ko! showed his enmity to the
provision-carriers, the work of punishment began
with Ko. When it went on in the east, the wild
tribes of the west murmured; when it went on in
the south, those of the north murmured :—they said,
“Why does he make us alone the last ?” To whatever people he went, they congratulated one another in
their families, saying, “We have waited for our prince;
our prince is come, and we revive.” The people’s
honouring our Shang is a thing of long existence.’
4. ‘Show favour to the able and right-principled
(among the princes), and aid the virtuous; distinguish
the loyal, and let the good have free course. Absorb
the weak, and punish the wilfully blind; take their
states from the disorderly, and deal summarily with
those going to ruin. When you (thus) accelerate
the end of what is (of itself) ready to perish, and
strengthen what is itself strong to live, how will
the states all flourish! When (a sovereign’s) virtue
is daily being renewed, he is cherished throughout
the myriad regions; when his mind is full (only) of
himself, he is abandoned by the nine branches of
his kindred. Exert yourself, O king, to make your
virtue (still more) illustrious, and set up (the standard
of) the Mean before the people. Order your affairs
1 Ko was a principality corresponding to the present district of
Ning-ling, department of Kwei-teh, Ho-nan. It was thus near the
southern Po, which belonged to Thang. Mencius tells us (III, ii,
ch. 3) that Thang sent a multitude of his people to assist the farmers
of Ko, about the poor produce of which their chief had lamented
to him. That chief, however, instead of showing any gratitude,
surprised and robbed those who were carrying provisions from Po
to the labourers in the field, and committed various atrocities upon
them. This aroused Thang’s indignation, and he made him the
first object of his punitive justice.
BOOK III. THE ANNOUNCEMENT OF THANG. 89
by righteousness; order your heart by propriety ;—
so shall you transmit a grand example to posterity.
I have heard the saying, “ He who finds instructors
for himself, comes to the supreme dominion; he
who says that others are not equal to himself,
comes to ruin. He who likes to put questions,
becomes enlarged; he who uses only his ‘own
views, becomes smaller (than he was).” Oh! he
who would take care for the end must be attentive
to the beginning. There is establishment for the
observers of propriety, and overthrow for the blinded
and wantonly indifferent. To revere and honour
the path prescribed by Heaven is the way ever to
preserve the favouring appointment of Heaven.’ *
Book III. Tue ANNouNCEMENT OF THANG.
Tuane had made an end of the dynasty of Hsia, and returned to
Po, when he issued this Announcement, which may be considered as a solemn inauguration of the new dynasty. He
shows how he had taken possession of the throne in reverent
submission to the will of Heaven, what appreciation he had of
the duties devolving on him, and the spirit in which he would
discharge them. In the end he calls on the princes and the
people to sympathize and co-operate with him.
1. When the king returned from vanquishing
Hsia and came to Po, he made a grand announcement to the myriad regions.
2. The king said, ‘Ah! ye multitudes of the
myriad regions, listen clearly to the announcement
of me, the One man!. The great God has conferred
1. When the king returned from vanquishing
Hsia and came to Po, he made a grand announcement to the myriad regions.
2. The king said, ‘Ah! ye multitudes of the
myriad regions, listen clearly to the announcement
of me, the One man!. The great God has conferred
1 «The One man’ has occurred before, in the Songs of the
Five Sons, as a designation of the sovereign. It continues to be
so to the present day.
90 THE SHO KING. PART IV.
(even) on the inferior people a moral sense, compliance with which would show their nature invariably right.* To make them tranquilly pursue the
course which it would indicate is the work of the
sovereign.
‘The king of Hsia extinguished his virtue, and
played the tyrant, extending his oppression over you,
the people of the myriad regions. Suffering from
his cruel injuries, and unable to endure the wormwood and poison, you protested with one accord
your innocence to the spirits of heaven and earth.*
The way of Heaven is to bless the good, and make
the bad miserable. It sent down calamities on (the
House of) Hsia, to make manifest its guilt. Therefore
I, the little child, charged with the decree of Heaven
and its bright terrors, did not dare to forgive (the
criminal). I presumed to use a dark-coloured victimbull, and, making clear announcement to the Spiritual
Sovereign in the high heavens?, requested leave to
deal with the ruler of Hsia as a criminal.* Then
I sought for the great Sage *, with whom I might
unite my strength, to request the favour (of Heaven)
for you, my multitudes. High Heaven truly showed
its favour to the inferior people, and the criminal
has been degraded and subjected. What Heaven
appoints is without error ;—brilliantly (now), like
the blossoming of plants and trees, the millions of
the people show a true reviving.’ *
3. ‘It is given to me, the One man, to secure the
’ For ‘the Spiritual Sovereign in the high heavens,’ we have in
the Confucian Analects, XX, 1, professing to quote this passage,
‘the most great and Sovereign God.’
2 <The great Sage’ must be f Yin, Thang’s chief adviser and
minister, who appears prominently in the next Book.
BOOK III. THE ANNOUNCEMENT OF THANG. gI
BOOK III. THE ANNOUNCEMENT OF THANG. gI
harmony and tranquillity of your states and clans ;
and now I know not whether I may not offend
against (the Powers) above and below.* I am fearful
and trembling, as if I were in danger of falling into
a deep abyss. Throughout all the regions that
enter on a new life under me, do not, (ye princes),
follow lawless ways ; make no approach to insolence
and dissoluteness ; let every one be careful to keep
his statutes ;—that so we may receive the favour
of Heaven.* The good in you I will not dare
to keep concealed; and for the evil in me I will
not dare to forgive myself. I will examine these
things in harmony with the mind of God.* When
guilt is found anywhere in you who occupy the
myriad regions, let it rest on me, the One man’.
When guilt is found in me, the One man, it shall
not attach to you who occupy the myriad regions.
‘Oh! let us attain to be sincere in these things,
and so we shall likewise have a (happy) consummation.’
1 There was a tradition in the Xau dynasty, given with variations by Hsiin-3ze, Sze-m4 A‘Aien, and others, which may be quoted
to illustrate these noble sentiments of Thang. For seven years
after his accession to the throne, B. c. 1766-1760, there was a great
drought and famine. It was suggested at last that some human
being should be offered in sacrifice to Heaven, and prayer made for
rain. Thang said, ‘Ifa man must be the victim, I will be he.’ He
fasted, cut off his hair and nails, and in a plain carriage, drawn by
white horses, clad in rushes, in the guise of a sacrificial victim, he
proceeded to a forest of mulberry trees, and there prayed, asking
to what error or crime of his the calamity was owing. He had not
done speaking when a copious rain fell.
92 THE SHO KING. PART IV.
Boox IV. Tue Instructions or f.
He had not
done speaking when a copious rain fell.
92 THE SHO KING. PART IV.
Boox IV. Tue Instructions or f.
Tuane died in B.c. 1754 or 1753, and was succeeded, so far as the
evidence of the ShQ goes, by his grandson, known as Thai Xia.
The chief minister of Thang had been f Yin, who delivers these
Instructions to his young sovereign soon after his accession.
ft was a great and wise man, ‘a great sage,’ as Thang calls him
in the last Book, and is classed by Mencius among other
celebrated ministers as ‘the one most inclined to take office.’
He reasons thus :—‘ Heaven’s plan with mankind is that they
who are first informed should instruct those who are later in
being informed, and they who first apprehend principles should
instruct those who are later in doing so.’ He thought he was
one of the former class, and a fire burned within him, impelling
him to seek for office with a view to benefit the ignorant and
erring. There were many legends about him in the times of
Kau. He was surnamed f, from having been born near the
river of that name, an affluent of the Ho. His name is said to
pave been Xih, and also A-hing (see the beginning of next
Book). Yin was his designation. Thang had, probably, entrusted
to him the guardianship of his grandson, and so he now went
over the history of the kingdom from Yi, till it was transferred
from the line of Hsia to that of Shang, celebrated the virtues of
Thang and his government, and warned the young king of the
fate that he must incur, if he neglected the instructions given to
him.
1. In the twelfth month of the first year, on (the
day) Yt-244u, { Yin sacrificed to the former king,
and presented the heir-king reverently before (the
shrine of) his grandfather.* All the princes from
the domain of the nobles and the royal domain were
present; all the officers (also), each continuing to
discharge his particular duties, were there to receive
the orders of the chief minister. { Yin then clearly
described the complete virtue of the Meritorious
Ancestor for the instruction of the (young) king.
BOOK IV. THE INSTRUCTIONS OF f. 93
{ Yin then clearly
described the complete virtue of the Meritorious
Ancestor for the instruction of the (young) king.
BOOK IV. THE INSTRUCTIONS OF f. 93
2. He said, ‘Oh! of old the former kings of Hsia
cultivated earnestly their virtue, and then there
were no calamities from Heaven. The spirits of
the hills and rivers likewise were all in tranquillity;
and the birds and beasts, the fishes and tortoises, all
enjoyed their existence according to their nature.*
But their descendant did not follow (their example),
and great Heaven sent down calamities, employing
the agency of our (ruler) who was in possession of
its favouring appointment.* The attack (on Hsia)
may be traced to (the orgies in) Ming-thido, but our
(rise) began in Po. Our king of Shang brilliantly
displayed his sagely prowess ; for oppression he substituted his generous gentleness; and the millions
of the people gave him their hearts. Now your
Majesty is entering on the inheritance of his
virtue ;—all depends on (how) you commence your
reign. To set up love, it is for you to love (your
relations) ; to set up respect, it is for you to respect
(your elders). The commencement is in the family
and the state; the consummation is in (all within)
the four seas.’
3. ‘Oh! the former king began with careful
attention to the bonds that hold men together.
He listened to expostulation, and did not seek to
resist it; he conformed to (the wisdom of) the
ancients; occupying the highest position, he displayed intelligence ; occupying an inferior position,
. he displayed his loyalty; he allowed (the good
qualities of) the men (whom he employed), and did
1 Ming-thido was a place not far from the capital of Xieh (in the
present district of An-yi, Hai Kau, Shan-hsi). He had a palace
there, where the vilest orgies were celebrated that alienated the
minds of the people from him,
94 THE SHO KING. PART IV.
not seek that they should have every talent ; in the
government of himself, he seemed to think that he
could never (sufficiently) attain. It was thus he
arrived at the possession of the myriad regions.—
How painstaking was he in these things!
PART IV.
not seek that they should have every talent ; in the
government of himself, he seemed to think that he
could never (sufficiently) attain. It was thus he
arrived at the possession of the myriad regions.—
How painstaking was he in these things!
‘He extensively sought out wise men, who should
be helpful to you, his descendant and heir. He
laid down the punishments for officers, and warned
those who were in authority, saying, “If you dare
to have constant dancing in your palaces, and
drunken singing in your chambers,—that is called
the fashion of sorcerers; if you dare to set your
hearts on wealth and women, and abandon yourselves to wandering about or to the chase,—that
is called the fashion of extravagance; if you dare
to despise sage words, to resist the loyal and upright, to put far from you the aged and virtuous,
and to seek the company of procacious ‘youths,—
that is called the fashion of disorder. Now if a
high noble or officer be addicted to one of these
three fashions with their ten evil ways!, his family
will surely come to ruin; if the prince of a country
be so addicted, his state will surely come to ruin.
The minister who does not (try to) correct (such
vices in the sovereign) shall be punished with
branding.” These rules were minutely inculcated
(also) on the sons of offrcers and nobles in their
lessons.’
4. ‘Oh! do you, who now succeed to the throne,
revere (these warnings) in your person. Think of
1 The ‘ten evil ways’ are those mentioned in connexion with
the three evil fashions ;—two under the sorcerers’ fashion, and four
under each of the other two fashions,
BOOK V. THE THAI xiA. 95
them !—sacred counsels of vast importance, admirable words forcibly set forth! (The ways) of God
are not invariable:—on the good-doer he sends
down all blessings, and on the evil-doer he sends
‘down all miseries.*¥ Do you but be virtuous, be it
in small things (or in large), and the myriad regions
will have cause for rejoicing. If you be not virtuous, be it in large things (or in small), it will bring
the ruin of your ancestral temple.’
Book V. Tue TuAr AiA.
If you be not virtuous, be it in large things (or in small), it will bring
the ruin of your ancestral temple.’
Book V. Tue TuAr AiA.
Tuts Book also belongs to the class of ‘ Lessons or Instructions,’ and
is called ‘the Thai Ai4, because the Instructions were addressed
to the young monarch so named. It is divided into three sections or parts. f Yin finds the young sovereign disobedient to his
counsels, and proceeds to a high-handed measure. He removes
him from his palace and companions, and keeps him in a sort of
easy confinement, near the grave of his grandfather, all the period
of mourning ; and Thai Xia becomes sincerely penitent and virtuous. This is related in the first section. In the second, ft Yin
brings the king back with honour to Po, to undertake the duties
of the government, and congratulates him on his reformation.
The king responds suitably, and asks the minister to continue to
afford him his counsels, which the other at once proceeds to do.
The third section is all occupied with further and important
counsels.
Section 1.
1, The king, on succeeding to the throne, did not
follow (the advice of) A-hing'. (A-hang or) f Yin
1 A-hing, it is said by Sze-m4 K/ien, was the name of f. Others
make it the title of the chief minister under the dynasty of Shang, =
‘the Support and Steelyard,’ ‘the Buttress and Director.’
66 THE SHO KING. PART IV.
then made the following writing’:—‘ The former
king kept his eye continually on the bright requirements of Heaven, and so he maintained the worship
of the spirits of heaven and earth, of those presiding
over the land and the grain, and of those of the
ancestral temple ;—all with a sincere reverence. *
Heaven took notice of his virtue, and caused its
great appointment to light on him, that he should
soothe and tranquillize the myriad regions.* I, Yin,
then gave my assistance to my sovereign in the
settlement of the people; and thus it is that you,
O heir-king, have received the great inheritance.
I have seen it myself in Hsia with its western
capital, that when its rulers went through a prosperous course to the end, their ministers also did
the same, and afterwards, when their successors
could not attain to such a consummation, neither
did their ministers. Take warning, O heir-king.
Reverently use your sovereignty. If you do not
play the sovereign, as the name requires, you will
disgrace your grandfather.’
2. The king would not think (of these words),
nor listen to them. On this f Yin said, ‘The
former king, before it was light, sought to have
large and clear views, and then sat waiting for
the dawn (to carry them into practice). He (also)
sought on every side for men of ability and virtue,
to instruct and guide his posterity. Do not frustrate his charge (to me), and bring on yourself your
own overthrow. Be careful to strive after the virtue
1 This is the first direct statement in the Shi of a communication made in writing.
Do not frustrate his charge (to me), and bring on yourself your
own overthrow. Be careful to strive after the virtue
1 This is the first direct statement in the Shi of a communication made in writing.
4 An-yt, the capital of Hsia, might be described as ‘ western,’
from the standpoint of Po.
BOOK V. THE THAI gIA, 97
of self-restraint, ahd cherish far-reaching plans. Be
like the forester, who, when he has adjusted the
spring, goes to examine the end of the arrow,
whether it be placed according to rule, and then
lets go; reverently determine your aim, and follow
the ways of your grandfather. Thus I shall be
delighted, and be able to show to all ages that I
have discharged my trust.’
3. The king was not yet able to change (his
course). f Yin said (to himself), ‘This is (real)
unrighteousness, and is becoming by practice (a
second) nature. I cannot bear to be near (so)
disobedient (a person). I will build (a place) in
the palace at Thung!, where he can be in silence
near (the grave of) the former king. This will be
a lesson which will keep him from going astray all
his life The king went (accordingly) to the palace
at Thung, and dwelt during the period of mourning.
In the end he became sincerely virtuous.
Section 2.
1. On the first day of the twelfth month of his
third year, f Yin escorted the young king in the
royal cap and robes back to Po. (At the same time)
he made the following writing :—
‘Without the sovereign, the people cannot have
that guidance which is necessary to (the comfort of)
their lives ; without the people, the sovereign would
have no sway over the four quarters (of the kingdom).
1 Thung was the place where Thang’s tomb was ; probably in the
present district of Yung-ho, department of Ph(-44au, Shan-hst. The
site or supposed site of the grave there was washed away in an
overflow of the Fan river under the Yiian dynasty, and a stone
coffin was removed to another position, near which a royal tomb
has been built.
[1] H
98 THE SHO KING. PART IV.
Great Heaven has graciously favoured the House of
Shang, and granted to you, O young king, at last to
become virtuous.* This is indeed a blessing that will
extend without limit to ten thousand generations.’
2. The king did obeisance with his face to his
hands and his head to the ground, saying, ‘I, the
little child, was without understanding of what was
virtuous, and was making myself one of the unworthy. By my desires I was setting at nought all
rules of conduct, and violating by my self-indulgence
all rules of propriety, and the result must have
been speedy ruin to my person. Calamities sent by
' Heaven may be avoided, but from calamities brought
on by one’s self there is no escape.* Heretofore I
turned my back on the instructions of you, my tutor
and guardian ;—my beginning has been marked by
incompetency. Let me still rely on your correcting
and preserving virtue, keeping this in view that my
end may be good!’
Let me still rely on your correcting
and preserving virtue, keeping this in view that my
end may be good!’
3. f Yin did obeisance with his face to his
hands and his head on the ground, and said, ‘To
cultivate his person, and by being sincerely virtuous,
bring (all) below to harmonious concord with him ;—
this is the work of the intelligent sovereign. The
former king was kind to the distressed and suffering,
as if they were his children, and the people submitted to his commands,—all with sincere delight.
Even in the states of the neighbouring princes, (the
people) said, “ We are waiting for our sovereign ;
when our sovereign comes, we shall not suffer the
punishments (that we now do).”
‘O king, zealously cultivate your virtue. Regard
(the example of) your meritorious grandfather. At
no time allow yourself in pleasure and idleness. In
BOOK V. THE THAI KIA. 99
worshipping your ancestors, think how you can prove
your filial piety ;* in receiving your ministers, think
how you can show yourself respectful ; in looking to
what is distant, try to get clear views; have your
ears ever open to lessons of virtue ;—then shall I
acknowledge (and respond to) the excellence of your
majesty with an untiring (devotion to your service).
Section 3.
1. f Yin again made an announcement to the
king, saying, ‘Oh! Heaven has no (partial) affection ;—only to those who are reverent does it show
affection.* The people are not constant to those
whom they cherish ;—they cherish (only) him who
is benevolent. The spirits do not always accept the
sacrifices that are offered to them ;—they accept only
the sacrifices of the sincere.* A place of difficulty
is the Heaven-(conferred) seat. When there are
(those) virtues, good government is realized; when
they are not, disorder comes. To maintain the same
principles as those who secured good government
will surely lead to prosperity ; to pursue the courses
of disorder will surely lead to ruin. He who at
last, as at first, is careful as to whom and what he
follows is a truly intelligent sovereign. The former
king was always zealous in the reverent cultivation
of his virtue, so that he was the fellow of God'!.*
Now, O king, you have entered on the inheritance
of his excellent line ;—fix your inspection on him.’
2. ‘(Your course must be) as when in ascending
1 This phrase is used, as here, with reference to the virtue of a
sovereign, making him as it were the mate of God, ruling on earth
as He rules above ; and with reference to the honours paid toa
departed sovereign, when he is associated with God in the great
sacrificial services,
H 2
‘100 THE SHO KING. PART IV.
PART IV.
high you begin from where it is low, and when in
travelling far you begin from where it is near. Do
not slight the occupations of the people ;—think of
their difficulties. Do not yield to a feeling of repose
on your throne ;—think of its perils. Be careful for
the end at the beginning. When you hear words
that are distasteful to your mind, you must enquire
whether they be not right; when you hear words
that accord with your own views, you must enquire
whether they be not contrary to what is right. Oh!
what attainment can be made without anxious
thought ? what achievement can be made without
earnest effort? Let the One man be greatly good,
and the myriad regions will be rectified by him.’
3. ‘When the sovereign does not with disputatious
words throw the old rules of government into confusion, and the minister does not, for favour and gain,
continue in an office whose work is done,—then the
country will lastingly and surely enjoy happiness.’
Book VI.
THE Common Possession oF PuRE VIRTUE.
Tuis is the last of the ‘Instructions’ of f Yin;—addressed, like those
of the last two Books, to Thai Xia, but at a later period when
the great minister wished to retire from the toils of administration. He now disappears from the stage of history, though
according to Sze-ma Kéien, and a notice in the Preface to the
Shd, he lived on to B.c. 1713, the eighth year of Thai Xia’s son
and successor.
In this Book, his subject is ‘Pure or Single-eyed Virtue,’ and the
importance of it to the ruler of the kingdom. He dwells on
the fall of Xieh through his want of this virtue, and the elevation of Thang through his possession of it; treats generally on its
nature and results ; and urges the cultivation of it on Thai Kia.
1. { Yin, having returned the government into
BOOK VI. THE POSSESSION OF PURE VIRTUE. IOI
the hands of his sovereign, and being about to
announce his retirement, set forth admonitions on
the subject of virtue.
1. { Yin, having returned the government into
BOOK VI. THE POSSESSION OF PURE VIRTUE. IOI
the hands of his sovereign, and being about to
announce his retirement, set forth admonitions on
the subject of virtue.
2. He said, ‘Oh! it is difficult to rely on Heaven; —
its appointments are not constant.* (But if the
sovereign see to it that) his virtue be constant, he
will preserve his throne; if his virtue be not constant, the nine provinces will be lost by him. The
king of Hsi& could not maintain the virtue (of his
ancestors) unchanged, but contemned the spirits
and oppressed the people. Great Heaven no (longer)
extended its protection to him. It looked out among
the myriad regions to give its guidance to one who
should receive its favouring appointment, fondly
seeking (a possessor of) pure virtue, whom it might
make lord of all the spirits.* Then there were I,
Yin, and Thang, both possessed of pure virtue, and
able to satisfy the mind of Heaven. He received
(in consequence) the bright favour of Heaven, so as
to become possessor of the multitudes of the nine
provinces, and proceeded to change Hsia’s commencement of the year. It was not that Heaven
had any private partiality for the lord of Shang ;—it
simply gave its favour to pure virtue.* It was not
that Shang sought (the allegiance of) the lower
people ;—the people simply turned to pure virtue.
Where (the sovereign’s) virtue is pure, his enterprizes are all fortunate ; where his virtue is wavering
and uncertain, his enterprizes are all unfortunate.
Good and evil do not wrongly befal men, but
Heaven sends down misery or happiness according
to their conduct.’ *
3. ‘ Now, O young king, you are newly entering on
your (great) appointment,—you should be seeking to
102 THE SHO KING. PART lv.
make new your virtue. At last, as at first, have this
as your one object, so shall you make a daily renovation. Let the officers whom you employ be men
of virtue and ability, and let the ministers about you
be the right men. The minister, in relation to (his
sovereign) above him, has to promote his virtue,
and, in relation to the (people) beneath him, has
to seek their good. How hard must it be (to find
the proper man)! what careful attention must be
required! (Thereafter) there must be harmony
(cultivated with him), and a oneness (of confidence
placed in him).
‘There is no invariable model of virtue ;—a supreme regard to what is good gives the model of it.
There is no invariable characteristic of what is good
that is to be supremely regarded ;—it is found where
there is a conformity to the uniform consciousness
(in regard to what is good). (Such virtue) will
make the people with their myriad surnames all say,
“ How great are the words of the king!” and also,
“ How single and pure is the king’s heart!” It will
avail to maintain in tranquillity the rich possession
of the former king, and to secure for ever the
(happy) life of the multitudes of the people.’
4. ‘Oh! (to retain a place) in the seven-shrined
temple? of ancestors is a sufficient witness of virtue.*
To be acknowledged as chief by the myriad heads of
families is a sufficient evidence of one’s government.
' It is beyond a doubt that the ancestral temple of the kings of
Ku contained seven shrines or seven small temples, for the occupancy of which, by the spirit-tablets of such and such kings, there
were definite rules, as the line of sovereigns increased. It would
appear from the text that a similar practice prevailed in the time of
the Shang dynasty.
BOOK VII. THE PAN-KANG. 103
The sovereign without the people has none whom
he can employ ; and the people without the sovereign
have none whom they can serve. Do not think yourself so large as to deem others small. If ordinary
men and women do not find the opportunity to give
full development to their ability, the people’s lord
will be without the proper aids to complete his
merit.’
Book VII, Tue Pan-K&Ana.
Pan-KXne was the seventeenth sovereign in the line of Thang. From
Thai £14 to him, therefore, there was a space of 321 years, which
are a gap in the history ofthe Shang dynasty, so far as the existing
documents of the Shi are concerned. When the collection was
complete, there were seven other documents between ‘the Common Possession of Pure Virtue’ and ‘ the Pan-k4ng,’ but the latest
of them belonged to the reign of 30-yi, B.c. 1825-1507.
The reign of Pan-kang extended from B.c. 1401 to 1374, and is
remarkable as that in which the dynasty began to be called Yin,
instead of Shang. The Book belongs to the class of ‘Announcements,’ and is divided into three sections.
The contents centre round the removal of the capital from the
north of the Ho to Yin on the south of it. The king saw that
the removal was necessary, but had to contend with the unwillingness of the people to adopt such a step, and the opposition of
the great families. The first section relates how he endeavoured
to vindicate the measure, and contains two addresses, to the
people and to those in high places, respectively, designed to
secure theircordial co-operation. The second section brings before
us the removal in progress, but there continue to be dissatisfactions, which the king endeavours to remove by a long and
earnest defence of his course. The third section opens with the
removal accomplished. The new city has been founded, and
the plan of it laid out. The king makes a fresh appeal to the
people and chiefs, to forget all their heart-burnings, and join
with him in building up in the new capital a great destiny for
the dynasty.
104 THE SHO KING. PART Iv.
Section 1.
The new city has been founded, and
the plan of it laid out. The king makes a fresh appeal to the
people and chiefs, to forget all their heart-burnings, and join
with him in building up in the new capital a great destiny for
the dynasty.
104 THE SHO KING. PART Iv.
Section 1.
1. Pan-kang wished to remove (the capital) to Yin},
but the people would not go to dwell there. He
therefore appealed to all the discontented, and made
the following protestations. ‘Our king, (30-yt),
came, and fixed on this (Kang for his capital). He
did so from a deep concern for our people, and not
because he would have them all die, where they
cannot (now) help one another to preserve their ©
lives. I have consulted the tortoise-shell, and obtained the reply—“ This is no place for us.” When
the former kings had any (important) business, they
gave reverent heed to the commands of Heaven.* In
a case like this especially they did not indulge (the
wish for) constant repose,—they did not abide ever
in the same city. Up to this time (the capital has
been) in five regions?, If we do not follow (the
example) of these old times, we shall be refusing to
acknowledge that Heaven is making an end of our
dynasty (here) ;—how little can it be said of us that
we are following the meritorious course of the former
kings! As from the stump of a felled tree there are
sprouts and shoots, Heaven will perpetuate its decree in our favour in this new city;—the great
inheritance of the former kings will be continued
and renewed, and tranquillity will be secured to the
four quarters (of the kingdom),’ *
? The removal was probably necessitated by an inundation of the
Ho. Kang had been fixed on by 30-yf for his capital. The Yin
to which Pan-kang removed was in the present district of Yen-sze,
department Ho-nan, Ho-nan.
* This fact—the frequent change of capital—does not give us a
great idea of the stability and resources of the Shang dynasty.
BOOK VII. THE PAN-KANG. 105
2. Pan-king, in making the people aware of his
* This fact—the frequent change of capital—does not give us a
great idea of the stability and resources of the Shang dynasty.
BOOK VII. THE PAN-KANG. 105
2. Pan-king, in making the people aware of his
views, began with those who were in (high) places,
and took the constantly-recurring circumstances of
former times to lay down the right law and measure
(for the present emergency), saying, ‘Let none of
you dare to suppress the remonstrances of the poor
people.’ The king commanded all to come to him
in the courtyard (of his palace).
_ The king spoke to this effect :—‘ Come, all of
you; I will announce to you my instructions. Take
counsel how to put away your (selfish) thoughts.
Do not with haughty (disregard of me) follow after
your own ease. Of old, our former kings planned
like me how to employ the men of old families to
share in (the labours of) government. When they
wished to proclaim and announce what was to be
attended to, these did not conceal the royal views ;
and on this account the kings greatly respected them.
They did not exceed the truth (in their communications with the people), and on this account the people
became greatly changed (in their views). Now, (however), you keep clamouring, and get the confidence
(of the people) by alarming and shallow speeches ;—
I do not know what you are wrangling about. (In
this movement) I am not myself abandoning my
proper virtue, but you conceal the goodness of my
intentions, and do not stand in awe of me, the One
man. I see you as clearly as one sees a fire ; but I,
likewise, by my undecided plans, have produced your
error.
‘When the net has its line, there is order and not
confusion ; and when the husbandman labours upon
his fields, and reaps with all his might, there is the
(abundant) harvest. If you can put away your
106 THE sH KING. PART IV.
‘When the net has its line, there is order and not
confusion ; and when the husbandman labours upon
his fields, and reaps with all his might, there is the
(abundant) harvest. If you can put away your
106 THE sH KING. PART IV.
(selfish) thoughts, and bestow real good upon the
people, reaching (also) to your own relatives and
friends, you may boldly venture to make your words
great, and say that you have accumulated merit.
But you do not fear the great evils which (through
our not removing) are extending far and near ; (you
are like) idle husbandmen, who yield themselves to
ease, and are not strong to toil and labour on their
acres, so that they cannot get their crop of millets.
You do not speak in a spirit of harmony and goodness to the people, and are only giving birth to bitter
evils for yourselves. You play the part of destroyers
and authors of calamity, of villains and traitors, to
bring down misery on your own persons. You set
the example of evil, and must feel its smart ;—what
will it avail you (then) to repent? Look at the
poor people ;—they are still able to look to one
another and give expression to their remonstrances,
but when they begin to speak, you are ready with
your extravagant talk ;—how much more ought you
to have me before your eyes, with whom it is to
make your lives long or short! Why do you not report (their words) to me, but go about to excite one
another by empty speeches, frightening and involving
the multitudes in misery? When a fire is blazing
in the flames so that it cannot be approached, can it
still be beaten out? So, it will not be I who will be
to blame, that you all cause dispeace in this way,
(and must suffer the consequences.)
‘ Khih Zan! has said, “In men we seek those of
old families ; in vessels, we do not seek old ones,
1 Who Ki’ih Zan was is not known. The general opinion is,
that he was an ancient historiographer. A Au Zan is introduced
in a similar way in the Confucian Analects, XVI, 1.
—————_——_~—- —
BOOK VII, THE PAN-KANG. 107
but new.” Of old, the kings, my predecessors, and
your forefathers and fathers shared together the
ease and labours (of the government) ;—how should
I dare to lay undeserved afflictions on you? For
generations the toils of your (fathers) have been
approved, and I will not conceal your goodness.
Now when I offer the great sacrifices to my predecessors, your forefathers are present to share in
them.* (They all observe) the happiness I confer
and the sufferings I inflict, and I cannot dare to
reward virtue that does not exist.
Now when I offer the great sacrifices to my predecessors, your forefathers are present to share in
them.* (They all observe) the happiness I confer
and the sufferings I inflict, and I cannot dare to
reward virtue that does not exist.
‘I have announced to you the difficulties (of the
intended movement), being bent on it, like an archer
(whose only thought is to hit). Do not you despise
the old and experienced, and do not make little of
the helpless and young. Seek every one long continuance in this (new city), which is to be your abode ;
exert yourselves and put out your strength (in furthering the removal), and listen to the plans of me,
the One man. _I will make no distinction between
men as being more distantly or more nearly related
to me ;—the criminal (in this matter) shall die the
death, and the good-doer shall have his virtue distinguished. The prosperity of the country (ought
to) come from you all. If it fail of prosperity, that
must arise from me, the One man, erring in the
application of punishment. Be sure, all of you, to
make known this announcement. From this time
forward, attend respectfully to your business; have
(the duties of) your offices regularly adjusted; bring
your tongues under the rule of law :—lest punishment come upon you, when repentance will be of no
avail.’
108 THE SHO KING. PART IV.
Section 2.
1. Pan-kang arose, and (was about to) cross the
Ho with the people, moving (to the new capital).
Accordingly, he addressed himself to those of them
who were (still) dissatisfied, and made a full announcement to their multitudes, to induce a sincere acquiescence (in the measure). They all attended, and
(being charged) to take no liberties in the royal
courtyard, he called them near, and said, ‘ Listen
clearly to my words, and do not disregard my
commands.
‘Oh! of old time my royal predecessors cherished,
every one and above every other thing, a respectful
care of the people, who (again) upheld their sovereign
with a mutual sympathy. Seldom was it that they
were not superior to any (calamitous) time sent by
Heaven. When great calamities came down on
Yin, the former kings did not fondly remain in their
place. What they did was with a view to the
people’s advantage, and therefore they moved (their
capitals), Why do you not reflect that I, according
to what I have heard of the ancient sovereigns, in
my care of you and actings towards you, am only
wishing to rejoice with you in a common repose ?
It is not that any guilt attaches to you, so that (this
movement) should be like a punishment. If I call
upon you to cherish this new city, it is simply on
your account, and as an act of great accordance with
your wishes. My present undertaking to remove
with you, is to give repose and stability to the
country. You, (however), have no sympathy with
the anxieties of my mind; but you all keep a great
BOOK VII. THE PAN-KANG. 109
My present undertaking to remove
with you, is to give repose and stability to the
country. You, (however), have no sympathy with
the anxieties of my mind; but you all keep a great
BOOK VII. THE PAN-KANG. 109
reserve in declaring your minds, (when you might)
respectfully think by your sincerity to move me, the
One man. You only exhaust and distress yourselves.
The case is like that of sailing in a boat ;—if you do
not cross the stream (at the proper time), you will
destroy all the cargo. Your sincerity does not respond to mine, and we are in danger of going together
to destruction. You, notwithstanding, will not examine the matter ;—though you anger yourselves,
what cure will that bring ?
‘You do not consult for a distant day, nor think
of the calamity that must befal you (from not removing). You greatly encourage one another in
what must prove to your sorrow. Now you have
the present, but you will not have the future ;—what
prolongation of life can you look for from above ?
My measures are forecast to prolong your (lease of)
life from Heaven ;—do I force you by the terrors of
my power? My object is to support and nourish
you all. I think of my ancestors, (who are now)
the spiritual sovereigns;* when they made your forefathers toil (on similar occasions it was only for
their good), and I would be enabled in the same
way greatly to nourish you and cherish you.’
2. ‘Were I to err in my government, and remain
long here, my high sovereign, (the founder of our
dynasty), would send down on me great punishment
for my crime, and say, “Why do you oppress my
people ?”* If you, the myriads of the people, do not
attend to the perpetuation of your lives, and cherish
one mind with me, the One man, in my plans, the
former kings will send down on you great punishment for your crime, and ‘say, “ Why do you not
agree with our young grandson, but go on to forfeit
110 THE SHO KING. PART IV.
your virtue?” When they punish you from above,
you will have no way of escape.* Of old, my royal
predecessors made your ancestors and fathers toil
(only for their good). You are equally the people
whom I (wish to) cherish. But your conduct is injurious ;—it is cherished in your hearts. Whereas my
royal predecessors made your ancestors and fathers
happy, they, your ancestors and fathers, will (now)
cut you off and abandon you, and not save you from
death.* Here are those ministers of my government, who share with me in the offices (of the kingdom) ;—and yet they (only think of hoarding up)
cowries and gems. Their ancestors and fathers
earnestly represent (their course) to my high
sovereign, saying, “ Execute great punishments on
our descendants.” So do they advise my high
sovereign to send down great calamities (on those
men).’ *
Their ancestors and fathers
earnestly represent (their course) to my high
sovereign, saying, “ Execute great punishments on
our descendants.” So do they advise my high
sovereign to send down great calamities (on those
men).’ *
3. ‘Oh! I have now told you my unchangeable
purpose ;—do you perpetually respect (my) great
anxiety; let us not get alienated and removed
from one another; share in my plans and thoughts,
and think (only) of following me; let every one of
you set up the true rule of conduct in his heart.
If there be bad and unprincipled men, precipitously
or carelessly disrespectful (to my orders), and taking
advantage of this brief season to play the part of
villains or traitors, I will cut off their noses, or
utterly exterminate them. I will leave none of
their children. I will not let them perpetuate
their seed in this new city.
‘Go! preserve and continue your lives. I will
now transfer you (to the new capital), and (there)
establish your families for ever.’
_ BOOK VII. THE PAN-KANG. III
Section 3.
1. Pan-king having completed the removal, and
settled the places of residence, proceeded to adjust
the several positions (of all classes at an assembly);
and then he soothed and comforted the multitudes,
saying to them, ‘ Do not play nor be idle, but exert
yourselves to build (here) a great destiny (for us).
‘Now I have disclosed my heart and belly, my
reins and bowels, and fully declared to you, my
people, all my mind. I will not treat any of you
as offenders; and do not you (any more) help one
another to be angry, and form parties to defame
me, the One man.
‘Of old, my royal predecessor, (Thang), that his
merit might exceed that of those who were before
him, proceeded to the hill-site. Thereby he removed our evils, and accomplished admirable good
for our country. Now you, my people, were by
(your position) dissipated and separated, so that
you had no abiding place. (And yet) you asked
why I was troubling your myriads and requiring
you to remove. But God, being about to renew
the virtuous service of my high ancestor, and secure
the good order of our kingdom, I, with the sincere
and respectful (of my ministers), felt a reverent care
for the lives of the people, and have made a lasting
settlement in (this) new city.*
‘I, a youth, did: not neglect your counsels ;—
I (only) used the best of them. Nor did any of
1 It is supposed that this ‘hill-site’ of Thang was the same as that
which Pan-kang had fixed on, but this does not clearly appear in
the text.
112 THE SHO KING. PART Iv.
you presumptuously oppose the decision of the
tortoise-shell;—-so we are here to enlarge our
great inheritance.’ *
112 THE SHO KING. PART Iv.
you presumptuously oppose the decision of the
tortoise-shell;—-so we are here to enlarge our
great inheritance.’ *
2. ‘Oh! ye chiefs of regions, ye heads of departments, all ye, the hundreds of officers, would that
ye had a sympathy (with my people)! I will exert
myself in the choice and guiding of you;—do ye
think reverently of my multitudes. I will not employ those who are fond of enriching themselves ;
but will use and revere those who are vigorously,
yet reverently, labouring for the lives and increase
of the people, nourishing them and planning for
their enduring settlement.
‘I have now brought forward and announced to
you my mind, whom I approve and whom I disallow ;—let none of you but reverence (my will).
Do not seek to accumulate wealth and precious
things, but in fostering the life of the people, seek
to find your merit. Reverently display your virtue
in behalf of the people. For ever maintain this
one purpose in your hearts,’
Book VIII. Tue CHarce to Yiru.
Arter Pan-king came the reigns of Hsido-hsin and Hsido-yt, of
which we have no accounts in the Sh. Hsi4o-yf was followed by
WO-ting (B. c. 1324-1264), to the commencement of whose reign
this Book, in three sections, belongs. His name is not in it,
but that he is the king intended appears from the prefatory
notice, and the Confucian Analects, XIV, xliii. The Book is the
first of the ‘Charges’ of the Shi. They relate the designation
by the king of some officer to a particular charge or to some fief,
with the address delivered by him on the occasion. Here the
charge is to Yileh, in the first section, on his appointment to be
BOOK VIII, THE CHARGE TO YUEH. 113
chief minister. In the other two sections Yiieh is the principal
speaker, and not the king. They partake more of the nature of
the ‘Counsels.’ Yiieh had been a recluse, living in obscurity.
The king’s attention was drawn to him in the manner related
in the Book, and he was discovered in Ff-yen, or amidst ‘the
Crags of FA,’ from which he was afterwards called Fi Yueh, as
if FQ had been his surname.
The first section tells us how the king met with Ytieh, and appointed
him to be his chief minister, and how Yiieh responded to the
charge that he received. In the second section, Yueh counsels the
king on a variety of points, and the king responds admiringly,
In the third, the king introduces himself as a pupil at the feet of
Yiieh, and is lectured on the subject of enlarging his knowledge,
In the end the king says that he looks to Yueh as another f Yin,
to make him another Thang.
Section 1.
Section 1.
1. The king passed the season of sorrow in
the mourning shed for three years, and when the
period of mourning was over, he (still) did not
speak (to give any commands). All the ministers
remonstrated with him, saying, ‘Oh! him who is
(the first) to apprehend we pronounce intelligent,
and the intelligent man is the model for others.
The Son of Heaven rules over the myriad regions,
and all the officers look up to and reverence him.
They are the king’s words which form the commands (for them). If he do not speak, the ministers have no way to receive their orders.’ On this
the king made a writing, for their information, to
the following effect :—‘As it is mine to serve as the
1 A young king, mourning for his father, had to ‘afflict’ himself
in various ways for twenty-five months, nominally for three years.
Among other privations, he had to exchange the comforts of a
palace for a rough shed in one of the courtyards. During the time
of mourning, the direction of affairs was left to the chief minister,
{1] I
114 . THE sHO KING. PART IV.
director for the four quarters (of the kingdom),
I have been afraid that my virtue is not equal to
(that of my predecessors), and therefore have not
spoken. (But) while I was reverently and silently
thinking of the (right) way, I dreamt that God gave
me a good assistant who should speak for me.’ * He
then minutely recalled the appearance (of the person
whom he had seen), and caused search to be made
for him everywhere by means of a picture. Yiieh,
a builder in the wild country of Ff-yen, was found
like to it.
2. On this the king raised and made (Yiieh) his
prime minister, keeping him (also) at his side.
He charged him, saying, ‘ Morning and evening
present your instructions to aid my virtue. Suppose me a weapon of steel ;—I will use you for a
whetstone. Suppose me crossing a great stream ;—
I will use you for a boat with its oars. Suppose me
in a year of great drought ;—I will use you as a
copious rain. Open your mind, and enrich my mind,
(Be you) like medicine, which must distress the patient, in order to cure his sickness. (Think of me)
as one walking barefoot, whose feet are sure to be
wounded, if he do not see the ground.
‘Do you and your companions all cherish the
same mind to assist your sovereign, that I may
follow my royal predecessors, and tread in the steps
of my high ancestor, to give repose to the millions
of the people. Oh! respect this charge of mine ; —
so shall you bring your work to a (good) end.’
3. Ytieh replied to the king, saying, ‘Wood by
the use of the line is made straight, and the sovereign who follows reproof is made sage. When the
sovereign can (thus) make himself sage, his ministers,
BOOK VIII THE CHARGE TO YUEH. 115
without being specially commanded, anticipate his
orders ;—who would dare not to act in respectful
compliance with this excellent charge of your
Majesty ?’
Section 2.
When the
sovereign can (thus) make himself sage, his ministers,
BOOK VIII THE CHARGE TO YUEH. 115
without being specially commanded, anticipate his
orders ;—who would dare not to act in respectful
compliance with this excellent charge of your
Majesty ?’
Section 2.
1. Yitieh having received his charge, and taken
the presidency of all the officers, he presented himself before the king, and said, ‘Oh! intelligent kings
act in reverent accordance with the ways of Heaven.
The founding of states and the setting up of capitals,
the appointing of sovereign kings, of dukes and other
nobles, with their great officers and heads of departments, were not designed to minister to the idleness
and pleasures (of one), but for the good government
of the people. It is Heaven which is all-intelligent
and observing ;—let the sage (king) take it as his
pattern.* Then his ministers will reverently accord
with him, and the people consequently will be well
governed.
‘It is the mouth that gives occasion for shame ;
they are the coat of mail and helmet that give occasion to war. The upper robes and lower garments
(for reward should not be lightly taken from) their
chests; before spear and shield are used, one ‘should
examine himself. If your Majesty will be cautious
in regard to these things, and, believing this about
them, attain to the intelligent use of them, (your
government) will in everything be excellent. Good
government and bad depend on the various officers,
Offices should not be given to men because they are
favourites, but only to men of ability. Dignities
should not be conferred on men of evil practices, but
only on men of worth.
12
116 THE SHO KING. PART IV.
‘ Anxious thought about what will be best should
precede your movements, which also should be taken
at the time proper for them. Indulging the consciousness of being good is the way to lose that
goodness; being vain of one’s ability is the way to
lose the merit it might produce.
‘For all affairs let there be adequate preparation ;—
with preparation there will be no calamitous issue.
Do not open the door for favourites, from whom you
will receive contempt. Do not be ashamed of mistakes, and (go on to) make them crimes. Let your
mind rest in its proper objects, and the affairs of
your government will be pure. Officiousness in sacrificing is called irreverence ;* and multiplying ceremonies leads to disorder. To serve the spirits
acceptably (in this way) is difficult.’ *
Let your
mind rest in its proper objects, and the affairs of
your government will be pure. Officiousness in sacrificing is called irreverence ;* and multiplying ceremonies leads to disorder. To serve the spirits
acceptably (in this way) is difficult.’ *
2. The king said, ‘Excellent! your words, O
Yiieh, should indeed be put in practice (by me).
If you were not so good in counsel, I should not
have heard these rules for my conduct.’ Yiieh did
obeisance with his head to the ground, and said, ‘ It
is not the knowing that is difficult, but the doing.
(But) since your Majesty truly knows this, there
will not be the difficulty, and you will become really
equal in complete virtue to our first king. Wherein
I, Yiieh, refrain from speaking (what I ought to
speak), the blame will rest with me.’
Section 3.
1. The king said, ‘Come, O Yiieh. I, the little
one, first learned with Kan Pan!. Afterwards I lived
1 From Part V, xvi, 2, we learn that Kan Pan was a great minister
of Wa-ting. It is supposed that he had been minister to Wf-ting’s
father, and died during the king’s period of mourning.
BOOK VIIl. THE CHARGE TO YUEH. 117
concealed among the rude countrymen, and then I
went to (the country) inside the Ho, and lived there’.
From the Ho I went to Po;—and the result has
been that I am unenlightened. Do you teach me
what should- be my aims. Be to me as the yeast
and the malt in making sweet spirits, as the salt and
the prunes in making agreeable soup. Use various
methods to cultivate me; do not cast me away ;—so
shall I attain to practise your instructions.’
Yiieh said, ‘O king, a ruler should seek to learn
much (from his ministers), with a view to establish
his affairs; but to learn the lessons of the ancients
is the way to attain this. That the affairs of one,
not making the ancients his masters, can be perpetuated for generations, is what I have not heard.
‘In learning there should be a humble mind and
the maintenance of a constant earnestness ;—in such
a case (the learner's) improvement will surely come.
He who sincerely cherishes these things will find all
truth accumulating in his person. Teaching is the
half of learning; when a man’s thoughts from first
to last are constantly fixed on learning, his virtuous
cultivation comes unperceived.
‘Survey the perfect pattern of our first king ;—so
shall you for ever be preserved from error. Then
shall I be able reverently to meet your views, and
on every side to look out for men of eminence to
place in ‘the various offices.’
2. Theking said, ‘Oh! Yiieh, that all within the four
1 We do not know the events of Wf-ting’s early life sufficiently to
explain his language here. His living concealed among the rude
people of the country, and then crossing to the north of the Ho,
was owing probably to troubles in the kingdom.
118 THE sH® KING. — PART IV.
His living concealed among the rude
people of the country, and then crossing to the north of the Ho,
was owing probably to troubles in the kingdom.
118 THE sH® KING. — PART IV.
seas look up to my virtue is owing to you. As his
legs and arms form the man, so does a good minister
form the sage (king). Formerly, there was the first
premier of our dynasty, Pao-hing?, who raised up
and formed its royal founder. He said, “If 1 cannot
make my sovereign like Y4o or Shun, I shall feel
ashamed in my heart, as if I were beaten in the
market-place.” If any common man did not get
(all he should desire), he said, “It is my fault.”
(Thus) he assisted my meritorious ancestor, so that
he became equal to great Heavén.* Do you give
your intelligent and preserving aid to me, and let
not A-hang engross all the good service to the
House of Shang.
‘ The sovereign should share his government with
none but worthy officers. The worthy officer should
accept his support from none but the proper sovereign. May you now succeed in making your sovereign a (true) successor of the founder of his line, and
in securing the lasting happiness of the people!’
Yiieh did obeisance with his head to the ground,
and said, ‘I wilf venture to respond to, and display
abroad, your Majesty’s excellent charge.’
Book IX. Tue Day or THE SUPPLEMENTARY
SacRIFICE To KAo 3unc.
Kio 3une was the title given to Wa-ting, after his death, in the
ancestral temple. A supplementary sacrifice was offered on the
day following the regular and more solemn service. What
special idea was connected with it, it would be difficult to say ;
‘ Styled A-hing in the beginning of ‘the Théi-4ia.’ Pao-hing=
‘the Protector and Steelyard.’
BOOK Ix. SACRIFICE TO KAO 3UNG. 119
but at the close of it, the representatives or personators of the
dead in the sacrifice of the preceding day were all feasted.
The title of this short Book leaves it uncertain whether the sacrifice
was offered to Wf-ting or by him. The prefatory notice proceeds
on the former view. Many critics of great intelligence decide
for the latter, which a renewed consideration of the text has
induced me to adopt. The king then is 30-king, WA-ting’s son.
Something irregular or excessive in his sacrificing to his father
was the thing which his monitor 34 A? wished to censure,
taking occasion to do so from the incident mentioned in the first
sentence.
The king then is 30-king, WA-ting’s son.
Something irregular or excessive in his sacrificing to his father
was the thing which his monitor 34 A? wished to censure,
taking occasion to do so from the incident mentioned in the first
sentence.
On the day of the supplementary sacrifice of
K4o 3ung, there appeared a crowing pheasant},
30 At said,‘To rectify this affair, the king must
first be corrected.’ He delivered accordingly a
lesson to the king, saying, ‘In its inspection of men
below, Heaven’s first consideration is of their righteousness, and it bestows on them (accordingly) length
of years or the contrary.* It is not Heaven that
cuts short men’s lives; they bring them to an end
themselves. Some men who have not complied with
virtue will yet not acknowledge their offences, and
when Heaven has by evident tokens charged them
to correct their conduct, they still say, “What are
these things to us?”
‘Oh! your Majesty’s business is to care reverently for the people. And all (your ancestors) were
the heirs of (the kingdom by the gift of) Heaven ;—
in attending to the sacrifices (to them), be not so
excessive in those to your father.’ *
1 Sze-ma Khien, after the prefatory notice, says that the pheasant
sat on the ear—one of the handles—of a tripod.
¢7° THE SHO KING. PART IV.
Book X.
Tue CuHieF OF THE WestT’s Conquest oF Lf.
Tue reigns of seven more kings of Yin or Shang have passed, and
this Book brings us to the time of Xau-hsin or Shau, its last sovereign, B.C. 1154-1123. The House of Xu begins to come to the
front, for ‘the Chief of the West’ was one of the acknowledged
founders of the Aau dynasty ;—whether Kang, known as king
Wan, or his son Fa, known as king WA, is uncertain. Ahang’s
father, the duke of Xu in the present department of Fang-hsiang,
Shen-hsf, had been appointed Chief of the West, that is, of all the
western portion of the kingdom, embracing Yii’s provinces of
Yung, Liang, and Xing. The same jurisdiction descended to his
son and grandson. The state of Lt, the conquest of which is
mentioned, was in the present department of L(-an, Shan-hsf,
within the royal domain, so that the Chief of the West was no
longer confining himself to the west, but threatening the king
himself.
80 f, a loyal officer, hears of the conquest of Lf, and hurries away
to inform the king and warn him of the danger threatening the
dynasty through his evil conduct. The king gives no heed to
his remonstrances, and 3( f retires, sighing over the ruin, which
he sees is not to be averted.
The Book is classed, it would be hard to tell why, among the
‘ Announcements.’
The Chief of the West having subdued Lt, 30 f
was afraid, and hastened to report it to the king.
The Book is classed, it would be hard to tell why, among the
‘ Announcements.’
The Chief of the West having subdued Lt, 30 f
was afraid, and hastened to report it to the king.
He said, ‘Son of Heaven, Heaven is bringing to
an end the dynasty of Yin;* the wisest men and the
shell of the great tortoise do not presume to know
anything fortunate for it.* It is not that the former
kings do not aid us, the men of this later time; *
but by your dissoluteness and sport you are bringing on the end yourself. On this account Heaven
has cast us off, and there are no good harvests to
supply us with food.* Men have no regard to their
BOOK XI. THE COUNT OF WEI. 12!
heavenly nature, and pay no obedience to the statutes (of the kingdom). (Yea), our people now all
wish (the dynasty) to perish, saying, “Why does not
Heaven send down its indignation? Why does not
(some one with) its great appointment make his
appearance? What has the present king to do
with us ?”’
The king said, ‘Oh! was not my birth in
accordance with the appointment of Heaven (in
favour of my House)?’ (On this) 30 { returned
(to his own city), and said, ‘ Your crimes, which are
many, are registered above, and can you still appeal
to the appointment of Heaven in your favour ?*
Yin will perish very shortly. As to all your deeds,
can they but bring ruin on your country?’
Book XI. Tue Count or WE1.
Tue conversation recorded here—called, like the last Book, and
with as little reason, an ‘Announcement’—is referred to B.c.
1123, the year in which the dynasty of Shang perished.
Wei was a principality in the royal domain, corresponding to the
present district of LQ-44%ng, department Lf-an, Shan-hsf, the lords
of which were counts. The count who appears here was, most
probably, an elder brother of the king, and by the same mother,
who was, however, only a concubine when the count was born,
but raised to be queen before the birth of Kau-hsin. Saddened
with the thought of the impending ruin of the dynasty, the count
seeks the counsel of two other high nobles, and asks them to
tell him what was to be done. One of them replies to him in
still stronger language about the condition and prospects of the
kingdom, and concludes by advising the count to make his
escape, and declaring that he himself would remain at his post,
and share in the unavoidable ruin,
122 THE sHO KING. PART IV.
One of them replies to him in
still stronger language about the condition and prospects of the
kingdom, and concludes by advising the count to make his
escape, and declaring that he himself would remain at his post,
and share in the unavoidable ruin,
122 THE sHO KING. PART IV.
1. The Count of Wei spoke to the following
effect :—‘Grand-Master and Junior-Master?, (the
House of) Yin, we may conclude, can no longer
exercise rule over the four quarters (of the kingdom). The great deeds of our founder were displayed in former ages, but by our maddened indulgence in spirits, we have destroyed (the effects of)
his virtue in these after-times. (The people of)
Yin, small and great, are given to highway robberies, villainies, and treachery. The nobles and
officers imitate one another in violating the laws,
and there is no certainty that criminals will be
apprehended. The smaller people (consequently)
rise up, and commit violent outrages on one another.
Yin is now sinking in ruin ;—its condition is like
that of one crossing a stream, who can find neither
ford nor bank. That Yin should be hurrying to
ruin at the present pace!’
He added, ‘Grand-Master and Junior-Master, we
are manifesting insanity. The most venerable
members of our families are withdrawn to the
wilds; and you indicate no course (to be taken),
but (only) tell me of the impending ruin ;—what is
to be done ?’
2. The Grand-Master made about the following
reply :—‘O son of our (former) king, Heaven in
anger is sending down calamities, and wasting the
country of Yin.* Hence has arisen that mad indulgence in spirits. (The king) has no reverence
1 For high ministers with these titles under the Kau dynasty,
see next Part, Book xx. The individuals whom the count of Wei
consulted were probably the count of AT and Pi-kan, who are
classed with him in the Confucian Analects, XVIII, 1.
BOOK XI. THE COUNT OF WEI. 123
(The king) has no reverence
1 For high ministers with these titles under the Kau dynasty,
see next Part, Book xx. The individuals whom the count of Wei
consulted were probably the count of AT and Pi-kan, who are
classed with him in the Confucian Analects, XVIII, 1.
BOOK XI. THE COUNT OF WEI. 123
for things which he ought to reverence, but does
despite to the venerable aged, the men who have
long been in office. The people of Yin will now
steal even the pure and perfect victims devoted to
the spirits of heaven and earth; * and their conduct
is connived at, and though they proceed to eat the
victims, they suffer no punishment. (On the other
hand), when I look down and survey the people of
Yin, the methods by which they are governed are
hateful exactions, which call forth outrages and
hatred ;—and this without ceasing. Such crimes
equally belong to all in authority, and multitudes
are starving with none to whom to appeal. Now
is the time of Shang’s calamity ;—I will arise and
share in its ruin. When ruin overtakes Shang,
I will not be the servant (of another House).
(But) I tell you, O king’s son, to go away, as being
the course (for you). Formerly I injured you by
what I said; if you do not (now) go away, our
(sacrifices) will entirely perish. Let us rest quietly
(in our several parts), and each present himself to
the former kings} (as having done so).* I do not
think of making my escape.’
' It is understood that the former king, the father of both XAt
and X4u-hsin, had wished to leave the throne to X/Ai, and that the
Grand-Master had advocated such a measure ;—thereby injuring
Kit when it did not take effect, through making K4u-hsin jealous
of him.
PART V. THE BOOKS OF KAU.
Book I. Tue Great DEcLARATION.
Kiv is the dynastic designation under which king W@ and his
descendants possessed the throne from z. c. 1122 to 256, a period
of 867 years. They traced their lineage up to KAt, who was
Minister of Agriculture under Shun. He was invested with the
principality of Thai, the present district of Fd-fang, department
of Fang-hsiang, Shen-hst. Long afterwards Than-fa, claiming
to be one of his descendants, appears in B.c. 1326, founding
the state of X4u, near mount X4Ai, in the same department of
Fang-hsiang. This Than-fa was the great-grandfather of king
WA. The family surname was Xi.
When the collection of the Shi was complete, it contained
thirty-eight different documents of the Kau dynasty, of which
twenty-eight remain, twenty of them being of undisputed
genuineness.
This first Book, ‘the Great Declaration,’ is one of the contested
portions; and there is another form of it, that takes the place
of this in some editions. It has appeared in the Introduction
that the received text of the Shit was formed with care, and that
everything of importance in the challenged Books is to be found
in quotations from them, while the collection was complete, that
have been gathered up by the industry of scholars.
It has appeared in the Introduction
that the received text of the Shit was formed with care, and that
everything of importance in the challenged Books is to be found
in quotations from them, while the collection was complete, that
have been gathered up by the industry of scholars.
King W4, having at last taken the field against AAu-hsin, the
tyrant of Shang, made three speeches to his officers and men,
setting forth the reasons for his enterprise, and urging them
to exert themselves with him in the cause of humanity and
Heaven. They are brought together, and constitute ‘the Great
Declaration.’
‘In the first Part,’ says a Chinese critic, ‘king Wf addresses himself to the princes and nobles of inferior rank; in the second,
to their hosts; and in the third, to his officers. The ruling idea
in the first is the duty of the sovereign,—what he ought to be
BOOK I. THE GREAT DECLARATION. 125
and to do; with this it begins and ends. There is not the same
continuity of thought in the second, but the will and purpose of
Heaven is the principal thing insisted on. The last Part shows
the difference between the good sovereign and the bad, and
touches on the consent that there is between Heaven and men.
There is throughout an unsparing exhibition of the wickedness
of K4u-hsin.
Section 1.
In the spring of the thirteenth year! there was
a great assembly at M4ng-Aing*. The king said,
‘Ah! ye hereditary rulers of my friendly states, and
all ye my officers, managers of my affairs, hearken
clearly to my declaration.
‘Heaven and earth is the parent of all creatures ;
and of all creatures man is the most highly endowed.*
The sincerely intelligent (among men) becomes the
great sovereign; and the great sovereign is the
parent of the people. But now, Shau, the king of
Shang, does not reverence Heaven above, and inflicts
calamities on the people below.* Abandoned to
drunkenness and reckless in lust, he has dared to
exercise cruel oppression. He has extended the
punishment of offenders to all their relatives. He
has put men into offices on the hereditary principle.
He has made it his pursuit to have palaces, towers,
pavilions, embankments, ponds, and all other extravagances, to the most painful injury of you, the
myriads of the people. He has burned and roasted
the loyal and good. He has ripped up pregnant
’.
1 The thirteenth year is reckoned from king WA's succeeding
to his father as ‘the Chief of the West.’
® Mang-Aing, or ‘the Ford of Mang,’ is still the name of a
district in the department of Ho-nan, Ho-nan.
126 THE SHO KING. PART V.
women. Great Heaven was moved with indignation, and charged my deceased father Wan to display its terrors; but (he died) before the work was
completed.*
126 THE SHO KING. PART V.
women. Great Heaven was moved with indignation, and charged my deceased father Wan to display its terrors; but (he died) before the work was
completed.*
‘On this account, I, F4, the little child, have by
means of you, the hereditary rulers of my friendly
states, contemplated the government of Shang; but
Shau has no repentant heart. He sits squatting
on his heels, not serving God nor the spirits of
heaven and earth, neglecting also the temple of his
ancestors, and not sacrificing in it.* The victims
and the vessels of millet all become the prey of
wicked robbers, and still he says, “ The people are
mine; the (heavenly) appointment is mine,” never
trying to correct his contemptuous mind.*
‘ Heaven, for the help of the inferior people, made
for them rulers, and made for them instructors, that
they might be able to be aiding to God, and secure
the tranquillity of the four quarters (of the kingdom).
In regard to who are criminals and who are not, how
dare I give any allowance to my own wishes ? *
‘Where the strength is the same, measure the
virtue of the parties; where the virtue is the same,
measure their righteousness.” Sh4u has hundreds
of thousands and myriads of officers, but they have
hundreds of thousands and myriads of minds; I have
(but) three thousand officers, but they have one mind.
The iniquity of Shang is full. Heaven gives command
to destroy it. If 1 did not obey Heaven, my iniquity
would be as great.*
‘I, the little child, early and late am filled with
apprehensions. I have received the command of
my deceased father Win; I have offered special
sacrifice to God; I have performed the due ser-
BOOK I. THE GREAT DECLARATION. 127
vices to the great earth; and I lead the multitude
of you to execute the punishment appointed by
Heaven.* Heaven compassionates the people.
What the people desire, Heaven will be found to
give effect to.* Do you aid me, the One man, to
cleanse for ever (all within) the four seas. Now
is the time!—It should not be lost.’
Section 2.
On (the day) Wa-wi!, the king halted on the
north of the Ho. When all the princes with their
hosts were assembled, the king reviewed the hosts,
and made the following declaration :—‘ Oh! ye multitudes of the west, hearken all to my words.
‘I have heard that the good man, doing good,
finds the day insufficient; and that the evil man,
doing evil, also finds the day insufficient. Now
Shau, the king of Shang, with strength pursues
his lawless way. He has driven away the timeworn sires, and cultivates intimacies with wicked
men. Dissolute, intemperate, reckless, oppressive,
his ministers have become assimilated to him; and
they form combinations and contract animosities,
and depend on their power to exterminate one
another. The innocent cry to Heaven. The odour
of such a state is felt on high.*
‘Heaven loves the people, and the sovereign
should reverently carry out (this mind of) Heaven.
Kieh, the sovereign of Hsia, would not follow the
The innocent cry to Heaven. The odour
of such a state is felt on high.*
‘Heaven loves the people, and the sovereign
should reverently carry out (this mind of) Heaven.
Kieh, the sovereign of Hsia, would not follow the
1 In Book iii we are told that WA commenced his march to
attack K4u-hsin, on Kwei-#, the 2nd day of the moon. Calculating on to the day Wf-wf, we find that it was the 28th day of
the same moon. —
128 THE SHO KING. PART V.
example of Heaven, but sent forth his poisonous
injuries through the states of the kingdom :—Heaven
therefore gave its aid to Thang the Successful, and
charged him to make an end of the appointment
of Hsia.* But the crimes of Shau exceed those of
Kieh. He has degraded from office the greatly
good man’; he has behaved with cruel tyranny to
his reprover and helper?. He says that with him
is the appointment of Heaven; he says that a reverent care of his conduct is not worth observing ; he
says that sacrifice is of no use; he says that tyranny
isno harm.* The beacon for him to look to was not
far off ;—it was that king of Hsia. It would seem
that Heaven is going by means of me to rule the
people. My dreams coincide with my divinations ;
the auspicious omen is double.* My attack on
Shang must succeed.
‘Sh4u has hundreds of thousands and millions of
ordinary men, divided in heart and divided in practice ;—I have of ministers, able to govern, ten men &,
one in heart and one in practice. Though he has
his nearest relatives with him, they are not like my
virtuous men. Heaven sees as my people see;
Heaven hears as my people hear.* The people are
blaming me, the One man, for my delay ;—I must
now go forward. My military prowess is displayed,
and I enter his territories to take the wicked tyrant.
My punishment (of evil) will be great, and more
glorious than that executed by Thang. Rouse ye,
1 The count of Wei. 2 Pi-kan.
5 Confucius tells us, in the Analects, VIII, xx, that one of
these ten was a woman; but whether the lady was W0’s wife or
mother is disputed.
BOOK I. THE GREAT DECLARATION. 129
my heroes! Do not think that he is not to be
feared ;—better think that he cannot be withstood.
(His) people stand in trembling awe of him, as if
the horns were falling from their heads. Oh!
unite your energies, unite your hearts ;—so shall
you forthwith surely accomplish the work, to last
for all ages!’
Section 3.
The time was on the morrow, when the king went
round his six hosts in state, and made a clear declaration to all his officers. He said, ‘Oh! my valiant
men of the west, from Heaven are the illustrious
courses of duty, of which the (several) requirements
are quite plain. And now Shau, the king of Shang,
treats with contemptuous slight the five regular
(virtues), and abandons himself to wild idleness and
irreverence. He has cut himself off from Heaven,
and brought enmity between himself and the
people. *
And now Shau, the king of Shang,
treats with contemptuous slight the five regular
(virtues), and abandons himself to wild idleness and
irreverence. He has cut himself off from Heaven,
and brought enmity between himself and the
people. *
‘ He cut through the leg-bones of those who were
wading in the morning; he cut out the heart of the
worthy man?, By the use of his power, killing and
murdering, he has poisoned and sickened all within
the four seas. His honours and confidence are
given to the villainous and bad. He has driven
from him his instructors and guardians. He has
thrown to the winds the statutes and penal laws.
He has imprisoned and enslaved the upright officer’.
He neglects the sacrifices to heaven and earth. He
1 This was in winter. Observing some people then wading
through a stream, X4u-hsin caused their legs to be, cut through
at the shank-bone, that he might see their marrow.
* Pi-kan.
® The count of K4Ai; see Book iv.
[1] K
130 THE SHO KING. PART V.
has discontinued the offerings in the ancestral temple.
He makes contrivances of wonderful device and extraordinary cunning to please his wife’—God will
no longer indulge him, but with a curse is sending
down on him this ruin.* Do ye with untiring zeal
support me, the One man, reverently to execute the
punishment appointed by Heaven. The ancients
have said, “ He who soothes us is our sovereign;
he who oppresses us is our enemy.” This solitary
fellow Sh4u, having exercised great tyranny, is your
perpetual enemy. (It is said again), “In planting
(a man’s) virtue, strive to make it great; in putting
away (a man’s) wickedness, strive to do it from the
roots.” Here I, the little child, by the powerful
help of you, all my officers, will utterly exterminate
your enemy. Do you, all my officers, march forward
with determined boldness to sustain your prince.
Where there is much merit, there shall be large
reward; where you do not so advance, there shall be
conspicuous disgrace.
‘Oh! (the virtue of) my deceased father Wan
was like the shining of the sun and moon. His
brightness extended over the four quarters of the
land, and shone signally in the western region.
Hence it is that our Au has received (the allegiance of) many states. If I subdue Shau, it will
not be from my prowess, but from the faultless
(virtue of) my deceased father Wan. If Shau subdue me, it will not be from any fault of my deceased
father Wan, but because I, the little child, am not
good.’
1 The notorious Ta-A, the accounts of whose shameless wickedness and atrocious cruelties almost exceed belief.
BOOK II. THE SPEECH AT MO. 131
Boox II. Tue Sprecu at Mo.
Ir is the morning of the day of battle, for which the king has
prepared his host by the three speeches of the last Book.
Once more he addresses his confederate princes, his officers,
and his men. He sets forth more briefly the intolerable wickedness of Sh4u, and instructs and warns his troops how they are
to behave in the fight.
Once more he addresses his confederate princes, his officers,
and his men. He sets forth more briefly the intolerable wickedness of Sh4u, and instructs and warns his troops how they are
to behave in the fight.
M& was in the south of the present district of At, department
Wei-hui, Ho-nan, a tract of open country stretching into the
district of X}, and at no great distance from the capital of
Sh4u.
1. The time was the grey dawn of the day Ai4-jze.
On that morning the king came to the open country
of Ma, in the borders of Shang, and addressed his
army. In his left hand he carried a battle-axe,
yellow with gold, and in his right he held a white
ensign, which he waved, saying, ‘Far are ye come,
ye men of the western regions!’ He added, ‘Ah!
ye hereditary rulers of my friendly states; ye managers of affairs,—the Ministers of Instruction, of
War, and of Works; the great officers subordinate
to these, and the many other officers; the master
of my body-guards; the captains of thousands and
captains of hundreds; and ye, O men of Yung, Shd,
Kiang, Mao, Wei, La, Phang, and Pho’, lift up
your lances, join your shields, raise your spears :—
I have a speech to make.’
* These are the names of eight different tribes or confederations
of tribes of the south and west. We are to look for their sites in
Sze-Adiian, Yiin-nan, and Hf-pei. They were, no doubt, an
important portion of W(’s army, but only as auxiliaries. It is too
much to ascribe, as some have done, the overthrow of Shang to
an irruption of barbarous people from the west.
K 2
132 THE SHO KING. PART Y.
2. The king (then) said, ‘ The ancients have said,
“The hen does not announce the morning. The
crowing of a hen in the morning (indicates) the subversion of the family.” Now Shdau, the king of
Shang, follows only the words of his wife. In his
blindness he has neglected the sacrifices which he
ought to offer, and makes no response (for the
favours that he has received) ;* he has also cast off
his paternal and maternal relations, not treating them
properly. They are only the vagabonds from all
quarters, loaded with crimes, whom, he honours and
exalts, whom he employs and trusts, making them
great officers and high nobles, so that they can
tyrannize over the people, and exercise their villainies in the cities of Shang.
‘Now, I, Fa, am simply executing respectfully
the punishment appointed by Heaven.* In to-day’s
business do not advance more than six or seven
steps, and then stop and adjust your ranks ;—my
brave men, be energetic! Do not exceed four
blows, five blows, six blows, or seven blows, and
then stop and adjust your ranks ;—my brave men,
be energetic! Display a martial bearing. Be like
tigers and panthers, like bears and grisly bears,—
(here) in the borders of Shang. Do not rush on
thcse who fly (to us in submission), but receive
them to serve our western land ;—my brave men,
be energetic! If you be not energetic (in all
these matters), you will bring destruction on yourselves.’
Do not rush on
thcse who fly (to us in submission), but receive
them to serve our western land ;—my brave men,
be energetic! If you be not energetic (in all
these matters), you will bring destruction on yourselves.’
BOOK II. SUCCESSFUL COMPLETION OF THE WAR. 133
Boox III.
Tue SuccressFUL COMPLETION OF THE War.
I nave divided this Book into three chapters :—one, consisting of
brief historical notes of the commencement and close of W(’'s
expedition ; a second, giving the address (or a part of it) delivered by Wf to his nobles and officers on occasion, we may
suppose, of their recognition of him as king, and his confirming
some of them in their old states or appointments, and giving
new ones to others; the third again historical, and relating
several incidents of the battle between Wf and Shau, and going
on to subsequent events and important governmental measures
of the new dynasty.
Most Chinese critics hold that portions of the Book are lost, and
that the paragraphs of it are, besides, erroneously arranged.
In what division of the documents of the Shfi it should be
classified, it is not easy to say. It is more like a ‘Canon’ than
anything else.
1. In the first month, the day Zan-£A4an immediately followed the end of the moon’s waning.
The next day was Kwei-ét, when the king, in the
morning, marched from A4u! to attack and punish
Shang. In the fourth month, at the first appearance of the moon, the king came from Shang to
Fang *, when he hushed all the movements of war,
and proceeded to cultivate the arts of peace. He
sent back his horses to the south of mount Hw,
1 K4u is, probably, Wd’s capital, called H4o, about ten miles
south of the present district city of Kang-an, and not quite so far
from his father’s capital of Fang. The river Fang ran between
them.
3 In Fang there was the ancestral temple of the lords of K4u,
and thither from the capital of Shang, ¥ Wa now repaired for the
purpose of sacrificing.
134 THE SHO KING. PART V.
and let loose his oxen in the open country of ThAolin', showing to all under heaven that he would not
use them (again).
On the day Ting-wei, he sacrificed in the ancestral
temple of K’u,when (the princes) of the royal domain,
and of the Tien, H4u, and Wei domains, all hurried
about, carrying the dishes.* The third day after was
Kang-hsii, when he presented a burnt-offering to
Heaven, and worshipped towards the hills and
rivers, solemnly announcing the successful completion of the war.*
After the moon began to wane, the hereditary
princes of the various states, and all the officers,
received their appointments from * 4u 2.
2. The king spoke to the following effect :—‘Oh!
ye host of princes, the first of our kings * founded
his state, and commenced (the enlargement of) its
territory. Kung Lif‘ was able to consolidate the
services of his predecessor. But it was the king
Thai who laid the foundations of the royal inheritance. The king At was diligent for the royal
House; and my deceased father, king W4n, completed his merit, and grandly received the appoint-
1 The country about the hill of MQ-nif' or Khw4-f@, in the southeast of the present department of Thung-Aau. Thao-lin may be
translated ‘ Peach-forest.’
* The new dynasty of Xau was now fully inaugurated.
® By ‘the first of our kings,’ we must understand Af, Shun’s
Minister of Agriculture ; and his state was that of Thai.
* Kung Lif, perhaps ‘duke Li@,’ appears in Pin, the present
Pin K&u of Shen-hsf, about the beginning of the eighteenth
century B.c., reviving the fallen fortunes of the House of XAt.
History is then silent about the family for more than four centuries,
when we find Than-fa, called here ‘king Thdi,’ founding the state
of Kau.
BOOK 111. SUCCESSFUL COMPLETION OF THE WAR. 135
ment of Heaven, to soothe the regions of our great
land.* The great states feared his strength; the
small states thought fondly of his virtue. In nine
years, however, the whole kingdom was not united
under his rule, and. it fell to me, the little child, to
carry out his will.
‘ Detesting the crimes of Shang, I announced to
great Heaven and the sovereign Earth, to the famous
hill! and the great river! by which I passed, saying,
“T, Fa, the principled, king of Kau by a long
descent, am about to administer a great correction
to Shang. Sh4u, the present king of Shang, is
without principle, cruel and destructive to the creatures of Heaven, injurious and tyrannical to the
multitudes of the people, lord of all the vagabonds
under heaven, who collect about him as fish in the
deep, and beasts in the prairie. I, the little child,
having obtained (the help of) virtuous men, presume
reverently to comply with (the will of) God, and make
an end of his disorderly ways.* Our flowery and great
land, and the tribes of the south and north, equally
follow and consent with me. Reverently obeying
the determinate counsel of Heaven, I pursue my
punitive work to the east, to give tranquillity to its
men and women. They meet me with their baskets
full of dark-coloured and yellow silks, thereby showing (the virtues) of us, the kings of Kau. Heaven's
favours stir them up, so that they come with their
allegiance to our great state of Kau. And now,
ye spirits, grant me your aid, that I may relieve
the millions of the people, and nothing turn out to
your shame.”’ *
1 Probably mount Hw and the Ho.
136 THE SHO KING. PART V.
Heaven's
favours stir them up, so that they come with their
allegiance to our great state of Kau. And now,
ye spirits, grant me your aid, that I may relieve
the millions of the people, and nothing turn out to
your shame.”’ *
1 Probably mount Hw and the Ho.
136 THE SHO KING. PART V.
3. On the day Wf-wi, the army crossed the ford
of Mang, and on Kwei-hai it was drawn up in array
in the borders of Shang, waiting for the gracious
decision of Heaven. On Aidyze, at early dawn,
Sh4u led forward his troops, (looking) like a forest,
and assembled them in the wild of Md. But they
offered no opposition to our army. Those in the
front inverted their spears, and attacked those behind them, till they fled; and the blood flowed till it
floated the pestles of the mortars. Thus did (king
Wd) once don his armour, and the kingdom was
grandly settled. He overturned the (existing) rule
of Shang, and made government resume its old
course. He delivered the count of AAt from
prison, and raised a mound over the grave of
Pt-kan. He bowed forward to the cross-bar of
his carriage at the gate of Shang Yung’s village’.
He dispersed the treasures of the Stag Tower ’,
and distributed the grain of Xii-4i4o%, thus conferring great gifts on all within the four seas, so
that the people joyfully submitted to him.
He arranged the nobles in five orders‘, assigning the territories to them according to a threefold
1 Shang Yung must have been some worthy in disgrace with
Shau, and living in the retirement of his village.
3 The Stag Tower was the name of a place in the present
department of Wei-hui, Ho-nan, where Shau had accumulated great
treasures, He fled to it after his defeat, and burned himself to
death ; but it would appear he had not succeeded in consuming
at the same time all his wealth.
8 Ki-khido was in the present district of KAt-k4u, department
Kwang-phing, Xih-lf, where Shau had collected great stores of
grain.
* Dukes, marquises, earls, counts, and barons.
BOOK IV. THE GREAT PLAN. 137
scale. He gave offices only to the worthy, and
employments only to the able. He attached great
importance to the people’s being taught the duties
of the five relations of society, and to measures
for ensuring a sufficient supply of food, attention
to the rites of mourning, and to sacrifices* He
showed the reality of his truthfulness, and proved
clearly his righteousness. He honoured virtue,
and rewarded merit. Then he had only to let
his robes fall down, and fold his hands, and the
kingdom was orderly ruled.
Book IV. Tue Great Puan.
He honoured virtue,
and rewarded merit. Then he had only to let
his robes fall down, and fold his hands, and the
kingdom was orderly ruled.
Book IV. Tue Great Puan.
Tue Great Plan, ordinarily classed among the ‘Counsels’ or
among the ‘Instructions’ of the Shi, might as well have a
place among the ‘Canons.’ It is a remarkable production, and
though it appears among the documents of the Kau dynasty,
there is claimed for the substance of it a much greater antiquity.
According to the introductory sentences, king W4, the founder
of Au, obtained it from the count of XAi in the same year, the
thirteenth of his dignity as Chief of the West, that he took the
field against the tyrant of Shang. The count of KA, it is
understood, was the Grand-Master at the court of Shang, who
appears in the concluding Book of the last Part. He says there,
that, when ruin overtook the House of Shang, he would not be
the servant of another dynasty. Accordingly, he refused to
acknowledge the sovereignty of king Wf, who had delivered
him from the prison in which he had been confined by K4uhsin, and fled—or purposed perhaps to flee—to Corea. WA
respected and admired his fidelity to the fallen dynasty, and
invested him with that territory. He then, it is said, felt constrained to appear at the court of Xau, when the king consulted
1 Dukes and marquises had the same amount of territory assigned
to them, and counts and barons also.
138 THE SHU KING. PART V.
him on the principles of government ; and the result was that
he communicated to him this Great Plan, with its nine divisions.
When we read the Book, we see that it belonged originally to
the time of Hsia, and that the larger portion of it should be
ascribed to the Great Yii, and was as old, indeed, as the reign
of Y4o. How it had come into the possession of the count of
ii we cannot tell. Nor does it appear how far the language
of it should be ascribed to him. That the larger portion of
it had come down from the times of Hsia is not improbable.
The use of the number nine and other numbers, and the
naming of the various divisions of the Plan, are in harmony
with Yii’s style and practice in his Counsels in the second
Part of our Classic, and in the second Part also of the Tribute
of Yi. We are told in the introductory sentences, that Heaven
or God gave the Plan with its divisions to Yi. To explain
the way in which the gift was made, there is a tradition about
a mysterious tortoise that appeared in the waters of the Lo,
bearing well-defined marks on its back from one to nine, and
that thereupon Yti determined the meaning of those marks and
of their numbers, and completed the nine divisions of the Plan.
Of this legend, however, it is not necessary to speak in connexion with the ShQ, which does not mention it; it will come up
in connexion with the translation of the Yf King.
Of this legend, however, it is not necessary to speak in connexion with the ShQ, which does not mention it; it will come up
in connexion with the translation of the Yf King.
The Great Plan means the great model for the government of the
nation,—the method by which the people may be rendered
happy and tranquil, in harmony with their condition, through
the perfect character of the king, and his perfect administration
of government.
P. Gaubil says that the Book is a treatise at once of physics,
astrology, divination, morals, politics, and religion, and that
it has a sufficiently close resemblance to the work of Ocellus
the Lucanian. There is a shadowy resemblance between the
Great Plan and the curious specimen of Pythagorean doctrine
which we have in the treatise on the Universe; but the dissimilarities are still greater and more numerous. More especially
are the differences between the Greek mind, speculative,
and the Chinese mind, practical, apparent in the two works.
Where the Chinese writer loses himself in the sheerest follies of
his imagining, he yet gropes about for a rule to be of use in the
conduct of human affairs.
The whole of the treatise is divided into three chapters. The
first is introductory, and relates how the Great Plan with its
BOOK IV. THE GREAT PLAN. 139
nine divisions was at first made known to Yu, and came at this
time to be communicated to king Wf; the second contains
the names of the nine divisions of the Plan; and in the third
we have a description of the several divisions. ‘The whole,’
says a Chinese writer, ‘exhibits the great model for the government of the nation.’ The fifth or middle division on royal
perfection is the central one of the whole, about which the
Book revolves. The four divisions that precede it show how
this royal perfection is to be accomplished, and the four that
follow show how it is to be maintained.
1. In the thirteenth year}, the king went to
enquire of the count of A4t, and said to him,
‘Oh! count of AAi, Heaven, (working) unseen, secures the tranquillity of the lower people, aiding
them to be in harmony with their condition*®. I
do not know how the unvarying principles (of its
method in doing so) should be set forth in due
order.’
The count of A4At thereupon replied, ‘I have
heard that in old time Khwan dammed up the
inundating waters, and thereby threw into disorder
the arrangement of the five elements. God was
consequently roused to anger, and did not give
him the Great Plan with its nine divisions, and
thus the unvarying principles (of Heaven’s method)
were allowed to go to ruin.* Khwan was therefore
1 See the commencement of Book i.
God was
consequently roused to anger, and did not give
him the Great Plan with its nine divisions, and
thus the unvarying principles (of Heaven’s method)
were allowed to go to ruin.* Khwan was therefore
1 See the commencement of Book i.
* Khung Ying-t& of the Thang dynasty says on this:—‘ The
people have been produced by supreme Heaven, and both body and
soul are Heaven’s gift. Men have thus the material body and the
knowing mind, and Heaven further assists them, helping them to
harmonize their lives. The right and the wrong of their language,
the correctness and errors of their conduct, their enjoyment of
clothing and food, the rightness of their various movements ;—all
these things are to be harmonized by what they are endowed with
by Heaven.’
140 THE SHO KING. PART VY.
kept a prisoner till his death, and his son Yii rose up
(and entered on the same undertaking). To him
Heaven gave the Great Plan with its nine divisions, and the unvarying principles (of its method)
were set forth in their due order.’ *
2. ‘(Of those divisions) the first is called “the
five elements ;” the second, “reverent attention to
the five (personal) matters;” the third, “earnest
devotion to the eight (objects of) government ;”
the fourth, “the harmonious use of the five dividers
of time;” the fifth, “the establishment and use of
royal perfection;” the sixth, “the discriminating
use of the three virtues;” the seventh, “the intelligent use of (the means for) the examination of
doubts ;” the eighth, “the thoughtful use of the
various verifications ;” the ninth, “the hortatory use
of the five (sources of) happiness, and the awing
use of the six (occasions of) suffering.” ’
3. i. ‘First, of the five elements '.—The first is
1 Gaubil gives here ‘les cinq hing,’ without translating the
Chinese term. English sinologists have got into the habit of
rendering it by ‘elements,’ but it hardly seems possible to determine what the Chinese mean by it. We intend by ‘elements’
‘the first principles or ingredients of which all things are composed.’ The Pythagoreans, by their four elements of earth, water,
air, and fire, did not intend so much the nature or essence
of material substances, as the forms under which matter is actually
presented to us. The character hsing, meaning ‘to move,’ ‘to
be in action,’ shows that the original conception of the Chinese
is of a different nature ; and it is said in the Khang-hst Dictionary,
‘The five hsing move and revolve between heaven and earth,
without ever ceasing, and hence they are named.’ The editors of
the latest imperial edition of the Shfi say, ‘ Distributed through the
four seasons, they make “ the five dividers of time ;” exhibited in
prognostications, they give rise to divination by the tortoise-shell
and the reeds; having lodgment in the human body, they produce
“the five personal matters;” moved by good fortune and bad, they
BOOK Iv. THE GREAT PLAN. 14!
THE GREAT PLAN. 14!
water; the second is fire; the third, wood; the
fourth, metal; and the fifth, earth. (The nature of)
water is to soak and descend; of fire, to blaze and
ascend ; of wood, to be crooked and straight; of
metal, to yield and change; while (that of) earth is
seen in seed-sowing and in-gathering. That which
soaks and descends becomes salt; that which blazes
and ascends becomes bitter; that which is crooked
and straight becomes sour; that which yields and
changes becomes acrid; and from seed-sowing and
in-gathering comes sweetness.’
ii. ‘Second, of the five (personal) matters 1—The
first is the bodily demeanour; the second, speech ;
the third, seeing; the fourth, hearing; the fifth,
thinking. (The virtue of) the bodily appearance is
respectfulness ; of speech, accordance (with reason) ;
of seeing, clearness; of hearing, distinctness; of
thinking, perspicaciousness. The respectfulness becomes manifest in gravity; accordance (with reason),
in orderliness; the clearness, in wisdom; the distinctness, in deliberation ; and the perspicaciousness,
in sageness.’
iii. ‘Third, of the eight (objects of) government *.—
?
produce “the various verifications ;” communicated to organisms,
they produce the different natures, hard and soft, good and evil ;
working out their results in the changes of those organisms, they
necessitate—here benevolence and there meanness, here longevity
and there early death :—all these things are from the operation of
the five hsing. But if we speak of them in their simplest and most
important character, they are what man’s life depends on, what
the people cannot do without.’ After all this, I should still be
sorry to be required to say what the five hsing are.
1 These five ‘matters’ are represented as being in the human
person what the five hsing are in nature. Demeanour is the
human correspondency of water, speech that of fire, &c.
* Medhurst calls the eight (objects of ) government ‘the eight
142 THE SHO KING. PART V.
The first is food; the second, wealth and articles
of convenience ; the third, sacrifices ; the fourth, (the
business of) the Minister of Works; the fifth, (that
of) the Minister of Instruction ; the sixth, (that of)
the Minister of Crime; the seventh, the observances
to be paid to guests; the eighth, the army.’
iv. ‘Fourth, of the five dividers of time 1.—The
first is the year (or the planet Jupiter) ; the second,
the moon; the third, the sun; the fourth, the stars
and planets, and the zodiacal spaces; and the fifth,
the calendaric calculations.’
‘Fourth, of the five dividers of time 1.—The
first is the year (or the planet Jupiter) ; the second,
the moon; the third, the sun; the fourth, the stars
and planets, and the zodiacal spaces; and the fifth,
the calendaric calculations.’
v. ‘Fifth, of royal perfection*—The sovereign,
having established (in himself) the highest degree
and pattern of excellence, concentrates in his own
person the five (sources of) happiness, and proceeds
to diffuse them, and give them to the multitudes
of the people. Then they, on their part, embodying your perfection, will give it (back) to you, and
secure the preservation of it. Among all the multitudes of the people there will be no unlawful confederacies, and among men (in office) there will be
no bad and selfish combinations ;—let the sovereign
regulators,’ and Gaubil calls them ‘les huit régles du gouvernement.’ The phrase means the eight things to be attended to in
government,—its objects and departments,
1 «The five dividers of time’ are with Medhurst ‘the five
arrangers,’ and with Gaubil ‘les cinq périodes.’ This division of
the Great Plan is substantially the same as Y4o’s instructions to his
astronomers.
* By ‘royal perfection’ we are to understand the sovereign
when he is, or has made himself, all that he ought to be. ‘ Perfection’ is ‘the utmost point, the extreme of excellence, realized in
the person of the sovereign, guiding his administrative measures,
and serving as an example and attractive influence to all below,
both ministers and people.
BOOK IV. THE GREAT PLAN. 143
establish in (himself) the highest degree and pattern
of excellence.
‘Among all the multitudes of the people there
will be those. who have ability to plan and to act,
and who keep themselves (from evil):—do you
keep such in mind; and there will be those who,
not coming up to the highest point of excellence,
yet do not involve themselves in evil :—let the
sovereign receive such. And when a placid satisfaction appears in their countenances, and they say,
“ Our love is fixed on virtue,” do you then confer
favours on them ;—those men will in this way advance to the perfection of the sovereign. Do not
let him oppress the friendless and childless, nor let
him fear the high and distinguished. When men
(in office) have ability and administrative power,
let them be made still more to cultivate their conduct; and the prosperity of the country will be promoted. All (such) right men, having a competency,
will go on in goodness. If you cannot cause them
to haye what they love in their families, they will
forthwith proceed to be guilty of crime. As to
those who have not the love of virtue, although
you confer favours (and emoluments) on them, they
will (only) involve you in the guilt of employing the
evil.
‘Without deflection, without unevenness,
Pursue the royal righteousness,
Without selfish likings,
Pursue the royal way.
Without selfish dislikings,
Pursue the royal path.
‘Without deflection, without unevenness,
Pursue the royal righteousness,
Without selfish likings,
Pursue the royal way.
Without selfish dislikings,
Pursue the royal path.
Avoid deflection, avoid partiality ;—
Broad and long is the royal way.
144 THE SHO KING. PART VY.
Avoid partiality, avoid deflection ;~
Level and easy is the royal way.
Avoid perversity, avoid one-sidedness ;—
Correct and straight is the royal way.
(Ever) seek for this perfect excellence,
(Ever) turn to this perfect excellence.’
He went on to say, ‘This amplification of the
royal perfection contains the unchanging (rule),
and is the (great) Iesson ;—yea, it is the lesson of
God.* All the multitudes of the people, instructed
in this amplification of the perfect excellence, and
carrying it into practice, will thereby approximate
to the glory of the Son of Heaven, and say, “The
Son of Heaven is the parent of the people, and so
becomes the sovereign of all under the sky.”’”’
vi. ‘Sixth, of the three virtues!.—The first is
correctness and straightforwardness; the second,
strong rule; and the third, mild rule. In peace
and tranquillity, correctness and straightforwardness
(must sway); in violence and disorder, strong rule ;
in harmony and order, mild rule. For the reserved
and retiring there should be (the stimulus of) the
strong rule; for the high(-minded) and distinguished,
(the restraint of) the mild rule.
‘It belongs only to the sovereign to confer
dignities and rewards, to display the terrors of
majesty, and to receive the revenues (of the kingdom). There should be no such thing as a minister's conferring dignities or rewards, displaying the
terrors of majesty, or receiving the revenues. Such
1¢The three virtues’ are not personal attributes of the sovereign, but characteristics of his rule, the varied manifestations of
the perfection described in the preceding division.
BOOK IV. THE GREAT PLAN. 145
a thing is injurious to the clans, and fatal to the
states (of the kingdom); smaller affairs are thereby
managed in a one-sided and perverse manner, and
the people fall into assumptions and excesses.’
vii. ‘Seventh, of the (means for the) examination
of doubts 1.—Officers having been chosen and appointed for divining by the tortoise-shell and the
‘Seventh, of the (means for the) examination
of doubts 1.—Officers having been chosen and appointed for divining by the tortoise-shell and the
1 The practice of divination for the satisfaction of doubts was
thus used in China from the earliest times. In the Counsels of
Yii, p. 50, that sage proposes to Shun to submit the question of
who should be his successor on the throne to divination, and Shun
replies that he had already done so. Gaubil says that according to
the Great Plan divination was only used in doubtful cases; but if
such was the. practice of the sages, diviners and soothsayers must
have formed, as they do now, a considerable and influential class in
society. The old methods of divination have fallen into disuse,
and we do not know how far other methods are employed and
sanctioned by the government. Those old methods were by
means of the tortoise-shell, and the stalks of the XAi plant. ‘The
tortoise,’ says KO Hsf, ‘after great length of years becomes intelligent; and the AA? plant will yield, when a hundred years old, a
hundred stalks from one root, and is also a spiritual and intelligent thing. The two divinations were in reality a questioning of
spiritual beings, the plant and the shell being employed, because
of their mysterious intelligence, to indicate their intimations. The
way of divination by the shell was by the application of fire to
scorch it till the indications appeared on it; and that by the stalks of the plant was to manipulate in a prescribed way forty-nine of
them, eighteen different times, till the diagrams were formed.’
The outer shell of the tortoise was removed, leaving the inner
portion on which were the marks of the lines of the muscles of the
creature. This was smeared with a black pigment, and, fire being
applied beneath, the pigment was examined, and according as it
had been variously dried by the heat, presented the indications
mentioned in the text. The Af plant was probably the Achillea
millefolium. It is cultivated largely on the mound over the grave
of Confucius. I brought from that two bundles of the dried stalks
in 1873.
(1) L
146 THE SHO KING. PART V.
stalks of the Achillea, they are to be charged (on
occasion) to execute their duties. (In doing this),
they will find (the appearances of) rain, of clearing
up, of cloudiness, of want of connexion, and of
crossing; and the inner and outer diagrams. In
all (the indications) are seven ;—five given by the
shell, and two by the stalks ; and (by means) of these
any errors (in the mind) may be traced out. These
officers having been appointed, when the divination
is proceeded with, three men are to interpret the
indications, and the (consenting) words of two of
them are to be followed.*
These
officers having been appointed, when the divination
is proceeded with, three men are to interpret the
indications, and the (consenting) words of two of
them are to be followed.*
‘When you have doubts about any great matter,
consult with your own mind; consult with your high
ministers and officers; consult with the common
people; consult the tortoise-shell and divining
stalks. If you, the shell, the stalks, the ministers
and officers, and the common people, all agree about
a course, this is what is called a great concord, and
the result will be the welfare of your person and
good fortune to your descendants. If you, the shell,
and the stalks agree, while the ministers, and officers,
and the common people oppose, the result will be
fortunate. If the ministers and officers, with the
shell and stalks, agree, while you and the common
people oppose, the result will be fortunate. If the
common people, the shell, and the stalks agree,
while you, with the ministers and officers, oppose,
the result will be fortunate. If you and the shell
agree, while the stalks, with the ministers and
officers, and the common people, oppose, internal
operations will be fortunate, and external undertakings unlucky. When the shell and stalks are
both opposed to the views of men, there will be
BOOK Iv. THE GREAT PLAN. 147
good fortune in being still, and active operations
will be unlucky.’ *
viii. ‘Eighth, of the various verifications ?.—
They are rain, sunshine, heat, cold, wind, and
seasonableness. When the five come, all complete,
and each in its proper order, (even) the various
plants will be richly luxuriant. Should any one of
them be either excessively abundant or excessively
deficient, there will be evil.*
‘ There are the favourable verifications? :-—_namely,
When the five come, all complete,
and each in its proper order, (even) the various
plants will be richly luxuriant. Should any one of
them be either excessively abundant or excessively
deficient, there will be evil.*
‘ There are the favourable verifications? :-—_namely,
1 P. Gaubil renders by ‘les apparences’ the characters which I
have translated ‘ the various verifications,’ observing that he could
not find any word which would cover the whole extent of the
meaning. He says, ‘In the present case, the character signifies
meteors, phenomena, appearances, but in such sort that these have
relation to some other things with which they are connected ;—
the meteor or phenomenon indicates some good or some evil. Ic
is a kind of correspondency which is supposed, it appears, to exist
between the ordinary events of the life of men and the constitution
of the air, according to the different seasons ;—what is here said
supposes—I know not what physical speculation of those times. It
is needless to bring to bear on the text the interpretation of the
later Chinese, for they are full of false ideas on the subject of
physics. It may be also that the count of XAt wanted to play the
physicist on points which he did not know.’ There seems to
underlie the words of the count that feeling of the harmony
between the natural and spiritual worlds, which occurs at times to
most men, and strongly affects minds under deep religious thought
or on the wings of poetic rapture, but the way in which he endeavours to give the subject a practical application can only be
characterised as grotesque.
* Compare with this what is said above on the second division of
the Plan, ‘ the five (personal) matters.’ It is observed here by Shai
Khan, the disciple of XO Hsf, and whose commentary on the Shtt
has, of all others, the greatest authority: —‘ To say that on occasion
of such and such a personal matter being realized, there will be
the favourable verification corresponding to it, or that, on occasion
of the failure of such realization, there will be the corresponding
L2
148 THE SHO KING. PART V.
of gravity, which is emblemed by seasonable rain ;
of orderliness, emblemed by seasonable sunshine; of
wisdom, emblemed by seasonable heat ; of deliberation, emblemed by seasonable cold ; and of sageness,
emblemed by seasonable wind. There are (also)
the unfavourable verifications :—namely, of recklessness, emblemed by constant rain; of assumption,
emblemed by constant sunshine; of indolence, emblemed by constant heat; of hastiness, emblemed
by constant cold; and of stupidity, emblemed by
constant wind.’ *
There are (also)
the unfavourable verifications :—namely, of recklessness, emblemed by constant rain; of assumption,
emblemed by constant sunshine; of indolence, emblemed by constant heat; of hastiness, emblemed
by constant cold; and of stupidity, emblemed by
constant wind.’ *
He went on to say, ‘ The king should examine
the (character of the whole) year ; the high ministers
and officers (that of) the month; and the inferior
officers (that of) the day. If, throughout the year,
the month, the day, there be an unchanging seasonableness, all the grains will be matured ; the measures
of government will be wise; heroic men will stand
forth distinguished; and in the families (of the
people) there will be peace and prosperity. If,
throughout the year, the month, the day, the seasonableness be interrupted, the various kinds of grain
will not be matured; the measures of government
will be dark and unwise; heroic men will be kept in
unfavourable verification, would betray a pertinacious obtuseness,
and show that the speaker was not a man to be talked with on the
mysterious operations of nature. It is not easy to describe the
reciprocal meeting of Heaven and men. The hidden springs
touched by failure and success, and the minute influences that
respond to them:—who can know these but the man that has
apprehended all truth?’ This is in effect admitting that the statements in the text can be of no practical use. And the same
thing is admitted by the latest imperial editors of the Shfi on the
use which the text goes on to make of the thoughtful use of the
verifications by the king and others.
BOOK V. THE HOUNDS OF LU. 149
obscurity ; and in the families (of the people) there
will be an absence of repose.
‘By the common people the stars should be
examined. Some stars love wind, and some love
rain. The courses of the sun and moon give winter
and summer. The way in which the moon follows
the stars gives wind and rain.’
ix. ‘ Ninth, of the five (sources of) happiness .—
The first is long life; the second, riches; the third,
soundness of body and serenity of mind; the fourth,
the love of virtue; and the fifth, fulfilling to the.
end the will (of Heaven).* Of the six extreme
evils, the first is misfortune shortening the life; the
second, sickness; the third, distress of mind; the
fourth, poverty; the fifth, wickedness; the sixth,
weakness?,’
Book V. Tue Hounps or Li.
end the will (of Heaven).* Of the six extreme
evils, the first is misfortune shortening the life; the
second, sickness; the third, distress of mind; the
fourth, poverty; the fifth, wickedness; the sixth,
weakness?,’
Book V. Tue Hounps or Li.
Li was the name of one of the rude tribes of the west, lying
beyond the provinces of Kau. Its situation cannot be more
exactly defined. Its people, in compliment to king WA, and
impressed by a sense of his growing power, sent to him some
of their hounds, and he having received them, or intimated that
he would do so, the Grand-Guardian remonstrated with him,
showing that to receive such animals would be contrary to precedent, dangerous to the virtue of the sovereign, and was not
the way to deal with outlying tribes and nations. The Grand-
Guardian, it is supposed, was the duke of Shao, author of the
Announcement which forms the twelfth Book of this Part. The
Book is one of the ‘Instructions’ of the Sha.
1 It is hardly possible to see how this division enters into the
scheme of the Great Plan.
2 *Wickedness’ is, probably, boldness in what is evil, and ‘ weakness,’ feebleness of will in what is good.
150 THE SHO KING. PART V.
1. After the conquest of Shang, the way being
open to the nine tribes of the I! and the eight of
the Man!, the western tribe of Lii sent as tribute
some of its hounds, on which the Grand-Guardian
made ‘the Hounds of Li,’ by way of instruction
to the king.
2. He said, ‘Oh! the intelligent kings paid careful
attention to their virtue, and the wild tribes on every
side acknowledged subjection to them. The nearer
and the more remote all presented the productions
of their countries,—in robes, food, and vessels for
use. The kings then displayed the things thus —
drawn forth by their virtue, (distributing them) to
the (princes of the) states of different surnames from
their own, (to encourage them) not to neglect their
duties. The (more) precious things and pieces of
jade they distributed among their uncles in charge
of states, thereby increasing their attachment (to the
throne). The recipients did not despise the things,
but saw in them the power of virtue.
‘Complete virtue allows no contemptuous familiarity. When (a ruler) treats superior men with such
familiarity, he cannot get them to give him all their
hearts; when he so treats inferior men, he cannot
get them to put forth for him all their strength.
Let him keep from being in bondage to his ears
and eyes, and strive to be correct in all his measures.
By trifling intercourse with men, he ruins his virtue ;
by finding his amusement in things (of mere pleasure),
1 By ‘the nine f and eight Man’ we are to understand generally
the barbarous tribes lying round the China of Kau. Those tribes
are variously enumerated in the ancient books. Generally the f
are assigned to the east, the Zung to the west, the Tf to the
north, and the Man to the south.
BOOK VI. THE METAL-BOUND COFFER. I51I
Those tribes
are variously enumerated in the ancient books. Generally the f
are assigned to the east, the Zung to the west, the Tf to the
north, and the Man to the south.
BOOK VI. THE METAL-BOUND COFFER. I51I
he ruins his aims. His aims should repose in what
is right; he should listen to words (also) in their
relation to what is right.
‘When he does not do what is unprofitable to the
injury of what is profitable, his merit can be completed. When he does not value strange things to
the contemning things that are useful, his people
will be able to supply (all that he needs). (Even)
dogs and horses that are not native to his country
he will not keep. Fine birds and strange animals
he will not nourish in his state. When he does
not look on foreign things as precious, foreigners
will come to him; when it is real worth that is
precious to him, (his own) people near at hand will
be in a state of repose.
‘Oh! early and late never be but earnest. If you
do not attend jealously to your small actions, the
result will be to affect your virtue in great matters ;
—in raising a mound of nine fathoms, the work may
be unfinished for want of one basket (of earth). If
you really pursue this course (which I indicate), the
people will preserve their possessions, and the throne
will descend from generation to generation.’
Book VI. Tue METAL-BouND COoFFER.
A certain chest or coffer, that was fastened with bands of metal,
and in which important state documents were deposited, plays
an important part among the incidents of the Book, which is
therefore called ‘the Metal-bound Coffer.’ To what class
among the documents of the Shfi it should be assigned is
doubtful.
King W4 is very ill, and his death seems imminent. His brother,
the duke of Hau, apprehensive of the disasters which such an
152 THE SHO KING. PART V.
event would occasion to their infant dynasty, conceives the idea
of dying in his stead, and prays to ‘the three kings,’ their immediate progenitors, that he might be taken and king Wd left.
Having done so, and divined that he was heard, he deposits
the prayer in the metal-bound coffer. The king gets well,
and the duke is also spared; but five years later, WQ does die,
and is succeeded by his son, a boy only thirteen years old.
Rumours are spread abroad that the duke has designs on the
throne, and he withdraws for a time from the court. At length,
in the third year of the young king, Heaven interposes. He has
occasion to open the coffer, and the prayer of the duke is found.
His devotion to his brother and to the interests of their family
is brought to light. The boy-monarch weeps because of the
unjust suspicions he had harboured, and welcomes the duke
back to court, amid unmistakeable demonstrations of the
approval of Heaven.
His devotion to his brother and to the interests of their family
is brought to light. The boy-monarch weeps because of the
unjust suspicions he had harboured, and welcomes the duke
back to court, amid unmistakeable demonstrations of the
approval of Heaven.
The whole narrative is a very pleasing episode in the history of
the times. It divides itself naturally into two chapters :—the
first, ending with the placing the prayer in the coffer; and the
second, detailing how it was brought to light, and the consequences of the discovery.
It is in this Book that we first meet in the Shi with the duke of
4u, a name in Chinese history only second to that of Confucius. He was the legislator and consolidator of the dynasty of
X4u, equally mighty in words and in deeds,—a man of counsel
and of action. Confucius regarded his memory with reverence,
and spoke of it as a sign of his own failing powers, that the
duke of K4u no longer appeared to him in his dreams. He
was the fourth son of king Wan; his name was Tan, and
he had for his appanage the territory of Kau, where Than-fQ,
canonized by him as king ThAi, first placed the seat of his
family in B.c. 1327, and hence he is commonly called ‘the duke
of Kau.’
1. Two years after the conquest of Shang?!, the
king fell ill, and was quite disconsolate. The two
(other great) dukes? said, ‘Let us reverently consult
1 Bc. 112I.
* These were the duke of Sh4o, to whom the preceding Book
is ascribed, and Th4i-kung, who became the first of the lords
of Khi.
BOOK VI. THE METAL-BOUND COFFER. 1§3
the tortoise-shell about the king;’ but the duke of
Au said, ‘You must not so distress our former
kings.” He then took the business on himself, and
reared three altars of earth on the same cleared
space; and having made another altar on the south
of these, and facing the north, he took there his own
position. Having put a round symbol of jade (on
each of the three altars), and holding in his hands the
lengthened symbol (of his own rank), he addressed
the kings Thai, At, and W&n.*
The (grand) historiographer had written on tablets
his prayer, which was to this effect :—‘ A. B., your
great descendant, is suffering from a severe and
violent disease ;—if you three kings have in heaven
the charge of (watching over) him, (Heaven’s) great
son, let me Tan be a substitute for his person *.
I was lovingly obedient to my father ; I am possessed
of many abilities and arts, which fit me to serve
spiritual beings. Your great descendant, on the
other hand, has not so many abilities and arts as
I, and is not so capable of serving spiritual beings.
And moreover he was appointed in the hall of God
to extend his aid all over the kingdom, so that he
might establish your descendants in this lower earth.
The people of the four quarters all stand in reverent
1 He negatives their proposal, having determined to take the
whole thing on himself.
And moreover he was appointed in the hall of God
to extend his aid all over the kingdom, so that he
might establish your descendants in this lower earth.
The people of the four quarters all stand in reverent
1 He negatives their proposal, having determined to take the
whole thing on himself.
* Two things are here plain :—first, that the duke of Kau offered
himself to die in the room of his brother; and second, that he
thought that his offer might somehow be accepted through the
intervention of the great kings, their progenitors. He proceeds to
give his reasons for making such an offer, which are sufficiently
interesting. It was hardly necessary for Chinese scholars to take
the pains they have done to free the duke from the charge of
boasting in them.
154 THE SHO KING. PART V.
awe of him. Oh! do not let that precious Heavenconferred appointment fall to the ground, and (all
the long line of) our former kings will also have one
in whom they can ever rest at our sacrifices.* I will
now seek for your determination (in this matter)
from the great tortoise-shell. If you grant me (my
request), I will take these symbols and this mace,
and return and wait for your orders. If you do not
grant it, I will put them by?’ *
The duke then divined with the three tortoiseshells, and all were favourable. He opened with a
key the place where the (oracular) responses were
kept, and looked at them, and they also were
favourable. He said, ‘According to the form (of
the prognostic) the king will take no injury. I, the
little child, have got the renewal of his appointment
from the three kings, by whom a long futurity has
been consulted for. I have now to wait for the
issue. They can provide for our One man.’ *
When the duke returned, he placed the tablets
(of the prayer) in a metal-bound coffer?, and next
day the king got better.
2. (Afterwards), upon the death of king W4, (the
duke’s) elder brother, he of Kwan, and his younger
brothers, spread a baseless report through the king-
1 I suppose that the divination took place before the altars, and
that a different shell was used to ascertain the mind of each king.
The oracular responses would be a few lines, kept apart by themselves, and consulted, on occasion, according to certain rules which
have not come down to the present day.
* Many scholars think that it was this coffer which contained
the oracles of divination mentioned above. It may have been so;
but I rather suppose it to have been different, and a special chest
in which important archives of the dynasty, to be referred to on
great emergencies, were kept.
e
BOOK VI. THE METAL-BOUND COFFER. 155
dom, to the effect that the duke would do no good
to the (king’s) young son. On this the duke said to
the two (other great) dukes, ‘If I do not take the
law (to these men), I shall not be able to make my
report to the former kings!’ *
e
BOOK VI. THE METAL-BOUND COFFER. 155
dom, to the effect that the duke would do no good
to the (king’s) young son. On this the duke said to
the two (other great) dukes, ‘If I do not take the
law (to these men), I shall not be able to make my
report to the former kings!’ *
He resided (accordingly) in the east for two years’,
when the criminals were taken (and brought to justice). Afterwards he made a poem to present to
the king, and called it ‘the Owl*’ The king on
his part did not dare to blame the duke.
In the autumn, when the grain was abundant and
ripe, but before it was reaped, Heaven sent a great
storm of thunder and lightning, along with wind, by
which the grain was all broken down, and great trees
torn up. The people were greatly terrified; and
the king and great officers, all in their caps of state,
proceeded to open the metal-bound coffer and examine the writings in it, where they found the words
of the duke when he took on himself the business
of being a substitute for king Wd. The two (great)
dukes and the king asked the historiographer and
all the other officers (acquainted with the transaction) about the thing, and they replied, ‘It was
really thus; but ah! the duke charged us that we
1 WA died in p.c, 1116, and was succeeded by his son Sung,
who is known in history as king AA&ng, or ‘the Completer.’
He was at the time only thirteen years old, and his uncle, the
duke of Au, acted as regent. The jealousy of his elder brother
Hsien, ‘lord of Kwan,’ and two younger brothers, was excited, and
they spread the rumour which is referred to, and entered into a
conspiracy with the son of the tyrant of Shang, to overthrow the
new dynasty.
* These two years were spent in military operations against the
revolters.
* See the Book of Poetry, Part I, xv, Ode 2.
156 THE SHO KING. PART V.
should not presume to speak about it.’ The king
held the writing in his hand, and wept, saying, ‘We
need not (now) go on reverently to divine. Formerly the duke was thus earnest for the royal House,
but I, being a child, did not know it. Now Heaven
has moved its terrors to display his virtue. That I,
the little child, (now) go with my new views and
feelings to meet him, is what the rules of propriety
of our kingdom require.’ *
The king then went out to the borders (to meet
the duke), when Heaven sent down rain, and, by
virtue of a contrary wind, the grain all rose up.
The two (great) dukes gave orders to the people
to take up the trees that had fallen and replace
them. The year then turned out very fruitful. *
Book VII. Tue Great ANNOUNCEMENT.
The two (great) dukes gave orders to the people
to take up the trees that had fallen and replace
them. The year then turned out very fruitful. *
Book VII. Tue Great ANNOUNCEMENT.
Tus ‘Great Announcement’ was called forth by the emergency
referred to in the second chapter of the last Book. The
prefatory notice says, ‘When king Wa had deceased, the three
overseers and the wild tribes of the Hw4i rebelled. The duke
of Xau acted as minister for king Kh&ng, and having purposed
to make an end of the House of Yin (or Shang), he made ‘the
Great Announcement.’ Such was the occasion on which the
Book was composed. The young king speaks in it the words
and sentiments of the duke of K4u; and hence the style in
which it commences, ‘The king speaks to the following effect.’
The young sovereign speaks of the responsibility lying on him to
maintain the kingdom gained by the virtues and prowess of his
father, and of the senseless movements of the House of Shang
to regain its supremacy. He complains of the reluctance of
many of the princes and high officers to second him in putting
down revolt, and proclaims with painful reiteration the support
and assurances of success which he has received from the
divining shell. His traitorous uncles, who were confederate
with the son of the tyrant of Shang, are only alluded to.
BOOK VII. THE GREAT ANNOUNCEMENT. 157
1. The king speaks to the following effect :—‘ Ho!
I make a great announcement to you, (the princes
of) the many states, and to you, the managers of my
affairs—We are unpitied, and Heaven sends down
calamities on our House, without the least intermission!.* It greatly occupies my thoughts that I,
so very young, have inherited this illimitable patrimony with its destinies and domains. I cannot
display wisdom and lead the people to prosperity ;
and how much less should I be able to reach the
knowledge of the decree of Heaven!* Yes, I who
am but a little child am in the position of one who
has to go through a deep water ;—I must go and seek
where I can cross over. I must diffuse the elegant
institutions of my predecessor and display the
appointment which he received (from Heaven) ;—
so shall I not be forgetful of his great work. Nor
shall I dare to restrain the majesty of Heaven in
sending down its inflictions (on the criminals)?,’ *
2. ‘The Tranquillizing king * left to me the great
precious tortoise-shell, to bring into connexion with
me the intelligence of Heaven. I divined by it, and
it told me that there would be great trouble in the
region of the west‘, and that the western people
would not be still4* Accordingly we have these
senseless movements. Small and reduced as Yin
1 With reference, probably, to the early death of his father, and
the revolt that followed quickly upon it.
* The duke had made up his mind that he would deal stern
justice even on his own brothers.
5 King Wa.
Small and reduced as Yin
1 With reference, probably, to the early death of his father, and
the revolt that followed quickly upon it.
* The duke had made up his mind that he would deal stern
justice even on his own brothers.
5 King Wa.
‘ The troubles arose in the east, and not in the west. We
do not know the facts in the state of the kingdom sufficiently to
explain every difficulty in these Books. Perhaps the oracular
response had been purposely ambiguous.
158 THE SHO KING. PART V.
now is, (its prince) greatly dares to take in hand its
(broken) line. Though Heaven sent down its terrors
(on his House), yet knowing of the evils in our
kingdom, and that the people are not tranquil, he
says, “I will recover (my patrimony);” and so (he
wishes to) make our A’4u a border territory again.
‘One day there was a senseless movement, and
the day after, ten men of worth appeared among the
people, to help me to go forward to restore tranquillity and perpetuate the plans (of my father)}.
The great business I am engaging in will (thus)
have a successful issue. I have divined (also) by the
tortoise-shell, and always got a favourable response.*
Therefore I tell you, the princes of my friendly states,
and you, the directors of departments, my officers,
and the managers of my affairs——I have obtained
a favourable reply to my divinations. I will go forward with you from all the states, and punish those
vagabond and transported ministers of Yin.’
3. ‘(But) you the princes of the various states,
and you the various officers and managers of my
affairs, all retort on me, saying, “ The hardships will
be great, and that the people are not quiet has its
source really in the king’s palace and in the mansions
of the princes in that (rebellious) state. We little
ones, and the old and reverend men as well, think
the expedition ill-advised ;—why does your Majesty
not go contrary to the divinations ?” I, in my youth,
(also) think continually of these hardships, and say,
1 Who these ‘ten men of worth’ were, we do not know, nor
the circumstances in which they came forward to help the
government.
* Here is an allusion, as plain as the duke could permit himself
to make, to the complicity of his brothers in the existing troubles.
BOOK VII. THE GREAT ANNOUNCEMENT, 159
Alas! these senseless movements will deplorably
afflict the wifeless men and widows! But I am the
servant of Heaven, which has assigned me this
great task, and laid the hard duty on my person.*
I therefore, the young one, do not pity myself; and
it would be right in you, the many officers, the
directors of departments, and the managers of my
affairs, to comfort me, saying, “ Do not be distressed
with sorrow. We shall surely complete the plans of
your Tranquillizing father.”
We shall surely complete the plans of
your Tranquillizing father.”
‘Yes, I, the little child, dare not disregard the
charge of God!.* Heaven, favourable to the Tranquillizing king, gave such prosperity to our small
country of Kau. The Tranquillizing king divined
and acted accordingly, and so he calmly received
his (great) appointment. Now when Heaven is
(evidently) aiding the people, how much more should
we follow the indications of the shell! Oh! the
clearly intimated will of Heaven is to be feared :—
it is to help my great inheritance !’ *
4. The king says, ‘You, who are the old ministers,
are fully able to remember the past ; you know how
great was the toil of the Tranquillizing king. Where
Heaven (now) shuts up (our path) and distresses us,
is the place where I must accomplish my work ;—
I dare not but do my utmost to complete the plans
of the Tranquillizing king. It is on this account that
I use such efforts to remove the doubts and carry
forward the inclinations of the princes of my friendly
states. And Heaven assists me with sincere expressions (of sympathy), which I have ascertained among
1 Probably the charge understood to be conveyed by the result
of the divinations spoken of above.
160 THE SHO KING. PART V.
the people ;—how dare I but aim at the completion
of the work formerly begun by the Tranquillizer ?
Heaven, moreover, is thus toiling and distressing the
people ;—it is as if they were suffering from disease ;
how dare I allow (the appointment) which my predecessor, the Tranquillizer, received, to be without its
happy fulfilment ?’ *
The king says, ‘ Formerly, at the initiation of this
expedition, I spoke of its difficulties, and thought of
them daily. But when a deceased father, (wishing)
to build a house, had laid out the plan, if his son be
unwilling to raise up the hall, how much less will he
be willing to complete the roof! Or if the father
had broken up the -ground, and his son be unwilling
to sow the seed, how much less will he be willing to
reap the crop! In such a case could the father, (who
had himself) been so reverently attentive (to his
objects), have been willing to say, “I have a son
who will not abandon his patrimony?”—How dare
I therefore but use all my powers to give a happy
settlement to the great charge entrusted to the
Tranquillizing king? Ifamong the friends of an elder
brother or a deceased father there be those who
attack his son, will the elders of the people encourage (the attack), and not (come to the) rescue ?’
5. The king says, ‘Oh! take heart, ye princes of
the various states, and ye managers of my affairs.
The enlightening of the country was from the wise,
even from the ten men! who obeyed and knew the
1 «The ten men’ here can hardly be the ‘ten men of worth’
above in the second chapter. We must find them rather in the
‘ten virtuous men, one in heart and one in practice, capable
of good,’ mentioned by king W4, in the second Part of the
Great Declaration.
who obeyed and knew the
1 «The ten men’ here can hardly be the ‘ten men of worth’
above in the second chapter. We must find them rather in the
‘ten virtuous men, one in heart and one in practice, capable
of good,’ mentioned by king W4, in the second Part of the
Great Declaration.
BOOK VIII. CHARGE TO THE COUNT OF WEI. 161
charge of God,* and the real assistance given by
Heaven. At that time none of you presumed to
change the rules (prescribed by the Tranquillizing
king). And now when Heaven is sending down
calamity on the country of K4u, and the authors of
these great distresses (make it appear on a grand
scale as if) the inmates of a house were mutually
to attack one another, you are without any knowledge that the decree of Heaven is not to be
changed ! *
‘I ever think and say, Heaven in destroying Yin was
doing husbandman’s work';—how dare I but complete
the work on my fields? Heaven will thereby show
its favour to my predecessor, the Tranquillizer. How
should I be all for the oracle of divination, and presume not to follow (your advice)? * I am following
the Tranquillizer, whose purpose embraced all within
the limits of the land. How much more must I
proceed, when the divinations are all favourable! It
is on these accounts that I make this expedition in
force to the east. There is no mistake about the
decree of Heaven. The indications given by the
tortoise-shell are all to the same effect.’*
Book VIII. Tue Cuarce to tHE Count or WEL.
Tue count of Wei was the principal character in the eleventh
Book of the last Part, from which it appeared that he was
a brother of the tyrant K&u-hsin. We saw how his friends
advised him to withdraw from the court of Shang, and save
_ 1 That is, thorough work,—clearing the ground of weeds, and
not letting their roots remain.
(r] M
162 THE sHO KING. PART V.
himself from the destruction that was impending over their
House. He had done so, and king W4 had probably continued
him in the possession of his appanage of Wei, while Wfi-king,
the son of the tyrant, had been spared, and entrusted with the
duty of continuing the sacrifices to the great Thang and the
other sovereigns of the House of Shang. Now that WQ-kang
has been punished with death for his rebellion, the duke of Xau
summons the count of Wei to court, and in the name of king
Kh’ng invests him with the dukedom of Sung, corresponding
to the present department of Kwei-teh, Ho-nan, there to be the
representative of the line of the departed kings of Shang.
The king speaks to the following effect :—‘ Ho!
eldest son of the king of Yin, examining into antiquity, (I find) that the honouring of the virtuous
(belongs to their descendants) who resemble them
in worth, and (I appoint) you to continue the line
of the kings your ancestors, observing their ceremonies and taking care of their various relics. Come
(also) as a guest to our royal House’, and enjoy the
prosperity of our kingdom, for ever and ever without
end.
Come
(also) as a guest to our royal House’, and enjoy the
prosperity of our kingdom, for ever and ever without
end.
‘Oh! your ancestor, Thang the Successful, was
reverent and sage, (with a virtue) vast and deep.
The favour and help of great Heaven lighted upon
him, and he grandly received its appointment, to
soothe the people by his gentleness, and remove the
wicked oppressions from which they were suffering.*
His achievements affected his age, and his virtue
was transmitted to his posterity. And you are the
one who pursue and cultivate his plans ;—this praise
1 Under the dynasty of K4u, the representatives of the two
previous dynasties of Shang and Hsia were distinguished above
the other princes of the kingdom, and denominated ‘guests’ of
the sovereign, coming to his court and assisting in the services
in his ancestral temple, nearly on a footing of equality with him.
BOOK VIII. CHARGE TO THE COUNT OF WEI. 163
has belonged to you for long. Reverently and carefully have you discharged your filial duties ; gravely
and respectfully you behave to spirits and to men.*
I admire your virtue, and pronounce it great and not
to be forgotten. God will always enjoy your offerings; the people will be reverently harmonious
(under your sway).* I raise you therefore to the
rank of high duke, to rule this eastern part of our
great land}.
‘Be reverent. Go and diffuse abroad your instructions. Be carefully observant of your robes and
(other accompaniments of) your appointment?; follow
and observe the proper statutes;—so as to prove
a bulwark to the royal House, Enlarge (the fame
of) your meritorious ancestor; be a law to your
people ;—so as for ever to preserve your dignity.
(So also) shall you be a help to me, the One man;
future ages will enjoy (the benefit of) your virtue ;
all the states will take you for a pattern ;—and thus
you will make our dynasty of AAu never weary
of you.
‘Oh! go, and be prosperous. Do not disregard
my charge.’
1 Sung lay east from Fang and Hao, the capitals of Wan and
‘WA, which were in the present department of Hstf-an, Shen-hsf.
* Meaning probably that he was to bear in mind that, however
illustrious his descent, he was still a subject of the king of Kau,
164 THE SHO KING. PART V.
Boox IX.
THE ANNOUNCEMENT TO THE PRINCE OF KHANG.
Or the ten sons of king Wan, the ninth was called Fang, and
is generally spoken of as Khang Shf, or ‘the uncle, (the prince
of) Khang.’ We must conclude that Khang was the name
of Fang’s appanage, somewhere in the royal domain. This
Book contains the charge given to him on his appointment
to be marquis of Wei (the Chinese name is quite different from
that of the appanage of the count of Wei), the chief city of
which was X4o-ko, that had been the capital of Xau-hsin. It
extended westward from the present Khai Kau, department
Té-ming, Xib-lf, to the borders of the departments of Wei-hui
and Hwai-shing, Ho-nan.
It
extended westward from the present Khai Kau, department
Té-ming, Xib-lf, to the borders of the departments of Wei-hui
and Hwai-shing, Ho-nan.
The Book is called an ‘Announcement,’ whereas it properly
belongs to the class of ‘Charges.’ Whether the king who
speaks in it, and gives the charge be W4, or his son king Kang,
is a point on which there is much difference of opinion among
Chinese critics. The older view that the appointment of Fang
to be marquis of Wei, and ruler of that part of the people
who might be expected to cling most tenaciously to the memory
of the Shang dynasty, took place after the death of Wa-kang,
the son of the tyrant, and was made by the duke of X4u, in
the name of king Khang, is on the whole attended with the
fewer difficulties.
The first paragraph, which appears within brackets, does not
really belong to this Book, but to the thirteenth, where it
will be found again. How it got removed from its proper
- place, and prefixed to the charge to the prince of Khang, is
a question on which it is not necessary to enter. The key-note
of the whole charge is in what is said, at the commencement
of the first of the five chapters into which I have divided it,
about king W4n, that ‘he was able to illustrate his virtue and
be careful in the use of punishments.’ The first chapter celebrates the exhibition of these two things given by Wan, whereby
he laid the foundations of the great destiny of his House, and
set an example to his descendants. The second inculcates on
Fang how he should illustrate his virtue, as the basis of his
good government of the people entrusted to him. The third
inculcates on him how he should be careful in the use of
BOOK Ix. ANNOUNCEMENT TO THE PRINCE OF KHANG. 165
punishments, and sets forth the happy effects of his being so.
The fourth insists on the influence of virtue, as being superior
in government to that of punishment, and how punishments
should all be regulated by the ruler’s virtue. The last chapter
winds the subject up with a reference to the uncertainty of the
appointments of Heaven, and their dependance for permanence
on the discharge of the duties connected with them by those
on whom they have lighted.
[On the third month, when the moon began to
wane, the duke of KAu commenced the foundations,
and proceeded to build the new great city of Lo, of
the eastern states. The people from every quarter
assembled in great harmony. From the Hau, Tien,
Nan, 3hdi, and Wei domains, the various officers
stimulated this harmony of the people, and introduced them to the business there was to be done
for Kau. The duke encouraged all to diligence, and
made a great announcement about the performance
(of the works).]
From the Hau, Tien,
Nan, 3hdi, and Wei domains, the various officers
stimulated this harmony of the people, and introduced them to the business there was to be done
for Kau. The duke encouraged all to diligence, and
made a great announcement about the performance
(of the works).]
1. The king speaks to this effect :—‘ Head of the
princes!, and my younger brother?, little one*, Fang,
it was your greatly distinguished father, the king
Wan, who was able to illustrate his virtue and be careful in the use of punishments. He did not dare to
treat with contempt (even) wifeless men and widows.
He employed the employable, and revered the reverend; he was terrible to those who needed to be
awed :—so getting distinction among the people.
It was thus he laid the foundations of (the sway
of) our small portion of the kingdom’, and the one
1 Fang had, no doubt, been made chief or leader of all the
feudal lords in one of the K4u or provinces of the kingdom.
* The duke of Au, though speaking in the name of king
Khang, yet addresses Fang from the standpoint of his own
relation to him.
> Referring to the original principality of Kau,
166 THE SHO KING. PART V.
or two (neighbouring) regions were brought under
his improving influence, until throughout our western
land all placed in him their reliance. The fame
of him ascended up to the high God, and God
approved. Heaven accordingly gave a grand charge
to king W4n, to exterminate the great (dynasty of)
Yin, and grandly receive its appointment, so that
the various countries belonging to it and their
peoples were brought to an orderly condition.*
Then your unworthy elder brother’ exerted himself; and thus it is that you Fang, the little one,
are here in this eastern region.’
2. The king says, ‘Oh! Fang, bear these things
in mind. Now (your success in the management of)
the people will depend on your reverently following
your father Wan ;—do you carry out his virtuous
words which you have heard, and clothe yourself
with them, (Moreover), where you go, seek out
among (the traces of) the former wise kings of Yin
what you may use in protecting and regulating their
people. (Again), you must in the remote distance
study the (ways of) the old accomplished men of
Shang, that you may establish your heart, and know
how to instruct (the people). (Further still), you
must search out besides what is to be learned of the
wise kings of antiquity, and employ it in tranquillizing and protecting the people. (Finally), enlarge
(your thoughts) to (the comprehension of all)
heavenly (principles), and virtue will be richly displayed in your person, so that you will not render
nugatory the king’s charge.’
1 Is it strange that the duke should thus speak of king Wa?
Should we not think the better of him for it?
BOOK Ix. ANNOUNCEMENT TO THE PRINCE OF KHANG. 167
Should we not think the better of him for it?
BOOK Ix. ANNOUNCEMENT TO THE PRINCE OF KHANG. 167
The king says, ‘Oh! Fang, the little one, be
respectfully careful, as if you were suffering from
a disease. Awful though Heaven be, it yet helps
the sincere.* The feelings of the people can for
the most part be discerned; but it is difficult to
preserve (the attachment of) the lower classes.
Where you go, employ all your heart. Do not
seek repose, nor be fond of ease and pleasure.
I have read the saying,—“ Dissatisfaction is caused
not so much by great things, or by small things, as
by (a ruler’s) observance of principle or the reverse,
and by his energy of conduct or the reverse.” Yes, it
is yours, O little one,—it is your business to enlarge
the royal (influence), and to protect the people of
Yin in harmony with their feelings. Thus also shall
you assist the king, consolidating the appointment of
Heaven, and renovating the people.’*
3. The king says, ‘Oh! Fang, deal reverently
and intelligently in your infliction of punishments.
When men commit small crimes, which are not mischances, but purposed, they of themselves doing
what is contrary to the laws intentionally, though
their crimes be but small, you may not but put
them to death. But in the case of great crimes, .
which were not purposed, but from mischance and
misfortune, accidental, if the transgressors confess
their guilt without reserve, you must not put them
to death.’
The king says, ‘Oh! Fang, there must be the
orderly regulation (of this matter), When you show
a great discrimination, subduing (men’s hearts), the
people will admonish one another, and strive to be
obedient. (Deal firmly yet tenderly with evil), as if
it were a disease in your own person, and the people
168 THE SHO KING. PART V.
will entirely put away their faults. (Deal with them)
as if you were protecting your own infants, and the
people will be tranquil and orderly. It is not you,
O Fang, who (can presume to) inflict a (severe)
punishment or death upon a man ;—do not, to please
yourself, so punish a man or put him to death.’
Moreover, he says, ‘It is not you, O Fang, who
(can presume to inflict a lighter punishment), cutting
off a man’s nose or ears ;—do not, to please yourself,
cause a man’s nose or ears to be cut off.’
The king says, ‘In things beyond (your immediate
supervision), have laws set forth which the officers
may observe, and these should be the penal laws of
Yin which were rightly ordered.’ He also says,
‘In examining the evidence in (criminal) cases,
reflect upon it for five or six days, yea, for ten days
or three months. You may then boldly come toa
decision in such cases},’
You may then boldly come toa
decision in such cases},’
The king says, ‘In setting forth the business of
the laws, the punishments will be determined by (what
were) the regular laws of Yin. But you must see
that those punishments, and (especially) the penalty
of death, be righteous. And you must not let them
be warped to agree with your own inclinations,
O Fang. Then shall they be entirely accordant
with right, and you may say, “ They are properly
ordered ;” yet you must say (at the same time),
“Perhaps they are not yet entirely accordant with
right.” Yes, though you are the little one, who has
a heart like you, O Fang? My heart and my virtue
are also known to you.
1 This is supposed to refer to a case where guilt would involve
death, so that there could be no remedying a wrong decision.
BOOK Ix. ANNOUNCEMENT TO THE PRINCE OF KHANG. 169
‘All who of themselves commit crimes, robbing,
stealing, practising villainy and treachery, and who
kill men or violently assault them to take their
property, being reckless and fearless of death ;—
these are abhorred by all.’
The king says, ‘O Fang, such great criminals are
greatly abhorred, and how much more (detestable)
are the unfilial and unbrotherly!—as the son who
does not reverently discharge his duty to his father,
but greatly wounds his father’s heart, and the father
who can (no longer) love his son, but hates him; as
the younger brother who does not think of the manifest will of Heaven, and refuses to respect his elder
brother, and the elder brother who does not think
of the toil of their parents in bringing up their children, and is very unfriendly to his junior. If we
who are charged with government do not treat
parties who proceed to such wickedness as offenders,
the laws (of our nature) given by Heaven to our
people will be thrown into great disorder and
destroyed. You must resolve to deal speedily with
such according to the penal laws of king W4n,
punishing them severely and not pardoning.
‘Those who are disobedient (to natural principles)
are to be thus subjected to the laws ;—how much
more the officers employed in your state as the
instructors of the youth, the heads of the official
departments, and the smaller officers charged with
their several commissions, when they propagate
other lessons, seeking the praise of the people, not
thinking (of their duty), nor using (the rules for
their offices), but distressing their ruler! These lead
on (the people) to wickedness, and are an abomination to me. Shall they be let alone? Do you
170 THE SHO KING. PART V.
speedily, according to what is right, put them to
death.
These lead
on (the people) to wickedness, and are an abomination to me. Shall they be let alone? Do you
170 THE SHO KING. PART V.
speedily, according to what is right, put them to
death.
‘And you will be yourself ruler and president ;—
if you cannot manage your own household, with
your smaller officers, and the heads of departments
in the state, but use only terror and violence, you
will greatly set aside the royal charge, and be trying
to regulate your state contrary to virtue. You must
in everything reverence the statutes, and proceed by
them to the happy rule of the people. There were
the reverence of king Wan and his caution ;—in
proceeding by them to the happy rule of the people,
say, “If I could only attain to them—.” So will
you make me, the One man, to rejoice.’
4. The king says, ‘O Fang, when I think clearly
of the people, I see that they should be led (by
example) to happiness and tranquillity. I think of
the virtue of the former wise kings of Yin, whereby
they tranquillized and regulated the people, and
rouse myself to make it my own. Moreover, the
people now are sure to follow a leader. If one do
not lead them, he cannot be said to exercise a
government in their state.’
The king says, ‘O Fang, I cannot dispense with
the inspection (of the ancients), and I make this
declaration to you about virtue in the use of punishments. Now the people are not quiet; they have
not yet stilled their minds; notwithstanding my
leading of them, they have not come to accord (with
my government). I clearly consider that severe as
are the inflictions of Heaven on me, I dare not
murmur. The crimes (of the people), though they
were not great or many, (would all be chargeable
on me), and how much more shall this be said
BOOK X. ANNOUNCEMENT ABOUT DRUNKENNESS. 171
when the report of them goes up so manifestly to
heaven!’
The king says, ‘Oh! Fang, be reverent! Do not
what will cause murmurings; and do not use bad
counsels and uncommon ways. With the determination of sincerity, give yourself to imitate the active
virtue (of the ancients). Hereby give repose to
your mind, examine your virtue, send far forward
your plans; and thus by your generous forbearance
you will make the people repose in what is good,
and I shall not have to blame you or cast you off.’
5. The king says, ‘Oh! you, Fang, the little one,
(Heaven's) appointments are not unchanging.* Think
of this, and do not make me deprive you of your
dignity. Make illustrious the charge which you
have received; exalt (the instructions) which you
have heard, and tranquillize and regulate the people
accordingly.’
The king speaks to this effect: ‘Go, Fang. Do
not disregard the statutes you should reverence;
hearken to what I have told you;—so shall you
among the people of Yin enjoy (your dignity), and
hand it down to your posterity.’
Book X.
THe ANNOUNCEMENT ABOUT DRUNKENNESS.
Do
not disregard the statutes you should reverence;
hearken to what I have told you;—so shall you
among the people of Yin enjoy (your dignity), and
hand it down to your posterity.’
Book X.
THe ANNOUNCEMENT ABOUT DRUNKENNESS.
Tuts Announcement was, like the last, made to Fang, the
ptince of Khang, about the time when he was invested with
the principality of Wei. Mention has often been made in
previous documents of the Shfi of the drunken debauchery of
ieh as the chief cause of the downfal of the dynasty of Hsia,
and of the same vice in é4u-hsin, the last of the kings of
172 THE SHO KING. PART Y.
Shang. The people of Shang had followed the example of
their sovereign, and drunkenness, with its attendant immoralities,
characterised both the highest and lowest classes of society.
One of Fang’s most difficult tasks in his administration would
be, to correct this evil habit, and he is called in this Book to
the undertaking. He is instructed in the proper use and the
allowable uses of spirits; the disastrous consequences of drunkenness are set forth ; and he is summoned to roll back the flood
of its desolation from his officers and people.
I have divided the Book into two chapters :—the one preliminary,
showing the original use and the permissible uses of ardent
spirits; the other, showing how drunkenness had proved the
ruin of the Shang dynasty, and how they of Kau, and particularly Fang in Wei, should turn the lesson to account.
The title might be translated —' The Announcement about Spirits,’
but the cursory reader would most readily suppose that the
discourse was about Spiritual Beings. The Chinese term Xi,
that is here employed, is often translated by wine, but it denotes,
it seems to me, ardent spirits. As Gaubil says, ‘We have
here to do with le vin du riz, the art of which was discovered, according to most writers, in the time of Yi, the
founder of the first dynasty. The grape was not introduced to
China till that of the first Han.’
[Since the above sentences were in manuscript, the Rev. Dr.
Edkins of Pekin has stated at a meeting of the North-China
branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, and in a letter to myself
(April 24th), that he has lately investigated the question whether
the Kid of the ancient Chinese was spirits or not, and found
that distillation was first known in China in the Mongol or-
Yian dynasty (a. p. 1280-1367), so that the Arabs must have
the credit of the invention; that the process in making Ait was
brewing, or nearly so, but, as the term beer is inadmissible in
a translation of the classics, he would prefer to use the term
wine; and that XiQ with Sh4o (‘ fired,’ ‘ardent’) before it,
means spirits, but without Shao, it means wine.
If the whole process of Dr. Edkins’ investigation were before me,
I should be glad to consider it, and not hesitate to alter my
own view, if I saw reason to do so. Meanwhile, what he says
makes me glad that I adopted ‘the Announcement about
Drunkenness’ as the title of this chapter. It is drunkenness,
by whatever liquor occasioned, that the king of Kau condemns
and denounces.
BOOK x. ANNOUNCEMENT ABOUT DRUNKENNESS. 173
What we commonly understand by wine is never intended by
itt in the Chinese classics, and therefore I cannot use that
term, After searching as extensively as I could do in this
country, since I received Dr. Edkins’ letter, I have found nothing
to make me think that the Chinese term is not properly translated by ‘spirits.’
Dr. Williams, in his Syllabic Dictionary of the Chinese Language
(Shanghai, 1874), gives this account of Xi’ :—‘ Liquor ; it includes spirits, wine, beer, and other drinks. The Chinese make
no wine, and chiefly distil their liquors, and say that TQ Khang,
a woman of the Ti tribes, first made it’ This account is to a
considerable extent correct. The Chinese distil their liquors.
I never saw beer or porter of native production among them,
though according to Dr. Edkins they had been brewing ‘or
nearly so’ for more than 3000 years. Among his examples of
the use of Xi, Williams gives the combinations of ‘red Xi’
for claret, ‘white Xi’ for sherry, and ‘pf (simply phonetical)
Kid’ for beer, adding that they ‘are all terms of foreign origin.’
What he says about the traditional account of the first maker of
id is not correct. It is said certainly that this was Tf Khang,
but who he was, or when he lived, I have never been able to
discover. Some identify him with f-tt, said by Williams to have
been ‘a woman of the Ti tribes.’ The attributing of the invention
to f-tf is probably an independent tradition. We find it in the
‘Plans of the Warring States’ (ch. xiv, art. 10), a work covering
about four centuries from the death of Confucius:— Anciently,
the daughter of the Tf ordered f-tf to make Kid. She admired it,
and presented some to Yi, who drank it, and found it pleasant.
He then discarded f-tt, and denounced the use of such generous
id, saying, “In future ages there are sure to be those who by
Kid will lose their states.”’ According to this tradition intoxicating Xifi was known in the time of Yii—in the twenty-third
century B.c. The daughter of the Tf would be Yi’s wife, and
i-tt would probably be their cook. It does not appear as the
name of a woman, or one from the wild Tt tribes.
With regard to the phrase Sho Xif, said to be the proper term
for ardent spirits, and unknown in China till the Yitan dynasty,
a reference to the Khang-hsf Tonic Thesaurus of the language
will show instances of its use as early at least as the Thang
dynasty (a.D. 618-906).]
1. The king speaks to the following effect :—‘ Do
174 THE SHO KING. PART Y.
you clearly make known my great commands in the
country of Mei’.
618-906).]
1. The king speaks to the following effect :—‘ Do
174 THE SHO KING. PART Y.
you clearly make known my great commands in the
country of Mei’.
‘When your reverent father, the king W4n, laid
the foundations of our kingdom in the western
region, he delivered announcements and cautions
to (the princes of) the various regions, and to all
his (high) officers, with their assistants, and the
managers of affairs, saying, morning and evening,
“At sacrifices spirits should be employed.”* When
Heaven was sending down its favouring decree, and
laying the foundations of (the eminence of) our
people, (spirits) were used only at the great sacrifices. When Heaven sends down its terrors, and
our people are thereby greatly disorganized and lose
their virtue, this may be traced invariably to their
indulgence in spirits; yea, the ruin of states, small
and great, (by these terrors), has been caused invariably by their guilt in the use of spirits ®.
1 There is a place called ‘the village of Mei,’ in the north of
the present district of XAf, department Wei-hui, Ho-nan ;—a relic
of the ancient name of the whole territory. The royal domain
of Shang, north from the capital, was all called Mei. Fang’s
principality of Wei must have embraced most of it.
* Kf Hsf says upon the meaning of the expressions ‘ Heaven
was sending down its favouring decree’ (its order to make Xi, as
he understood the language), and ‘when Heaven sends down its
terrors,’ in this paragraph :—‘Kang Nan-hsien has brought out the
meaning of these two statements much better than any of the
critics who went before him, to the following effect:—if is a
thing intended to be used in offering sacrifices and in entertaining
guests ;—such employment of it is what Heaven has prescribed.
But men by their abuse of Xifi come to lose their virtue, and
destroy their persons ;—such employment of it is what*Heaven has
annexed its terrors to. The Buddhists, hating the use of things
where Heaven sends down its terrors, put away as well the use of
them which Heaven has prescribed. It is not so with us of the
learned (i.e. the Confucian or orthodox) school;—we only put
BOOK xX, ANNOUNCEMENT ABOUT DRUNKENNESS, 175
‘ King Wan admonished and instructed the young
nobles, who were charged with office or in any employment, that they should not ordinarily use spirits;
and throughout all the states, he required that such
should drink spirits only on occasion of sacrifices,
and that then virtue should preside so that there
might be no drunkenness",’
He said, ‘ Let my people teach their young men
that they are to love only the productions of the
soil, for so will their hearts be good, Let the young
also hearken wisely to the.constant instructions of
their fathers; and let them look at all virtuous
actions, whether great or small, in the same light
(with watchful heed).
‘(Ye people of) the land of Mei, if you can employ
your limbs, largely cultivating your millets, and
hastening about in the service of your fathers and
elders; and if, with your carts and oxen, you traffic
diligently to a distance, that you may thereby filially
minister to your parents; then, when your parents
are happy, you may set forth your spirits clear and
strong, and use them ?,
‘ Hearken constantly to my instructions, all ye my
(high) officers and ye heads of departments, all ye,
my noble chiefs ;—when ye have largely done your
away the use of things to which Heaven has annexed its terrors,
and the use of them, of which it approves, remains as a matter
of course.’
1 In sacrificing, the fragrant odour of spirits was supposed to be
acceptable to the Beings worshipped. Here the use of spirits
seems to be permitted in moderation to the worshippers after the
sacrifices. Observe how king Wan wished to guard the young
from acquiring the habit of drinking spirits.
* Here is another permissible use of spirits ;—at family feasts,
with a view especially to the comfort of the aged.
176 THE SHO KING. PART V,
duty in ministering to your aged, and serving your
ruler, ye may eat and drink freely and to satiety.
And to speak of greater things:—when you can
maintain a constant, watchful examination of yourselves, and your conduct is in accordance with correct
virtue, then may you present the offerings of sacrifice,* and at the same time indulge yourselves in
festivity. In such case you will indeed be ministers
doing right service to your king, and Heaven likewise will approve your great virtue, so that you
shall never be forgotten in the royal House.’ *
2. The king says, ‘O Fang, in our western region,
the princes of states, and the young (nobles), sons
of the managers of affairs, who in former days
assisted king W4n, were all able to obey his lessons,
and abstain from excess in the use of spirits; and
so it is that I have now received the appointment
which belonged to Yin.’
The king says, ‘O Fang, I have heard it said,
that formerly the first wise king of Yin manifested
a reverential awe of the bright principles of Heaven
and of the lower people, acting accordingly, steadfast in his virtue, and holding fast his wisdom. *
From him, Thang the Successful, down to Tt-yt},
all completed their royal virtue and revered their
chief ministers, so that their managers of affairs
respectfully discharged their helping duties, and
dared not to allow themselves in idleness and
pleasure ;—how much less would they dare to
indulge themselves in drinking! Moreover, in the
exterior domains, (the princes of) the Hau, Tien,
1 Ti-yt was the father of Kau-hsin, the twenty-seventh Shang
sovereign. The sovereigns between Thang and him had not all
been good, but the duke of Kau chooses here to say so.
BOOK x. ANNOUNCEMENT ABOUT DRUNKENNESS, 177
Moreover, in the
exterior domains, (the princes of) the Hau, Tien,
1 Ti-yt was the father of Kau-hsin, the twenty-seventh Shang
sovereign. The sovereigns between Thang and him had not all
been good, but the duke of Kau chooses here to say so.
BOOK x. ANNOUNCEMENT ABOUT DRUNKENNESS, 177
Nan, and Wei (states)?, with their presiding chiefs ;
and in the interior domain, all the various officers,
the directors of the several departments, the inferior
officers and employés, the heads of great houses, and
the men of distinguished name living in retirement, all
eschewed indulgence in spirits. Not only did they
not dare to indulge in them, but they had not leisure
to do so, being occupied with helping to complete
the sovereign’s virtue and make. it more illustrious,
and helping the directors of affairs reverently to attend to his service.
‘I have heard it said likewise, that the last
successor of those kings was addicted to drink, so
that no charges came from him brightly before the
people, and he was (as if) reverently and unchangingly
bent on doing and cherishing what provoked resentment. Greatly abandoned to extraordinary lewdness
and dissipation, for pleasure’s sake he sacrificed all
his majesty. The people were all sorely grieved
and wounded in heart; but he gave himself wildly
up to drink, not thinking of restraining himself, but
continuing his excess, till his mind was frenzied, and
he had no fear of death. His crimes (accumulated)
in the capital of Shang; and though the extinction
of the dynasty (was imminent), this gave him no
concern, and he wrought not that any sacrifices of
fragrant virtue might ascend to Heaven.* The
rank odour of the people’s resentments, and the
drunkenness of his herd of creatures, went loudly
up on high, so that Heaven sent down ruin on Yin,
1 These were the first, second, third, and fifth domains or territorial divisions of the land under Kau, counting back from the
royal domain. It appears here that an arrangement akin to that of
Xu had been made ia the time of Shang.
(1] N
178 THE SHO KING. PART V.
and showed no love for it,—because of such excesses.
There is not any cruel oppression of Heaven; people
themselves accelerate their guilt, (and its punishment.)’ *
It appears here that an arrangement akin to that of
Xu had been made ia the time of Shang.
(1] N
178 THE SHO KING. PART V.
and showed no love for it,—because of such excesses.
There is not any cruel oppression of Heaven; people
themselves accelerate their guilt, (and its punishment.)’ *
The king says, ‘O Fang, I make you this long
announcement, not (for the pleasure of doing so);
but the ancients have said, ‘“ Let not men look into
water ; let them look into the glass of other people.”
Now that Yin has lost its appointment, ought we
not to look much to it as our glass, (and learn) how
to secure the repose of our time? I say to you,—
Strenuously warn the worthy ministers of Yin, and
(the princes) in the Hau, the Tien, the Nan, and
the Wei domains; and still more your friends, the
great Recorder and the Recorder of the Interior,
and all your worthy ministers, the heads of great
Houses; and still more those whom you serve, with
whom you calmly discuss matters, and who carry
out your measures; and still more those who are,
as it were, your mates,—your Minister of War who
deals with the rebellious, your Minister of Instruction who is like a protector to the people, and your
Minister of Works who settles the boundaries; and
above all, do you strictly keep yourself from drink.
‘If you are informed that there are companies
that drink together, do not fail to apprehend them
all, and send them here to KAu, where I may put
them to death. As to the ministers and officers of
Yin who were led to it and became addicted to
drink, it is not necessary to put them to death (at
once) ;—let them be taught for a time. If they
follow these (lessons of mine), I will give them
‘bright distinction. If they disregard my lessons,
then I, the One man, will show them no pity. As
BOOK XI. THE TIMBER OF THE ROTTLERA. 179
they cannot change their way, they shall be classed
with those who are to be put to death.’
The king says, ‘O Fang, give constant heed to
my admonitions. If you do not rightly manage the
officers, the people will continue lost in drunkenness.’
Book XI. Tue TimsBeEr OF THE ROTTLERA.
‘ Tue wood of the 3ze tree ’—the Rottlera Japonica, according to
Dr. Williams—is mentioned in the Book, and was adopted as
the name for it. The 3ze was esteemed a very valuable tree for
making articles of furniture and for the carver’s art. The title
perhaps intimates that the administrator of government ought to
go about his duties carefully and skilfully, as the cabinet-maker
and carver deal with their materials.
The 3ze was esteemed a very valuable tree for
making articles of furniture and for the carver’s art. The title
perhaps intimates that the administrator of government ought to
go about his duties carefully and skilfully, as the cabinet-maker
and carver deal with their materials.
The Book is wanting in unity. Divided into two chapters, the
first may be taken as a charge to ‘the prince of Khang. He
is admonished of his duty to promote a good understanding
between the different classes in his state, and between them all
and the sovereign; and that, in order to this, his rule must be
gentle, eschewing the use of punishments. The second chapter
is of a different character, containing not the charges of a
sovereign, but the admonitions or counsels of a minister, loyally
cautioning him, and praying for the prosperity of his reign.
We might suppose them the response of Fang to the previous
charge, but the text does not indicate the introduction of a new
speaker.
1. The king says, ‘O Fang, to secure a good
understanding between the multitudes of his people
and his ministers (on the one hand), and the great
families (on the other); and (again) to secure the
same between all the subjects under his charge, and
the sovereign :—is the part of the ruler of a state.
‘If you regularly, in giving out your orders, say,
“My instructors whom I am to follow, my Minister
of Instruction, my Minister of War, and my Minister
N 2
180 THE SHO KING. PART V.
of Works; my heads of departments, and all ye,
my officers, I will on no account put any to death
oppressively!”—. Let the ruler also set the example
of respecting and encouraging (the people), and
these will (also) proceed to respect and encourage
them. Then let him go on, in dealing with villainy
and treachery, with murderers and harbourers of
criminals, to exercise clemency (where it can be
done), and these will likewise do the same with
those who have assaulted others and injured their
property. When sovereigns appointed overseers (of
states), they did so in order to the government of
the people, and said to them, “ Do not give way to
violence or oppression, but go on to show reverent
regard for the friendless, and find helping connexions
for (destitute) women*.” Deal with all according to
this method, and cherish them. And when sovereigns
gave their injunctions to the rulers of states, and
their managers of affairs, what was their charge? It
was that they should lead (the people) to the enjoyment of plenty and peace. Such was the way of
the kings from of old. An overseer is to eschew
the use of punishments.’
(The king) says, ‘As in the management of a
field, when the soil has been all laboriously turned
up, they have to proceed by orderly arrangements
to make its boundaries and water-courses; as in
building a house, after all the toil on its walls, they
have to plaster and thatch it; as in working with
the wood of the rottlera, when the toil of the coarser
and finer operations has been completed, they have
1 The sentence here is incomplete. Many of the critics confess
that the text is unintelligible to them.
* It is difficult to say what the exact meaning here is.
BOOK x11. ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE DUKE OF SHAO. 181
to apply the paint of red and other colours ;—(so do
you finish for me the work which I have begun in
the state of Wei.)’
2. Now let your majesty say, ‘ The former kings
diligently employed their illustrious virtue, and produced such attachment by their cherishing (of the
princes), that from all the states they brought offerings, and came with brotherly affection from all
quarters, and likewise showed their virtue illustrious.
Do you, O sovereign, use their methods to attach
(the princes), and all the states will largely come
with offerings. Great Heaven having given this
Middle Kingdom with its people and territories to
the former kings, do you, our present sovereign,
display your virtue, effecting a gentle harmony
among the deluded people, leading and urging
them on;—so (also) will you comfort the former
kings, who received the appointment (from
Heaven). *
‘Yes, make these things your study. I say so
simply from my wish that (your dynasty) may continue for myriads of years, and your descendants
always be the protectors of the people.’
Book XII.
Tue ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE DUKE oF SHAO.
Suio was the name of a territory within the royal domain, corresponding to the present district of Hwan-44i, Kiang Xu,
Shan-hsf. It was the appanage of Shih, one of the ablest of the
men who lent their aid to the establishment of the dynasty of
Ké4u. He appears in this Book as the Grand-Guardian at the
court of king KA&ng, and we have met with him before in
182 THE SHO KING. PART V.
the Hounds of Lti and the Metal-bound Coffer. He is introduced here in connexion with one of the most important enterprises of the duke of Kau, the building of the city of Lo, not
very far from the present city of Lo-yang, in Ho-nan, as a new
and central capital of the kingdom. King Wf had conceived
the idea of such a city; but it was not carried into effect till the
reign of his son, and is commonly assigned to AAing’s seventh
year, in B.c. 1109.
Shih belonged to the royal House, and of course had the surname Ai. He is styled the duke of Sho, as being one of the
‘three dukes,’ or three highest officers of the court, and also the
chief of Sh4o, all the country west of Shen being under him,
as all the east of it was under the duke of Kau. He was
invested by WA with the principality of ‘the Northern Yen,’
corresponding to the present department of Shun-thien, Xih-li,
which was held by his descendants fully nine hundred years. It
was in Lo—while the building of it was proceeding—that he
composed this Book, and sent it by the hands of the duke of
Xu to their young sovereign.
It
was in Lo—while the building of it was proceeding—that he
composed this Book, and sent it by the hands of the duke of
Xu to their young sovereign.
The whole may be divided into three chapters. The first contains
various information about the arrangements for the building of
Lo, first by the duke of Shao, and then by the duke of Kau;
and about the particular occasion when the former recited the
counsels which he had composed, that they might be made
known to the king. These form the second chapter. First, it
sets forth the uncertainty of the favour of Heaven, and urges the
king to cultivate the ‘ virtue of reverence,’ in order to secure its
permanence, and that he should not neglect his aged and experienced ministers. It speaks next of the importance and
difficulty of the royal duties, and enforces the same virtue of
reverence by reference to the rise and fall of the previous dynasties. Lastly, it sets forth the importance, at this early period
of his reign, of the king’s at once setting about the reverence
which was thus described. There is a concluding chapter,
where the duke gives expression to his loyal and personal
feelings for the king, and the purpose to be served by the
offerings, which he was then sending to the court.
The burden of the Announcement is ‘the virtue of reverence.’
Let the king only feel how much depended on his attending
reverently to his duties, and all would be well. The people
would love and support the dynasty of Kau, and Heaven would
smile upon and sustain it.
wo
BOOK x11. ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE DUKE OF sHAo. 183
1. In the second month, on the day Yi-wei, six
days after full moon, the king proceeded in the
morning from Aéu to Fang’. (Thence) the Grand-
Guardian went before the duke of Au to survey
the locality (of the new capital); and in the third
month, on the day Wa-shan, the third day after the
first appearance of the moon on Ping-wf, he came
in the morning to Lo. He divined by the tortoiseshell about the (several) localities, and having obtained
favourable indications, he set about laying out the
plan (of the city).* On Ka&ng-hsii, the third day
after, he led the people of Yin to prepare the various
sites on the north of the Lo; and this work was
completed on A7i4-yin, the fifth day after.
On Yit-mdo, the day following, the duke of KAéu
came in the morning to Lo, and thoroughly inspected
the plan of the new city. On Ting-sze, the third day
after, he offered two bulls as victims in the (northern
and southern) suburbs?; and on the morrow, Wa-wd,
at the altar to the spirit of the land in the new city,
he sacrificed a bull, a ram, and a boar.* After seven
days, on ia-4ze, in the morning, from his written
(specifications) he gave their several orders to the
people of Yin, and to the presiding chiefs of the
princes from the H4u, Tien, and Nan domains.
When the people of Yin had thus received their
orders, they arose and entered with vigour on
their work.
(When the work was drawing to a completion),
When the people of Yin had thus received their
orders, they arose and entered with vigour on
their work.
(When the work was drawing to a completion),
1 That is, from W4's capital of H4o to king W4n’s at Fang.
* By the addition to the text here of ‘northern and southern,’
I intimate my opinion that the duke of Au offered two sacrifices,
one to Heaven at the altar in the southern suburb, and one to
Earth in the northern suburb.
184 THE SHO KING. PART V.
the Grand-Guardian went out with the hereditary
princes of the various states to bring their offerings
(for the king)1; and when he entered again, he gave
them to the duke of A4u, saying, ‘With my hands
to my head and my head to the ground, I present
these to his Majesty and your Grace*. Announcements for the information of the multitudes of Yin
must come from you, with whom is the management
of affairs.’
2. ‘Oh! God (dwelling in) the great heavens has
changed his decree respecting his great son and the
great dynasty of Yin. Our king has received that
decree. Unbounded is the happiness connected with
it, and unbounded is the anxiety :—Oh! how can he
be other than reverent ?*
‘When Heaven rejected and made an end of the
decree in favour of the great dynasty of Yin, there
were many of its former wise kings in heaven.*
The king, however, who had succeeded to them,
the last of his race, from the time of his entering
into their appointment, proceeded in such a way as
at last to keep the wise in obscurity and the vicious
in office. The poor people in such a case, carrying
their children and leading their wives, made their
moan to Heaven. They even fled away, but were
apprehended again. Oh! Heaven had compassion
on the people of the four quarters; its favouring
1 These ‘ offerings’ were the ‘presents of introduction,’ which
the feudal princes brought with them to court, when they were to
have audience of the king. This has led many critics to think
that the king was now in Lo, which was not the case.
* The original text here is difficult and remarkable ;—intended
probably to indicate that the king’s majesty was revered in the
person of the duke of au, who was regent,
BOOK xl. ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE DUKE OF SHAO. 185
‘decree lighted on our earnest (founders). Let the
king sedulously cultivate the virtue of reverence. *
ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE DUKE OF SHAO. 185
‘decree lighted on our earnest (founders). Let the
king sedulously cultivate the virtue of reverence. *
, ‘Examining the men of antiquity, there was the
(founder of the) Hsié dynasty. Heaven guided (his
mind), allowed his descendants (to succeed him),
and protected them.* He acquainted himself with
Heaven, and was obedient to it. But in process of
time the decree in his favour fell to the ground.*
So also is it now when we examine the case of Yin.
There was the same guiding (of its founder), who
corrected (the errors of Hsi4), and (whose descendants) enjoyed the protection (of Heaven). He
(also) acquainted himself with Heaven, and was
obedient to it.* But now the decree in favour of
him has fallen to the ground. Our king has now
come to the throne in his youth ;—let him not slight
the aged and experienced, for it may be said of
them that they have studied the virtuous conduct
of the ancients, and have matured their counsels in
the sight of Heaven.
‘Oh! although the king is young, yet he is the
great son (of God).* Let him effect a great harmony
with the lower people, and that will be the blessing
of the present time. Let not the king presume to
be remiss in this, but continually regard and stand
in awe of the perilous (uncertainty) of the people’s
(attachment).
‘Let the. king come here as the vice-gerent of
God, and undertake (the duties of government) in
this centre of the land.* Tan! said, ‘“ Now that this
great city has been built, from henceforth he may
1 Tan was the name of the duke of Ku, and his brother duke
here refers to him by it, in accordance with the rule that ‘ministers
186 THE sHO KING. PART V.
be the mate of great Heaven, and reverently sacrifice to (the spirits) above and beneath ; from henceforth he may from this central spot administer
successful government.” Thus shall the king enjoy
the favouring regard (of Heaven)all-complete,and the
government of the people will now be prosperous.*
‘Let the king first subdue to himself those who
were the managers of affairs under Yin, associating
them with the managers of affairs for our A4u.
This will regulate their (perverse) natures, and they
will make daily advancement. Let the king make
reverence the resting-place (of his mind) ;—he must
maintain the virtue of reverence.
This will regulate their (perverse) natures, and they
will make daily advancement. Let the king make
reverence the resting-place (of his mind) ;—he must
maintain the virtue of reverence.
‘We should by all means survey the dynasties of
Hsia and Yin. I do not presume to know and say,
“The dynasty of Hsia was to enjoy the favouring
decree of Heaven just for (so many) years,” nor do
I presume to know and say, “It could not continue
longer.” * The fact simply was, that, for want of
the virtue of reverence, the decree in its favour
prematurely fell to the ground. (Similarly), I do
not presume to know and say, “ The dynasty of Yin
was to enjoy the favouring decree of Heaven just
for (so many) years,” nor do I presume to know
and say, “It could not continue longer.” * The fact
simply was, that, for want of the virtue of reverence,
the decree in its favour fell prematurely to the
ground. The king has now inherited the decree,—
the same decree, I consider, which belonged to those
two dynasties. Let him seek to inherit (the virtues
should be called by their names in the presence of the sovereign.’
King King, indeed, was not now really present in Lo, but he
was represented by his uncle, the regent.
BOOK x1. ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE DUKE OF SHAO. 187
of) their meritorious (sovereigns) ;—(let him do this
especially) at this commencement of his duties.
‘Oh! it is as on the birth of a son, when all
depends on (the training of) his early life, through
which he may secure his wisdom in the future, as if
it were decreed to him. Now Heaven may have™
decreed wisdom (to the king); it may have decreed
good fortune or bad; it may have -decreed a (long)
course of years ;—we only know that now is with
him the commencement of his duties. Dwelling in
this new city, let the king now sedulously cultivate
the virtue of reverence. When he is all-devoted to
this virtue, he may pray to Heaven for a long-abiding
decree in his favour. *
‘In the position of king, let him not, because of
the excesses of the people in violation of the laws,
presume also to rule by the violent infliction of
death ;—when the people are regulated gently, the
merit (of government) is seen. It is for him who is
in the position of king to overtop all with his virtue.
In this case the people will imitate him throughout the kingdom, and he will become still more
illustrious.
‘Let the king and his ministers labour with a
mutual sympathy, saying, “We have received the
decree of Heaven, and it shall be great as the longcontinued years of Hsia;—yea, it shall not fail of
the long-continued years of Yin.” I wish the king,
through (the attachment of) the lower people, to
receive the long-abiding decree of Heaven.’ *
3. (The duke of Shao) then did obeisance with
his hands to his head and his head to the ground,
and said, ‘I, a small minister, presume, with the king’s
(heretofore) hostile people and all their officers,
188 THE SHO KING. PART V.
(The duke of Shao) then did obeisance with
his hands to his head and his head to the ground,
and said, ‘I, a small minister, presume, with the king’s
(heretofore) hostile people and all their officers,
188 THE SHO KING. PART V.
and with his (loyal) friendly people, to maintain and
receive his majesty’s dread command and brilliant
virtue. That the king should finally obtain the
decree all-complete, and that he should become
illustrious,—this I do not presume to labour for.
I only bring respectfully these offerings to present
to his majesty, to be used in his prayers to Heaven
for its long-abiding decree.’ *
Boox XIII. THe ANNOUNCEMENT CONCERNING Lo.
Tue matters recorded in this Book are all connected, more or less
nearly, with Lo, the new capital, the arrangements for the
building of which are related at the commencement of the last
Book. According to the summary of the contents given by the
commentator 3h4i Aan, ‘The arrangements for the building
having been made, the duke of au sent a messenger to inform
the king of the result of his divinations. The historiographer
recorded this as the Announcement about Lo, and at the same
time related a dialogue between the king and his minister, and
how the king charged the duke to remain at Lo, and conduct
the government of it.’ Passing over the commencing paragraph,
which I have repeated here from the ninth Book, 3hai divides
all the rest into seven chapters. Ch. 1 contains the duke’s
message concerning his divinations; and the next gives the
king’s reply. Ch. 3 is occupied with instructions to the king
about the measures which he should pursue on taking up his
residence at Lo. In ch. 4, the king charges the duke to remain
at Lo, and undertake its government. In ch. 5, the duke responds, and accepts the charge, dwelling on the duties which
the king and himself would have to perform. Ch. 6 relates
the action of the duke in reference to a message and gift
from the king intended for his special honour. In ch. 7, the
historiographer writes of sacrifices offered by the king in Lo,
and a proclamation that he issued, and tells how long the duke
continued in his government ;—showing how the duke began the
city and completed it, and how king Aang, after offering the
sacrifices and inaugurating the government, returned to H4o,
and did not, after all, make his capital at Lo.
BOOK XIII. THE ANNOUNCEMENT CONCERNING LO. 189
Many critics make much to do about the want of historical order
in the Book, and suppose that portions have been lost, and other
portions transposed; but the Book may be explained without
resorting to so violent a supposition.
BOOK XIII. THE ANNOUNCEMENT CONCERNING LO. 189
Many critics make much to do about the want of historical order
in the Book, and suppose that portions have been lost, and other
portions transposed; but the Book may be explained without
resorting to so violent a supposition.
{In the third month, when the moon began to
wane, the duke of KAu commenced the foundations.
and proceeded to build the new great city of Lo of
the eastern states. The people from every quarter
assembled in great harmony. From the Hau, Tien,
Nan, 3hai, and Wei domains, the various officers
stimulated this harmony of the people, and introduced them to the business that was to be done
for K4u. The duke encouraged all to diligence, and .
made a great announcement about the performance
(of the works)?.]
1. The duke of A4u did obeisance with his hands
to his head and his head to the ground?, saying,
‘Herewith I report (the execution of my commission)
to my son, my intelligent sovereign. The king
appeared as if he would not presume to be present
at Heaven’s founding here the appointment (of our
dynasty), and fixing it, whereupon I followed the
(Grand-)Guardian, and made a great survey of this
eastern region, hoping to found the place where he
should become the intelligent sovereign of the people.
On the day Yi-m4o, I came in the morning to this
capital of Lo. I (first) divined by the shell concerning (the ground about) the Lt-water on the north
of the Ho. I then divined concerning the east of
the Xien-water, and the west of the Kan, when
the (ground near the) Lo was indicated. Again I
1 See the introductory note to Book ix.
* In sending his message to the king, the duke does obeisance
as if he were in the presence of his majesty. The king responds
with a similar ceremony,
190 THE SHO KING. PART VY.
divined concerning the east of the Aan-water,
when the (ground near the) Lo was also indicated.
I (now) send a messenger with a map, and to present
the (result of the) divinations.’*
2. The king did obeisance with his hands to his
head and his head to the ground, saying, ‘ The
duke did not presume not to acknowledge reverently
the favour of Heaven, and has surveyed the locality
where our A4u may respond to that favour. Having
settled the locality, he has sent his messenger to
show me the divinations, favourable and always
auspicious. We two must together sustain the
responsibility. He has made provision for me
(and my successors), for myriads and tens of
myriads of years, there reverently to acknowledge
the favour of Heaven.* With my hands to my
head and my head to the ground, (I receive) his
instructive words.’
We two must together sustain the
responsibility. He has made provision for me
(and my successors), for myriads and tens of
myriads of years, there reverently to acknowledge
the favour of Heaven.* With my hands to my
head and my head to the ground, (I receive) his
instructive words.’
3. The duke of Au said}, ‘Let the king at first
employ the ceremonies of Yin, and sacrifice in the
new city,* doing everything in an orderly way, but
without display. I will marshal all the officers to
attend you from ‘4u, merely saying that probably
there will be business to be done (in sacrificing).
Let the king instantly issue an order to the effect
that the most meritorious (ministers) shall have the
first place in the sacrifices; and let him also say in
an order, ‘“ You, in whose behalf the above order is
issued, must give me your assistance with sincere
earnestness.” Truly display the record of merits, for
1 We must suppose that the duke of X4u, after receiving the
reply to his message, had himself returned to Ho, to urge upon
the king the importance of his repairing in person to Lo, and
solemnly inaugurating the new city as the capital of the kingdom.
BOOK x11. THE ANNOUNCEMENT CONCERNING LO. IQI
it is you who must in everything teach the officers.
My young son, can you indulge partiality? Eschew
it, my young son. -(If you do not), the consequence
hereafter will be like a fire, which, a spark at first,
blazes up, and by and by cannot be extinguished.
Let your observance of the constant rules of right,
and your soothing measures be like mine. Take
only the officers that are in Aau with you to the
new city, and make them there join their (old)
associates, with intelligent vigour establishing
their merit, and with a generous largeness (of
soul) completing (the public manners) ;—~so shall
you obtain an endless fame.’
The duke said, ‘Yes, young as you are, be it
yours to complete (the work of your predecessors).
Cultivate (the spirit of) reverence, and you will know
who among the princes (sincerely) present their
offerings to you, and who do not. In connexion
with those offerings there are many observances. If
the observances are not equal to the articles, it must
be held that there is no offering. When there is no
service of the will in the offerings (of the princes),
all the people will then say, “We need not (be
troubled about) our offerings,” and affairs will be
disturbed by errors and usurpations.
‘Do you, my young son, manifest everywhere my
unwearied diligence, and listen to my instructions to
you how to help the people to observe the constant
rules of right. If you do not bestir yourself in these
things, you will not be of long continuance. If you
sincerely and fully carry out the course of your
Directing father, and follow exactly my example,
there will be no venturing to disregard your orders.
Go, and. be reverent.. Henceforth I will study
192 THE SHO KING. PART V.
If you
sincerely and fully carry out the course of your
Directing father, and follow exactly my example,
there will be no venturing to disregard your orders.
Go, and. be reverent.. Henceforth I will study
192 THE SHO KING. PART V.
husbandry?. There do you generously rule our
people, and there is no distance from which they
will not come to you.’
4. The king spoke to this effect?,‘O duke, you
are the enlightener and sustainer of my youth. You
have set forth the great and illustrious virtues, that
I, notwithstanding my youth, may display a brilliant
merit like that of Wan and Wa, reverently responding
to the favouring decree of Heaven; and harmonize
and long preserve the people of all the regions,
settling the multitudes (in Lo); and that I may give
due honour to the great ceremony (of recording) the
most distinguished (for their merits), regulating the
order for the first places at the sacrifices, and doing
everything in an orderly manner without display.
‘But your virtue, O duke, shines brightly above
and beneath, and is displayed actively throughout
the four quarters. On every hand appears the
deep reverence (of your virtue) in securing the
establishment of order, so that you fail in nothing
of the earnest lessons of Wan and Wa. It is for
me, the youth, (only) to attend reverently, early and
late, to the sacrifices.’ *
The king said, ‘Great, O duke, has been your
merit in helping and guiding me ;—let it ever continue so.’
1 By this expression the duke indicates his wish and intention
_ now to retire from public life, and leave the government and
especially the affairs of Lo in the king’s hands.
* From the words of the king in this chapter, we receive the
impression that they were spoken in Lo. He must have gone
there with the duke from Hao. He deprecates the duke’s intention
to retire into private life; intimates his own resolution to return to
H&o ; and wishes the duke to remain in Lo, accomplishing all that
was still necessary to the establishment of their dynasty.
BOOK xi1II. THE ANNOUNCEMENT CONCERNING LO. 193
The king said, ‘O duke, let me, the little child,
return to my sovereignty in A4u, and I charge you,
O duke, to remain behind (here). Order has been
initiated throughout the four quarters of the kingdom,
but the ceremonies to be honoured (by general observance) have not yet been settled, and I cannot look
on your service as completed. Commence on a
great scale what is to be done by your remaining
here, setting an example to my officers and greatly
preserving the people whom Wan and Wd received ;
—by your good government you will be a help to
the whole kingdom.’
Commence on a
great scale what is to be done by your remaining
here, setting an example to my officers and greatly
preserving the people whom Wan and Wd received ;
—by your good government you will be a help to
the whole kingdom.’
The king said,‘ Remain, O duke. I will certainly
go. Your services are devoutly acknowledged and
reverently rejoiced in. Do not, O duke, occasion
me this difficulty. I on my part will not be weary
in seeking the tranquillity (of the people) ;—do not
let the example which you have afforded me be
intermitted. So shall the kingdom enjoy for generations (the benefit of your virtue).’
5. The duke of Au did obeisance with his hands
to his head and his head to the ground, saying, ‘ You
have charged me, O king, to come here. I undertake (the charge), and will protect the people whom
your accomplished grandfather, and your glorious
and meritorious father, king W4, received by the
decree (of Heaven). I will enlarge the reverence
which I cherish for you. (But), my son, come (frequently), and inspect this settlement. Pay great
honour to (old) statutes, and to the good and wise
men of Yin. Good government (here) will make
you (indeed) the new sovereign of the kingdom, and
an example of (royal) respectfulness to all your
successors of Ku.’
{r] 0
194 THE SHO KING. PART V.
(The duke) proceeded to say, ‘ From this time, by
the government administered in this central spot,
all the states will be conducted to repose; and this
will be the completion of your merit, O king.
‘I, Tan, with the numerous officers and managers
of affairs, will consolidate the achievements of our
predecessors, in response to (the hopes of) the people.
I will afford an example of sincerity to (future ministers of) K4u, seeking to render complete the pattern
intended for the enlightenment of you, my son, and
thus to carry fully out the virtue of your accomplished grandfather.’
6. (Afterwards, on the arrival of a message and
gifts from the king, the duke said), ‘(The king)
has sent messengers to admonish (the people of)
Yin, and with a soothing charge to me, along with
two flagons of the black-millet herb-flavoured spirits,
saying, “ Here is a pure sacrificial gift, which with
my hands to my head and my head to the ground
I offer for you to enjoy its excellence!” * I dare not
keep this by me, but offer it in sacrifice to king
W4n and king Wa.’ (In doing so, he prayed),
‘May he be obedient to, and observant of your
course! Let him not bring on himself any evil or
illness ! Let him satisfy his descendants for myriads
of years with your virtue! Let (the people of) Yin
enjoy prolonged (prosperity)!’* (He also said to
the messengers), ‘The king has sent you to Yin,
Let him not bring on himself any evil or
illness ! Let him satisfy his descendants for myriads
of years with your virtue! Let (the people of) Yin
enjoy prolonged (prosperity)!’* (He also said to
the messengers), ‘The king has sent you to Yin,
1 We must suppose that the king had returned to Héo, and now
sends a message to the duke with an extraordinary gift, doing
honour to him as if he were a departed spirit, continuing in heaven
the guardianship of the dynasty which he had so long efficiently
discharged on earth. This gives occasion for the duke to exhibit
anew his humility, piety, and loyalty.
BOOK x11. THE ANNOUNCEMENT CONCERNING LO. 195
and we have received his well-ordered charges,
(sufficient to direct us) for myriads of years, but let
(the people) ever (be able to) observe the virtue
cherished by my son,’
7. On the day W0-£4an, the king, being in the
new city!, performed the annual winter sacrifice,
offering (moreover) one red bull to king Wan and
another to king Wa.* He then ordered a declaration to be prepared, which was done by Yt* in the
form of a prayer, and it simply announced the remaining behind of the duke of Kau. The king’s
guests 5, on occasion of the killing of the victims
and offering the sacrifice, were all present. The
king entered the grand apartment, and poured out
the libation.* He gave a charge to the duke of
#4u to remain, and Yi, the preparer of the document, made the announcement ;—#in the twelfth
month. (Thus) the duke of A4u grandly sustained
the decree which Wan and Wd had received through
the space of seven years +.
* The duke had asked the king to come frequently to the new
city ; he is there now accordingly.
* Yt was ,the name of the Recorder who officiated on the
occasion.
* All the princes present and assisting at the sacrifices, and
especially the représentatives of the previous dynasties.
* These seven years are to be calculated from the seventh year
of king Khang, after the duke had served as administrator of
the government seven years from the death of king W. Many
think, however, that the ‘seven years’ are only those of the duke’s
regency.
196 THE SHO KING. PART V.
Book XIV. Tue Numerous OFFICERS.
We have in this Book another ‘ Announcement, addressed to the
people of Yin or Shang, and especially to the higher classes
among them,—‘ the numerous officers,’—to reconcile them to
their lot as subjects of the new dynasty. From the preceding
two Books it appears that many of the people of Yin had been
removed to the country about the Lo, before the dukes of Shao
and Kau commenced the building of the new city. Now that
the city was completed, another and larger migration of them, we
may suppose, was ordered, and the duke of Ku took occasion
to issue the announcement that is here preserved.
Now that
the city was completed, another and larger migration of them, we
may suppose, was ordered, and the duke of Ku took occasion
to issue the announcement that is here preserved.
I have divided it into four chapters. The first vindicates the kings
of X4u for superseding the line of Shang, not from ambition,
but in obedience to the will of God. The second unfolds the
causes why the dynasty of Yin or Shang had been set aside.
The third shows how it had been necessary to remove them to
Lo, and with what good intention the new capital had been
built. The fourth tells how comfort and prosperity were open
to their attainment at Lo, while by perseverance in disaffection
they would only bring misery and ruin upon themselves.
1. In the third month, at the commencement (of
the government) of the duke of Au in the new city
of Lo, he announced (the royal will) to the officers
of the Shang dynasty, saying, ‘The king speaks to
this effect:—‘‘ Ye numerous officers who remain
from the dynasty of Yin, great ruin came down on
Yin from the cessation of forbearance in compase
sionate Heaven, and we, the lords of Au, received
its favouring decree.* We felt charged with its
bright terrors, carried out the punishments which
kings inflict, rightly disposed of the appointment of
- Yin, and finished (the work of) God.* Now, ye numerous officers, it was not our small state that dared
to aim at the appointment belonging to Yin. But
Heaven was not with (Yin), for indeed it would not
* cpa. a 21
BOOK XIV. THE NUMEROUS OFFICERS. 197
strengthen its misrule. It (therefore) helped us ;—
did we dare to seek the throne of ourselves? God
was not for (Yin), as appeared from the mind and
conduct of our inferior people, in which there is the
brilliant dreadfulness of Heaven.” ’ *
a 21
BOOK XIV. THE NUMEROUS OFFICERS. 197
strengthen its misrule. It (therefore) helped us ;—
did we dare to seek the throne of ourselves? God
was not for (Yin), as appeared from the mind and
conduct of our inferior people, in which there is the
brilliant dreadfulness of Heaven.” ’ *
2. ‘I have heard the saying, “ God leads men to
tranquil security,” * but the sovereign of Hsi4 would
not move to such security, whereupon God sent
down corrections, indicating his mind to him. (ieh),
however, would not be warned by God, but proceeded to greater dissoluteness and sloth and excuses
for himself. Then Heaven no longer regarded nor
heard him, but disallowed his great appointment, and
inflicted extreme punishment. Then it charged your
founder, Thang the Successful, to set Hsia aside,
and by means of able men to rule the kingdom.
From Thang the Successful down to Ti-yi, every
sovereign sought to make his virtue illustrious, and
duly attended to the sacrifices.* And thus it was
that, while Heaven exerted a great establishing
influence, preserving and regulating the House of
Yin, its sovereigns on their part were humbly
careful not to lose (the favour of) God, and strove
to manifest a good-doing corresponding to that of
Heaven.* But in these times, their successor
showed himself greatly ignorant of (the ways of)
Heaven, and much less could it be expected of him
that he would be regardful of the earnest labours of
his fathers for the country. Greatly abandoned to
dissolute idleness, he gave no thought to the bright
principles of Heaven, and the awfulness of the
people.* On this account God no longer protected
him, but sent down the great ruin which we have
witnessed. Heaven was not with him, because he
198 THE SHO KING. PART VY.
did not make his virtue illustrious.* (Indeed), with
regard to the overthrow of all states, great and
small, throughout the four quarters of the kingdom, in every case reasons can be given for their
punishment.’
‘The king speaks to this effect :—“ Ye numerous
officers of Yin, the case now is this, that the kings
of our Ku, from their great goodness, were charged
with the work of God. There was the charge to
them, ‘Cut off Yin.’ (They proceeded to perform
it), and announced the execution of their service to
God. In our affairs we have followed no double
aims ;—ye of the royal House (of Yin) must (now
simply) follow us.”’ *
3. ‘“ May I not say that you have been very lawless? I did not (want to) remove you. The thing
came from your own city. When I consider also
how Heaven has drawn near to Yin with so great
tribulations, it must be that there was (there) what
was not right.”
‘“ May I not say that you have been very lawless? I did not (want to) remove you. The thing
came from your own city. When I consider also
how Heaven has drawn near to Yin with so great
tribulations, it must be that there was (there) what
was not right.”
‘The king says, ‘“‘ Ho! I declare to you, ye numerous officers, it is simply on account of these things
that I have removed you and settled you here in the
west * ;—it was not that I, the One man, considered
it a part of my virtue to interfere with your tranquillity. The thing was from Heaven; do not offer
resistance; I shall not presume to have any subsequent (charge concerning you); do not murmur
against me. Ye know that your fathers of the Yin
dynasty had their archives and statutes, (showing
1 That is, your conduct in your own city.
* Lo is often called ‘the eastern capital,’ as being east from
Ho, the capital of king WQ; but it was west from X@o-ko, the
capital of Yin.
BOOK XIV. THE NUMEROUS OFFICERS. I99
how) Yin superseded the appointment of Hsia.
Now, indeed, ye say further, ‘(The officers of) Hsia
were chosen and employed in the royal court (of
Shang), and had their duties among the mass of
its officers.’ (But) I, the One man, listen only to
the virtuous, and employ them; and it was with
this view that I ventured to seek you in your
capital of Shang (once sanctioned by) Heaven, (and
removed you here to Lo.) I thereby follow (the
ancient example), and have pity on you. (Your
present non-employment) is no fault of mine ;—it is
by the decree of Heaven.” *
‘The king says, “ Ye numerous officers, formerly,
when I came from Yen’, I greatly mitigated the
penalty and spared the lives of the people of your
four states*. At the same time I made evident
the punishment appointed by Heaven, and removed
you to this distant abode, that you might be near
the ministers who had served in our honoured
(capital)*, and (learn) their much obedience.”
‘The king says, “I declare to you, ye numerous
officers of Yin, now I have not put you to death,
and therefore I reiterate the declaration of my
charge‘. I have now built this great city here in
1 Yen was the name of a territory, corresponding to the present
district of AAti-fau, in Shan-tung. The wild tribe inhabiting it,
had joined with Wa-k4ng and the king’s uncles a few years before ;
and the crushing of the Yen had been the last act in the suppression of their rebellion.
2 The royal domain of Yin, which had been allotted to WA-king
and the king’s three uncles.
8 Hao. There were, no doubt, at this time many ministers and
officers from H&o in Lo; but the duke had intended that they
should in the mass remove from the old to the new capital.
‘ The charge which had been delivered on the first removal of
many of them to the neighbourhood of Lo.
200 THE SHO KING. PART VY.
‘ The charge which had been delivered on the first removal of
many of them to the neighbourhood of Lo.
200 THE SHO KING. PART VY.
Lo, considering that there was no (central) place in
which to receive my guests from the four quarters,
and also that you, ye numerous officers, might here
with zealous activity perform the part of ministers
to us, with the entire obedience (ye would learn).
Ye have still here, I may say, your grounds, and
may still rest in your duties and dwellings. If you
can reverently obey, Heaven will favour and compassionate you. If you do not reverently obey, you
shall not only not have your lands, but I will also
carry to the utmost Heaven’s inflictions on your
persons. Now you may here dwell in your villages,
and perpetuate your families; you may pursue your
occupations and enjoy your years in this Lo; your
children also will prosper ;—(all) from your being
removed here.”
‘The king says—1; and again he says, “ Whatever
I may now have spoken is on account of (my anxiety
about) your residence here.”’
Book XV. AGatnst Luxurious Ease.
Tue name of this Book is taken from two characters in the first
sentence of it, which are the key-note of the whole. It is classified among the ‘Instructions’ of the Sh, and was addressed to
king Khang by the duke of 4u soon after he had resigned the
administration of the government into his hands.
There are six pauses in the course of the address, which is resumed
always with ‘The duke of A4u said, “ “Oh. "* This suggests a
division into seven chapters.
In the first, the duke suggests to the king to find a rule for himself
in the laborious toils that devolve on the husbandman. In the
second, he refers to the long reigns of three of the Yin sovereigns,
1 There are probably some sentences lost here.
BOOK Xv. AGAINST LUXURIOUS EASE. 201
and the short reigns of others, as illustrating how the blessing of
Heaven rests on the diligent monarch. In the third, the example
of their own kings, Thai, A7, and Wan, is adduced with the
same object. In the fourth, the duke addresses the king directly,
and exhorts him to follow the pattern of king W&n, and flee from
that of Xau-hsin. In the fifth, he stimulates him, by reference to
ancient precedents, to adopt his counsels, and shows the evil
effects that will follow if he refuse to do so. In the sixth, he
shows him, by the cases of the good kings of Yin and of king
Wan, how he should have regard to the opinions of the common
| people, and gird himself to diligence. The seventh chapter is a
single admonition that the king should lay what had been said
to heart.
In the sixth, he
shows him, by the cases of the good kings of Yin and of king
Wan, how he should have regard to the opinions of the common
| people, and gird himself to diligence. The seventh chapter is a
single admonition that the king should lay what had been said
to heart.
1. The duke of Xu said, ‘Oh! the superior man
rests in this,—that he will indulge in no luxurious
ease. He first understands how the painful toil
of sowing and reaping conducts to ease, and thus
he understands how the lower people depend on
this toil (for their support). I have observed among
the lower people, that where the parents have
diligently laboured in sowing and reaping, their sons
(often) do not understand this painful toil, but
abandon themselves to ease, and to village slang,
and become quite disorderly. Or where they do
not do so, they (still) throw contempt on their
parents, saying, “Those old people have heard
nothing and know nothing.”’
2. The duke of A4u said, ‘Oh! I have heard
that aforetime Aung 3ung, one of the kings of Yin},
was grave, humble, reverential, and timorously
cautious. He measured himself with reference to
the decree of Heaven, and cherished a reverent
apprehension in governing the people, not daring
' Kung 3ung was the sacrificial title of Thai-wf, the seventh of
the kings of Shang or Yin, who reigned B.c. 1637-1563.
202 THE SHO KING. PART V.
to indulge in useless ease.* It was thus that he enjoyed the throne seventy and five years. If we come
to the time of K4o 3ung?, he toiled at first away
from the court, and was among the lower people ?.
When he came to the throne, and occupied the
mourning shed, it may be said that he did not speak
for three years. (Afterwards) he was (still inclined)
not to speak; but when he did speak, his words
were full of harmonious (wisdom). He did not dare
to indulge in useless ease, but admirably and tranquilly presided over the regions of Yin, till throughout them all, small and great, there was not a single
murmur. It was thus that he enjoyed the throne
fifty and nine years. In the case of 30-4i4%, he
refused to be king unrighteously, and was at first
one of the lower people. When he came to the
throne, he knew on what they must depend (for
their support), and was able to exercise a protecting
kindness towards their masses, and did not dare to
treat with contempt the wifeless men. and widows.
Thus it was that he enjoyed the throne thirty and
three years. The kings that arose after these,
from their birth enjoyed ease. Enjoying ease from
their birth, they did not know the painful toil of
sowing and reaping, and had not heard ‘of the hard
labours of the lower people. They sought for
nothing but excessive pleasure; and so not one
of them had long life. They (reigned) for ten years,
1 K4o Sung was the sacrificial title of WQ-ting, the nineteenth
sovereign of the Yin line, who reigned s.c. 1324-1266. He has
already appeared in the 8th and 9th Books of Part IV.
2 Compare Part IV, viii, sect. 3, ch. 1.
They (reigned) for ten years,
1 K4o Sung was the sacrificial title of WQ-ting, the nineteenth
sovereign of the Yin line, who reigned s.c. 1324-1266. He has
already appeared in the 8th and 9th Books of Part IV.
2 Compare Part IV, viii, sect. 3, ch. 1.
® 80-414 was the twenty-first of the Yin sovereigns, and reigned
B.C. 1258-1226.
BOOK Xv. AGAINST LUXURIOUS EASE. 203
for seven or eight, for five or six, or perhaps (only)
for three or four.’
3. The duke of KAu said, ‘Oh! there likewise
were king Thai and king At of our own KAu, who
were humble and reverentially cautious. King Wan
dressed meanly, and gave himself to the work of
tranquillization and to that of husbandry. Admira-
-bly mild and beautifully humble, he cherished and
protected the inferior people, and showed a fostering
kindness to the wifeless men and widows. From
morning to mid-day, and from mid-day to sundown, he did not allow himself leisure to eat ;—thus
seeking to secure the happy harmony of the myriads
of the people. King Wan did not dare to go to
excess in his excursions or his hunting, and from
the various states he would receive only the correct amount of contribution. The appointment (of
Heaven) came to him in the middle of his life},
and he enjoyed the throne for fifty years.’ *
4. The duke of K4Au said, ‘Oh! from this time
forward, do you who have succeeded to the throne
imitate Wan’s avoiding of excess in his sight-seeing,
his indulgence in ease, his excursions, his hunting ;
and from the myriads of the people receive only the
correct amount of contribution. Do not allow yourself the leisure to say, “To-day I will indulge in
pleasure.” This would not be holding out a lesson
to the people, nor the way to secure the favour
of Heaven. Men will on the contrary be prompt
to imitate you and practise evil. Become not like
1 This can only be understood of W4n’s succeeding to his father
as duke of X4u and chief of the West in s.c. 1185. He died
in 1135, leaving it to his son W&@ to overthrow the dynasty of
Shang.
204 THE SHO KING. PART V.
Shdu the king of Yin, who went quite astray, and
became abandoned to drunkenness.’
5. The duke of Au said, ‘Oh! I have heard
it said that, in the case of the ancients, (their
ministers) warned and admonished them, protected
and loved them, taught and instructed them; and
among the people there was hardly one who would
impose on them by extravagant language or deceiving tricks. If you will not listen to this (and
profit by it), your ministers will imitate you, and
so the correct laws of the former kings, both small
and great, will be changed and disordered. The
people, blaming you, will disobey and rebel in
their hearts ;— yea, they will- curse you with their
mouths,’
If you will not listen to this (and
profit by it), your ministers will imitate you, and
so the correct laws of the former kings, both small
and great, will be changed and disordered. The
people, blaming you, will disobey and rebel in
their hearts ;— yea, they will- curse you with their
mouths,’
6. The duke of 4u said, ‘Oh! those kings of
Yin,—Xung 3ung, K4o 3ung, and 30-4i4, with king
Wan of our KAu,—these four men carried their
knowledge into practice. If it was told them, “ The
lower people murmur against you and revile you,”
then they paid great and reverent attention to their
conduct; and with reference to the faults imputed
to them they said, “Our faults are really so,” thus
not simply shrinking from the cherishing of anger.
If you will not listen to this (and profit by it), when
men with extravagant language and deceptive tricks
say to you, “The lower people are murmuring
against you and reviling you,” you will believe them.
Doing this, you will not be always thinking of your
princely duties, and will not cultivate a large and
generous heart. You will confusedly punish the
guiltless, and put the innocent to death. There
will be a general murmuring, which will be concentrated upon your person.’
BOOK XVI. THE PRINCE SHIH. 205
7. The duke of K4u said, ‘Oh! let the king, who
has succeeded to the throne, make a study of these
things.’
Book XVI. Tue PrRINcE SHIH.
Tue words ‘Prince Shih’ occur at the commencement of the
Book, and are taken as its title. Shih was the name of the
duke of Shao, the author of Book xii. To him the address
or announcement here preserved was delivered, and his name is
not an inappropriate title for it.
The common view of Chinese critics is that the duke of Sh&o had
announced his purpose to withdraw from office on account of
his age, when the duke of K4u persuaded him to remain at his
post, and that the reasons which he set before him were recorded
in this Book. It may have been so, but the language is far
from clearly indicating it. A few expressions, indeed, may be
taken as intimating a wish that Shih should continue at court,
but some violence has to be put upon them.
I have divided the whole into four chapters, but the two principal
ideas in the address are these :—that the favour of Heaven can
be permanently secured for a dynasty only by the virtue of its
sovereigns ; and that that virtue is secured mainly by the counsels
and help of virtuous ministers. The ablest sovereigns of Shang
are mentioned, and the ministers by whose aid it was, in a great
measure, that they became what they were. The cases of Wan
and WA of their own dynasty, similarly aided by able men, are
adduced in the same way; and the speaker adverts to the services which they—the two dukes—had already rendered to their
sovereign, and insists that they must go on to the end, and
accomplish still greater things.
The cases of Wan
and WA of their own dynasty, similarly aided by able men, are
adduced in the same way; and the speaker adverts to the services which they—the two dukes—had already rendered to their
sovereign, and insists that they must go on to the end, and
accomplish still greater things.
1. The duke of Au spoke to the following
effect :—‘ Prince Shih, Heaven, unpitying, sent
down ruin on Yin. Yin has lost its appointment
(to the throne), which our House of 4u has received. I do not dare, however, to say, as if I knew
206 THE SHO KING. PART V.
it, “ The foundation will ever truly abide in prosperity. If Heaven aid sincerity,’—1.* Nor do
I dare to say, as if I knew it, “ The end will issue in
our misfortunes.” Oh! you have said, O prince, “ It
depends on ourselves.” I also do not dare to rest
in the favour of God, not forecasting at a distance
the terrors of Heaven in the present time, when
there is no murmuring or disobedience among the
people;* —(the issue) is with men. Should our
present successor to his fathers prove greatly unable
to reverence (Heaven) above and (the people) below,
and so bring to an end the glory of his predecessors,
could we in (the retirement of) our families be
ignorant of it? The favour of Heaven is not easily
preserved; Heaven is difficult to be depended on.
Men lose its favouring appointment, because they
cannot pursue and carry out the reverence and
brilliant virtue of their forefathers.* Now I, Tan,
the little child, am not able to make (the king)
correct. I would simply conduct him to the glory of
his fathers, and make him, who is my young charge,
partaker of that.’ He also said, ‘ Heaven is not to
be trusted. Our course is only to seek the prolongation of the virtue of the Tranquillizing king,
that Heaven may not find occasion to remove its
favouring decree which king Wan received.’ *
2. The duke said, ‘Prince Shih, I have heard
that aforetime, when Thang the Successful had
received the appointment (to the throne), he had
with him { Yin, making (his virtue) like that of
great Heaven;* that Thai Aida had (the same
* The text is here defective; or perhaps the speaker purposely
left his meaning only half expressed.
BOOK XVI. THE PRINCE SHIH. 207
BOOK XVI. THE PRINCE SHIH. 207
f Yin), the P4o-hing?; that Th4i-wO? had f
Kih* and A#in HO’, through whom (his virtue)
was made to affect God,* and Wd Hsien*® who
regulated the royal House; that 34-yi* had Wa
Hsien’s son; and that Wa-ting had Kan Phan‘.
(These ministers) carried out (their principles), and
displayed (their merit), preserving and regulating
the dynasty of Yin, so that, while its ceremonies
lasted, (those sovereigns), when deceased, were assessors to Heaven 5,* and its duration extended over
many years. Heaven thus determinately maintained
its favouring appointment, and Shang was replenished with men. The various heads of great surnames and members of the royal House, holding
employments, all held fast their virtue, and showed
an anxious solicitude (for the kingdom). The smaller
ministers, and the guardian princes in the Hau and
Tien domains, hurried about on their services. Thus
did they all exert their virtue and aid their sovereign, so that whatever affairs he, the One man,
had in hand, throughout the land, an entire faith
was reposed in their justice as in the indications of
the shell or the divining stalks.’ *
The duke said, ‘ Prince Shih, Heaven gives length
of days to the just and the intelligent; (it was thus
1 See Part IV, v, sect. 1, ch. 1, where f Yin is called A-hing,
nearly = Pao-hing.
2 Thai-w is the Kung 3ung of last Book. f Xih would be a
son or grandson of i Yin. Of K/%n HO we know only what is
stated here.
3 30-yf was the eleventh Yin sovereign, reigning B. c. 1525-1507.
We know of Wf Hsien only that he was 30-yf’s minister.
* See Part IV, viii, sect. 3, ch. 1.
* That is, they were associated with Heaven in the sacrifices
to it.
208 THE SHO KING. PART ¥.
that those ministers) maintained and regulated the
dynasty of Yin.* He who came last to the throne
granted by Heaven was extinguished by its terrors.
Do you think of the distant future, and we shall
have the decree (in favour of K4u) made sure, and
its good government will be brilliantly exhibited in
our newly-founded state.’
3. The duke said, ‘ Prince Shih, aforetime when
God was inflicting calamity (on Yin), he encouraged
anew the virtue of the Tranquillizing king, till at
last the great favouring decree was concentrated in
his person. (But) that king Wan was able to conciliate and unite the portion of the great kingdom
which we came to possess, was owing to his having
(such ministers) as his brother of Kwo, Hung Y4o,
San }-shang, Thai Tien, and Nan-kung Kwo.’
(But) that king Wan was able to conciliate and unite the portion of the great kingdom
which we came to possess, was owing to his having
(such ministers) as his brother of Kwo, Hung Y4o,
San }-shang, Thai Tien, and Nan-kung Kwo.’
He said further, ‘ But for the ability of those men
to go and come in his affairs, developing his constant
lessons, there would have been no benefits descending from king Wan on the people. And it also
was from the determinate favour of Heaven that
there were these men of firm virtue, and acting according to their knowledge of the dread majesty of
Heaven, to give themselves to enlighten king Wan,
and lead him forward to his high distinction and universal rule, till his fame reached the ears of God, and
he received the appointment that had been Yin’s.*
There were still four of those men who led on king
W0 to the possession of the revenues of the kingdom, and afterwards, along with him, in great reverence of the majesty of Heaven, slew all his enemies.*
These four men, moreover, made king W0 so illustrious that his glory overspread the kingdom, and
(the people) universally and greatly proclaimed his
BOOK XVI. THE PRINCE SHIH. 209
virtue. Now with me Tan, the little child, it is as
if I were floating on a great stream ;—with you,
O Shih, let me from this time endeavour to cross
it. Our young sovereign is (powerless), as if he
had not yet ascended the throne. You must by
no means lay the whole burden on me; and if you
draw yourself up without an effort to supply my
deficiencies, no good will flow to the people from
our age and experience. We shall not hear the
voices of the phcenixes!, and how much less can it
be thought that we shall be able to make (the king’s
virtue) equal (to Heaven) !’ *
The duke said, ‘Oh! consider well these things,
O prince. We have received the appointment to
which belongs an unlimited amount of blessing, but
having great difficulties attached to it. What I
announce to you are counsels of a generous largeness.—I cannot allow the successor of our kings
to go astray.’
4. The duke said, ‘ The former king laid bare his
heart, and gave full charge to you, constituting you
one of the guides and patterns for the people, saying,
“Do you with intelligence and energy second and
help the king; do you with sincerity support and
convey forward the great decree. Think of the
virtue of king Wan, and enter greatly into his
boundless anxieties.” ’
The duke said, ‘What I tell you, O prince, are
my sincere thoughts. O Shih, the Grand-Protector,
if you can but reverently survey with me the decay
and great disorders of Yin, and thence consider the
1 Asa token of the goodness of the government and the general
prosperity. See Part II, iv, ch. 3.
[1] P
210 THE SHO KING. PART V.
O Shih, the Grand-Protector,
if you can but reverently survey with me the decay
and great disorders of Yin, and thence consider the
1 Asa token of the goodness of the government and the general
prosperity. See Part II, iv, ch. 3.
[1] P
210 THE SHO KING. PART V.
dread majesty of Heaven (which warns) us!—Am
I not to be believed that I must reiterate my words?
I simply say, “ The establishment (of our dynasty)
rests with us two.” Do you agree with me? Then
you (also) will say, “It rests with us two.” And
the favour of Heaven has come to us so largely :—
it should be ours to feel as if we could not sufficiently respond to it. If you can but reverently
cultivate your virtue (now), and bring to light our
men of eminent ability, then when you resign (your
position) to some successor in a time of established
security, (I will interpose no objection.)
‘Oh! it is by the earnest service of us two that
we have come to the prosperity of the present day.
We must both go on, abjuring all idleness, to complete the work of king Wan, till it has grandly
overspread the kingdom, and from the corners of the
sea, and the sunrising, there shall not be one who is
disobedient to the rule (of K4u).’
The duke said, ‘O prince, have I not spoken in
accordance with reason in these many declarations ?
I am only influenced by anxiety about (the appointment of) Heaven, and about the people.’
The duke said, ‘Oh! you know, O prince, the
ways of the people, how at the beginning they can
be (all we could desire); but it is the end (that is
to be thought of). Act in careful accordance with
this fact. Go and reverently exercise the duties of
your office.’
BOOK XVII. THE CHARGE TO KUNG OF 38HAI. 211
Book XVII. Tue Cuarce to Kune or 3HAI.
Sud was the name of the small state or territory, which had been
conferred on Tf, the next younger brother of the duke of Kau.
The name still remains in the district of Shang-zhai, department ZQ-ning, Ho-nan. Tf was deprived of his state because
of his complicity in the rebellion of WA-44ng; but it was
subsequently restored to his son H@ by this charge. H4 is
here called Kung, that term simply denoting his place in the
roll of his brothers or cousins. King AA&’ng and Hf were
cousins,—‘ brothers’ according to Chinese usage of terms, and
Hf being the younger of the two, was called 3h4i Aung, ‘ the
second or younger brother,—of 3hii.’
The Book consists of two chapters. The former is of the nature
of a preface, giving the details necessary to explain the appointment of Hf. The second contains the king’s charge,
delivered in his name by the duke of X4u, directing HQ how
to conduct himself, so that he might blot out the memory of his
father’s misdeeds, and win the praise of the king.
The second contains the king’s charge,
delivered in his name by the duke of X4u, directing HQ how
to conduct himself, so that he might blot out the memory of his
father’s misdeeds, and win the praise of the king.
1. When the duke of Adu was in the place of
prime minister and directed all the officers, the
(king’s) uncles spread abroad an (evil) report, in
consequence of which (the duke) put to death the
prince of Kwan in Shang!; confined the prince of
3hai in Kwo-lin?, with an attendance of seven
chariots; and reduced the prince of Hwo* to be a
private man, causing his name to be erased from
the registers for three years. The son of the prince
1 The prince of Kwan—corresponding to the present KAang
X4u, department Khai-fang, Ho-nan—was the third of the sons
of king Wn, and older than the duke of Xéu. The Shang where
he was put to death was probably what had been the capital of
the Shang kings.
? We do not know where Kwo-lin was.
® The name of Hwo remains in Hwo Kau, department Phingyang, Shan-hsf. The prince of Hwo was the eighth of Wan’s
sons.
P 2
212, THE SHO KING. PART V.
of 3h4i having displayed a reverent virtue, the duke
of Kau made him a high minister, and when his
father died, requested a decree from the king, investing him with the country of 3hai.
2. ‘The king speaks to this effect :—“ My little
child, Hd, you follow the virtue (of our ancestors),
and have changed from the conduct (of your father);
you are able to take heed to your ways ;—I therefore appoint you to be a marquis in the east. Go
to your fief, and be reverent!
“In order that you may cover the faults of your
father, be loyal, be filial'. Urge on your steps in
your own way, diligent and never idle, and so shall
you hand down an example to your descendants.
Follow the constant lessons of your grandfather
king WAn, and be not, like your father, disobedient
to the royal orders.
“Great Heaven has no partial affections;—it helps
only the virtuous.* The people’s hearts have no
unchanging attachment;—they cherish only the kind.
Acts of goodness are different, but they contribute
in common to good order. Acts of evil are different,
but they contribute in common to disorder. Be
cautious |
“In giving heed to the beginning think of the
end ;—the end will then be without distress. If you
do not think of the end, it will be full of distress,
even of the greatest.
“Exert yourself to achieve your proper merit.
Seek to be in harmony with all your neighbours.
1 Hf’s father had not been filial. When he is told to be filial,
there underlies the words the idea of the solidarity of the family.
His copying the example of his grandfather would be the best
service he could render to his father.
a ——_*.
BOOK XVIII. THE NUMEROUS REGIONS. 213
Be a fence to the royal House. Live in amity
with your brethren. Tranquillize and help the
lower people.
His copying the example of his grandfather would be the best
service he could render to his father.
a ——_*.
BOOK XVIII. THE NUMEROUS REGIONS. 213
Be a fence to the royal House. Live in amity
with your brethren. Tranquillize and help the
lower people.
“Follow the course of the Mean, and do not by
aiming to be intelligent throw old statutes into
confusion. Watch over what you see and hear, and
do not for one-sided words deviate from the right
rule. Then I, the One man, will praise you.”
‘The king says, “Oh! my little child, Hd, go,
and do not idly throw away my charge.”’
Book XVIII. Tue Numerous REcions.
Tue king has returned to his capital in triumph, having put down
rebellion in the east, and specially extinguished the state or
tribe of Yen. The third chapter of Book xiv contained a
reference to an expedition against Yen. Critics are divided
on the point of whether the expedition mentioned in this Book
was the same as that, or another; and our sources of information
are not sufficient to enable us to pronounce positively in the
case. If we may credit what Mencius says, the Records of
the Shi do not tell us a tithe of the wars carried on by the
duke of Au to establish the new dynasty :—‘He smote Yen,
and after three years put its ruler to death. He drove Fei-lien
to a corner by the sea, and slew him. The states which he
extinguished amounted to fifty’ (Mencius, ITI, ii, ch. 9g). .
However this point be settled, on the occasion when the announcement in this Book was delivered, a great assembly of princes
and nobles—the old officers of Yin or Shang, and chiefs
from many regions—was met together. They are all supposed
to have been secretly, if not openly, in sympathy with the
rebellion which has been trampled out, and to grudge to yield
submission to the rule of Kau. The king, by the duke of Xu,
reasons and expostulates with them. He insists on the leniency
with which they had been treated in the past; and whereas
they might be saying that K4u’s overthrow of the Yin dynasty
was a usurpation, he shows that it was from the will of Heaven.
214 THE SHO KING. PART V.
The history of the nation is then reviewed, and it is made to
appear that king W& had displaced the kings of Yin or Shang,
just as Thang, the founder of the Shang dynasty, had displaced
those of Hsia. It was their duty therefore to submit to K4u.
If they did not avail themselves of its leniency, they should be
dealt with in another way.
Having thus spoken, the duke turns, in the fourth of the five
chapters into which I have divided the Book, and addresses
the many officers of the states, and especially those of Yin, who
had been removed to Lo, speaking to them, as ‘the Numerous
Officers,’ after the style of Book xiv. Finally, he admonishes
them all that it is time to begin a new course. If they do well,
it will be well with them; if they continue perverse, they will
have to blame themselves for the consequences.
Finally, he admonishes
them all that it is time to begin a new course. If they do well,
it will be well with them; if they continue perverse, they will
have to blame themselves for the consequences.
1. In the fifth month, on the day Ting-hai, the
king arrived from Yen, and came to (H4o), the
honoured (capital of) Kau. The duke of Au said,
‘The king speaks to the following effect: “Ho! I
make an announcement to you of the four states,
and the numerous (other) regions. Ye who were the
officers and people of the prince of Yin, I have dealt
very leniently as regards your lives, as ye all know.
You kept reckoning greatly on (some) decree of
Heaven, and did not keep with perpetual awe
before your thoughts (the preservation of) your
sacrifices !.*
‘“God sent down correction on Hsia, but the
sovereign (only) increased his luxury and sloth, and
would not speak kindly to the people. He showed
himself dissolute and dark, and would not yield
for a single day to the leadings of God:—this is
what you have heard.* He kept reckoning on the
1 The extinction of the sacrifices of a state was its utter overthrow. None were left—or if some might be left, none of them
were permitted—to continue the sacrifices to its founder and his
descendants.
——, .
BOOK XVIII. THE NUMEROUS REGIONS. 215
decree of God (in his favour), and did not cultivate
the means for the people’s support.* By great
inflictions of punishment also he increased the disorder of the states of Hsia. The first cause (of his
evil course) was the internal misrule?, which made
him unfit to deal well with the multitudes. Nor did
he endeavour to find and employ men whom he could
respect, and who might display a generous kindness
to the people; but where any of the people of Hsia
were covetous and fierce, he daily honoured them,
and they practised cruel tortures in the cities.
Heaven on this sought a (true) lord for the people,
and made its distinguished and favouring decree
light on Thang the Successful, who punished and
destroyed the sovereign of Hsid.* Heaven's refusal
of its favour (to Hsia) was decided. The righteous
men of your numerous regions. were not permitted
to continue long in their posts of enjoyment, and
the many officers whom Hsia’s (last sovereign)
honoured were unable intelligently to maintain the
people in the enjoyment (of their lives), but, on the
contrary, aided one another in oppressing them, till
of the hundred ways of securing (prosperity) they
could not promote (one).
‘“TIn the case indeed of Thang the Successful, it
was because he was the choice of your numerous
regions that he superseded Hsi4, and became the
lord of the people. He paid careful attention to the
essential virtue (of a sovereign)’, in order to stimulate the people, and they on their part imitated him
1 The vile debaucheries of which Xieh was guilty through his
connexion with the notorious Mei-hsf.
? That is, to benevolence or the love of the people.
216 THE sHO KING. PART'V.
? That is, to benevolence or the love of the people.
216 THE sHO KING. PART'V.
and were stimulated. From him down to Tt-yi,
the sovereigns all made their virtue illustrious, and
were cautious in the use of punishments ;—thus also
exercising a stimulating influence (over the people).
When they, having examined the evidence in
criminal cases, put to death those chargeable with
many crimes, they exercised the same influence;
and they did so also when they liberated those who
were not purposely guilty. But when the throne
came to your (last) sovereign, he could not with (the
good will of) your numerous regions continue in the
enjoyment of the favouring decree of Heaven.” ’*
2. ‘Oh! the king speaks to the following effect :—
“T announce and declare to you of the numerous
regions, that Heaven had no set purpose to do away
with the sovereign of Hsid or with the sovereign of
Yin, But it was the case that your (last) ruler,
being in possession of your numerous regions,
abandoned himself to great excess, and reckoned
on the favouring decree of Heaven, making trifling
excuses for his conduct. And so in the case of the
(last) sovereign of Hsid; his plans of government
were not of a tendency to secure his enjoyment (of
the kingdom), and Heaven sent down ruin on him,
and the chief of the territory (of Shang) put an
end (to the line of Hsia). In truth, the last sovereign of your Shang was luxurious to the extreme
of luxury, while his plans of government showed
neither purity nor progress, and thus Heaven sent
down such ruin on him 1.*
* There must have been something remarkable in the closing
period of Xau-hsin’s history, to which the duke alludes in the
subsequent specification of five years. We do not know the
events of the times sufficiently to say what it was.
— \.
BOOK XVIII. THE NUMEROUS REGIONS. 217
‘“ The wise, through not thinking, become foolish,
and the foolish, by thinking, become wise. - Heaven
for five years waited kindly, and forbore with the
descendant (of Thang), to see if he would indeed
prove himself the ruler of the people; but there was
nothing in him deserving to be regarded. Heaven
then sought among your numerous regions, making
a great impression by its terrors to stir up some one
who would look (reverently) to it, but in all your
regions there was not one deserving of its favouring
regard. But there were the kings of our Kau, who
treated well the multitudes of the people, and were
able to sustain the burden of virtuous (government).
They could preside over (all services to) spirits and
to Heaven.* Heaven thereupon instructed us, and
increased our excellence, made choice of us, and gave
us the decree of Yin, to rule over your numerous
regions.” ’ * .
They could preside over (all services to) spirits and
to Heaven.* Heaven thereupon instructed us, and
increased our excellence, made choice of us, and gave
us the decree of Yin, to rule over your numerous
regions.” ’ * .
3. ‘ “Why do I now presume to make (these) many
declarations ? I have dealt very leniently as regards
the lives of you, the people of these four states.
Why do you not show a sincere and generous obedience in your numerous regions ? Why do you not
aid and co-operate with the kings of our Xu, to
secure the enjoyment of Heaven’s favouring decree ?
You now still dwell in your dwellings, and cultivate
your fields ;—why do you not obey our kings, and
consolidate the decree of Heaven? The paths
which you tread are continually those of disquietude ;
—have you in your hearts no love for yourselves ?
do you refuse so greatly to acquiesce in the ordinance of Heaven? do you triflingly reject that
decree? do you of yourselves pursue unlawful
courses, scheming (by your alleged reasons) for the
218 THE sHO KING. PART V.
approval of upright men? I simply instructed you,
and published my announcement!; with trembling
awe I secured and confined (the chief criminals) :—
I have done so twice and for three times. But if
you do not take advantage of the leniency with
which I have spared your lives, I will proceed to
severe punishments, and put you to death. It is
not that we, the sovereigns of /4u, hold it virtuous
to make you untranquil, but it is you yourselves
who accelerate your crimes (and sufferings).” ’
4. ‘The king says, “Oh! ho! I tell you, ye many
officers of the various regions, and you, ye many
offifers of Yin, now have ye been hurrying about,
doing service to my overseers for five years. There
are among you the inferior assistants, the chiefs, and
the numerous directors, small and great ;—see that ye
all attain to the discharge of your duties. Want of
harmony (in the life) rises from (the want of it in)
one’s (inner) self ;—strive to be harmonious. Want
of concord in your families (arises from the want
of it in your conduct) ;—strive to be harmonious.
When intelligence rules in your cities, then will you
be proved to be attentive to your duties. Do not
be afraid, I pray you, of the evil ways (of the
people); and moreover, by occupying your offices
with a reverent harmony, you will find it possible to
select from your cities individuals on whose assistance you can calculate. You may thus long continue in this city of Lo’, cultivating your fields.
Heaven will favour and compassionate you, and we,
’ Referring probably to ‘the Great Announcement’ in Book vii.
* It would almost seem from this that the announcement was
made in Lo; and some critics have argued that Lo was ‘the
honoured capital’ in the first sentence.
BOOK xXIx. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF GOVERNMENT. 219
* It would almost seem from this that the announcement was
made in Lo; and some critics have argued that Lo was ‘the
honoured capital’ in the first sentence.
BOOK xXIx. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF GOVERNMENT. 219
the sovereigns of 4u, will greatly help you, and
confer rewards, selecting you to stand in our royal
court. Only be attentive to your duties, and you
may rank among our great officers.”
‘The king says, “Oh! ye numerous officers, if
you cannot exhort one another to pay a sincere
regard to my charges, it will further show that you
are unable to honour your sovereign; and all the
people will (also) say, ‘We will not honour him.’
Thus will ye be proved slothful and perverse,
greatly disobedient to the royal charges. Throughout your numerous regions you will bring on yourselves the terrors of Heaven, and I will then inflict
on you its punishments, removing you far from your
country.” ’ ;
5. ‘The king says, “I do not (wish to) make
these many declarations, but it is in a spirit of awe
that I lay my commands before you.” He further
says, “ You may now make a (new) beginning. If
you cannot reverently realize the harmony (which I
enjoin), do not (hereafter) murmur against me.”’
Book XIX. Tue EstTasBiisHMENT OF GOVERNMENT.
Tue phrase, ‘the Establishment of Government,’ occurs several
times in the course of the Book, and is thence taken to denominate it,—appropriately enough. The subject treated of
throughout, is how good government may be established.
Some Chinese critics maintain that the text as it stands is very
confused, ‘head and tail in disorder, and without connexion,’
and various re-arrangements of it have been proposed, for
which, however, there is no manuscript authority. Keeping
to the received text, and dividing it into six chapters, we may
adopt a summary of its contents approved by the editors of
the Shf, which was published in the Yung-Aang reign of the
220 THE SHO KING. PART V.
Keeping
to the received text, and dividing it into six chapters, we may
adopt a summary of its contents approved by the editors of
the Shf, which was published in the Yung-Aang reign of the
220 THE SHO KING. PART V.
present dynasty.—In government there is nothing more important than the employment of proper men; and when such
men are being sought, the first care should be for those to
occupy the three highest positions. When these are properly
filled, all the other offices will get their right men, and royal
government will be established. The appointment of the officers
of business, of pastoral oversight, and of the law, is the great
theme of the whole Book, and the concluding words of chapter 1
are its pulse,—may be felt throbbing everywhere in all the sentiments, Chapters 2 and 3 illustrate the subject from the history
of the dynasties of Hsié and Shang; and in chapter 4 it is
shown how kings Wan and WA selected their officers, and
initiated the happy state which was still continuing. In chapter 5
there is set forth the duty of the king to put away from him
men of artful tongues; to employ the good, distinguished by
their habits of virtue; to be always well prepared for war; and
to be very careful of his conduct in the matter of litigations.
Chapter 6 seems to have hardly any connexion with the rest
of the Book, and is probably a fragment of one of the lost
Books of the Sh@, that has got tacked on to this.
The Book belongs to the class of ‘Instructions,’ and was made,
I suppose, after the duke of Au had retired from his regency.
1. The duke of A4u spoke to the following
effect :—‘ With our hands to our heads and our
heads to the ground, we make our declarations to
the Son of Heaven, the king who has inherited the
throne.’ In such manner accordingly all (the other
ministers) cautioned the king, saying, ‘In close
attendance on your majesty there are the regular
presidents’, the regular ministers *, and the officers
of justice ;—the keepers of the robes (also), and the
guards. The duke of Au said, ‘Oh! admirable
are these (officers). Few, however, know to be
sufficiently anxious about them.’
1 We must understand by these the chiefs or presidents who
had a certain jurisdiction over several states and their princes.
* The high ministers of Instruction, War, Works, &c.
a
BOOK XIX. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF GOVERNMENT. 221
Few, however, know to be
sufficiently anxious about them.’
1 We must understand by these the chiefs or presidents who
had a certain jurisdiction over several states and their princes.
* The high ministers of Instruction, War, Works, &c.
a
BOOK XIX. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF GOVERNMENT. 221
2. ‘Among the ancients who exemplified (this
anxiety) there was the founder of the Hsia dynasty.
When his House was in its greatest strength, he
sought for able men who should honour God (in the
discharge of their duties).* (His advisers), when
they knew of men thoroughly proved and trustworthy in the practice of the nine virtues!, would
then presume to inform and instruct their sovereign,
saying, “ With our hands to our heads and our
heads to the ground, O sovereign, we would say,
Let (such an one) occupy one of your high offices:
Let (such an one) be one of your pastors: Let
(such an one) be one of your officers of justice.
By such appointments you will fulfil your duty as
sovereign. If you judge by the face only, and
therefrom deem men well schooled in virtue, and
appoint them, then those three positions will all
be occupied by unrighteous individuals.” The way
of Kieh, however, was not to observe this precedent.
Those whom he employed were cruel men ;—and he
left no successor.’
3. ‘After this there was Thang the Successful,
who, rising to the throne, grandly administered the
bright ordinances of God.* He employed, to fill
the three (high) positions, those who were equal to
them ; and those who were called possessors of the
three kinds of ability? would display that ability.
1 See chapter 2 of ‘the Counsels of K4o-y4o’ in Part II.
2 Some suppose that men are intended here who possessed
‘the three virtues’ of ‘the Great Plan.’ I think rather that men
are intended who had talents and virtue which would make them
eligible to the three highest positions. Thang had his notice fixed
on such men, and was prepared to call them to office at the
proper time.
222 THE SHO KING. PART V.
He then studied them severely, and greatly imitated
them, making the utmost of them in their three
positions and with their three kinds of ability. The
people in the cities of Shang? were thereby all
brought to harmony, and those in the four quarters
of the kingdom were brought greatly under the
influence of the virtue thus displayed. Oh! when
the throne came to Shdu, his character was all
violence. He preferred men of severity, and who
deemed cruelty a virtue, to share with him in the
government of his states; and at the same time, the
host of his associates, men who counted idleness a
virtue, shared the offices of his court. God then
sovereignly punished him, and caused us to possess
the great land, enjoy the favouring decree which
Shau had (afore) received, and govern all the people
in their myriad realms,’ *
God then
sovereignly punished him, and caused us to possess
the great land, enjoy the favouring decree which
Shau had (afore) received, and govern all the people
in their myriad realms,’ *
4. ‘Then subsequently there were king Wan and
king Wa, who knew well the minds of those whom
they put in the three positions, and saw clearly the
minds of those who had the three grades of ability.
Thus they could employ them to serve God with
reverence, and appointed them as presidents and
chiefs of the people. In establishing their government, the three things which principally concerned
them were to find the men for (high) offices, the
officers of justice, and the pastors. (They had also)
the guards ; the keepers of the robes ; their equerries ;
their heads of small departments; their personal
attendants; their various overseers; and their trea-
‘surers. They had their governors of the larger and
smaller cities assigned in the royal domain to the
1 That is, within the royal domain.
BOOK XIX. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF GOVERNMENT. 223
nobles; their men of arts!; their overseers whose
offices were beyond the court; their grand historiographers ; and their heads of departments ;—all good
men of constant virtue.
‘(In the external states) there were the Minister
of Instruction, the Minister of War, and the Minister
of Works, with the many officers subordinate to them.
Among the wild tribes, such as:‘the Wei, the Ld,
and the Aang’, in the three Po, and at the dangerous passes, they had wardens.
‘King Wan was able to make the minds of those
in the (three high) positions his own, and so it was
that he established those regular officers and superintending pastors, so that they were men of ability
and virtue. He would not appear himself in the
various notifications, in litigations, and in precautionary measures. There were the officers and
pastors (to attend to them), whom he (simply)
taught to be obedient (to his wishes), and not to
be disobedient. (Yea), as to litigations and precautionary measures, he (would seem as if he) did
not presume to know about them. He was followed
by king Wd, who carried out his work of settlement, and did not presume to supersede his righteous and virtuous men, but entered into his plans,
and employed, as before, those men. Thus it was
that they unitedly received this vast inheritance.’
‘ All who employed their arts in the service of the government;—
officers of prayer, clerks, archers, charioteers, doctors, diviners, and
the practisers of the various mechanical aris, &c.
* Compare what is said in ‘the Speech at Mf,’ ch. 1. The
Khang are not mentioned there. It would seem to be the
name of a wild tribe. The three Po had all been capitals of the
Shang kings, and their people required the special attention of
the sovereigns of KAu.
224 THE SHO KING. PART V.
* Compare what is said in ‘the Speech at Mf,’ ch. 1. The
Khang are not mentioned there. It would seem to be the
name of a wild tribe. The three Po had all been capitals of the
Shang kings, and their people required the special attention of
the sovereigns of KAu.
224 THE SHO KING. PART V.
5. ‘Oh! young son, the king, from this time forth
be it ours to establish the government, appointing
the (high) officers, the officers of the laws, and the
pastors ;—be it ours clearly to know what courses
are natural to these men, and then fully to employ
them in the government, that they may aid us
in the management of the people whom we have
received, and harmoniously conduct all litigations
and precautionary measures. And let us never
allow others to come between us and them. (Yea),
in our every word and speech, let us be thinking
of (these) officers of complete virtue, to regulate
the people that we have received. .
‘Oh! I, Tan, have received these excellent words
of others!, and tell them all to you, young son, the
king. From this time forth, O accomplished son
(of Wa), accomplished grandson (of Wn), do not
err in regard to the litigations and precautionary
measures ;—let the proper officers manage them.
From of old to the founder of Shang, and downwards to king Wan of our X4u, in establishing
government, when they appointed (high) officers,
pastors, and officers of the laws, they settled them
in their positions, and allowed them to unfold their
talents ;—thus giving the regulation of affairs into
their hands. In the kingdom, never has there been
the establishment of government by the employment
of artful-tongued men; (with such men), unlessoned
in virtue, never can a government be distinguished
in the world. From this time forth, in establishing
government, make no use of artful-tongued men,
’ Probably all the other officers or ministers referred to in ch. 1.
They are there prepared to speak their views, when the duke of
4u takes all the discoursing on himself.
BOOK XIX. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF GOVERNMENT. 225
but (seek for) good officers, and get them to use
all their powers in aiding the government of our
country. Now, O accomplished son (of Wd),
accomplished grandson (of Wan), young son, the
king, do not err in the matter of litigations ;—there
are the officers and pastors (to attend to them).
‘ Have well arranged (also) your military accoutrements and weapons, so that you may go forth beyond
the steps of Yii, and traverse all under the sky, even
to beyond the seas, everywhere meeting with submission :—so shall you display the bright glory of
king W4&n, and render more illustrious the great
achievements of king Wa}.
‘Oh! from this time forth, may (our) future kings,
in establishing the government, be able to employ
men of constant virtue !’
‘Oh! from this time forth, may (our) future kings,
in establishing the government, be able to employ
men of constant virtue !’
6. The duke of K&éu spoke to the following
effect :—‘O grand historiographer, the duke of Sa,
the Minister of Crime, dealt reverently with all the
criminal matters that came before him, and thereby
perpetuated the fortunes of our kingdom. Here
was an example of anxious solicitude (for future
ministers), whereby they may rank with him in the
ordering of the appropriate punishments *.’
1 At the close of his address to prince Shih, Book xvi, the
duke of K4u breaks all at once into a warlike mood, as he does
here.
* I have said in the introductory note that this chapter does
not seem to have any connexion with the rest of the Book. From
a passage in the 80 Awan, under the eleventh year of duke KAang,
we learn that a SQ Fan-shang, or Fan-shang of SQ, was Minister
of Crime to king W4. It is probably to him that the duke here
alludes.
[1] Q
226 THE SHO KING. PART V.
Book XX. Tue Orricers or KAv.
‘Tue Officers of X4u’ contains a general outline of the official
system of the Kau dynasty, detailing the names and functions
of the principal ministers about the court and others, to whom,
moreover, various counsels are addressed by the king who speaks
in it—no doubt, king KA&’ng. Chinese critics class it with the
‘Instructions’ of the Sh, but it belongs rather to the ‘Announcements.’
There is no mention in it of the duke of Kau; and its date must
therefore be in some year after he had retired from the regency,
and resigned the government into the king’s own hands.
The Book has a beginning, middle, and end, more distinctly
marked than they are in many of the documents in the Sh.
The whole is divided into five chapters. The first is introductory, and describes the condition of the kingdom, when the
arrangements of the official system were announced. In the
second, the king refers to the arrangements of former dynasties.
In the third, he sets forth the principal offices of state, the
ministers of which had their residence at court, and goes on
to the arrangements for the administration of the provinces.
The two other chapters contain many excellent advices to the
ministers and officers to discharge their duties so that the
fortunes of the dynasty might be consolidated, and no dissatisfaction arise among the myriad states.
1. The king of K4u brought the myriad regions
(of the kingdom) to tranquillity; he made a tour of
inspection through the H4u and Tien tenures; he
punished on all sides the chiefs who had refused to
appear at court; thus securing the repose of the
millions of the people, and all the (princes in the)
six tenures acknowledging his virtue. He then returned to the honoured capital of Au, and strictly
regulated the officers of the administration.
2. The king said, ‘It was the grand method of
former times to regulate the government while there
BOOK XxX. THE OFFICERS OF KAU. 227
He then returned to the honoured capital of Au, and strictly
regulated the officers of the administration.
2. The king said, ‘It was the grand method of
former times to regulate the government while there
BOOK XxX. THE OFFICERS OF KAU. 227
was no confusion, and to secure the country while
there was no danger. He said, ‘Y4o and Shun,
having studied antiquity', established a hundred
officers. At court, there were the General Regulator and (the President of) the Four Mountains;
abroad, there were the pastors of the provinces and
the princes of states. Thus the various departments
of government went on harmoniously, and the myriad
states all enjoyed repose. Under the dynasties of
Hsia and Shang, the number of officers was doubled,
and they were able still to secure good government.
(Those early) intelligent kings, in establishing their
government, cared not so much about the number
of the offices as about the men (to occupy them).
Now I, the little child, cultivate with reverence my
virtue, concerned day and night about my deficiencies; I look up to (those) former dynasties,
and seek to conform to them, while I instruct and
direct you, my officers.’
3. ‘I appoint the Grand- Master, the Grand -
Assistant, and the Grand-Guardian. These are the
three Kung’. They discourse about the principles
1 It is the same phrase here, which occurs at the beginning
of the Canons of Y4o and Shun, and of some other Books. It
may be inferred, as P. Gaubil says, that Yao and Shun had certain
sources of knowledge, that is té say, some history of the times
anterior to their own.
2 That is, ‘the three dukes;’ but the term is here a name of
office, more than of nobility, as is evident from the name of the
three Kf, who were next to them. Kf was not used as a term
expressing any order of nobility. It would seem to indicate that,
while the men holding the office were assistant to the Kung, they
yet had a distinct standing of their own. The offices of Grand-
Master &c. had existed under the Shang dynasty; see Book xi,
Part IV.
Q2
228 THE sHO KING. PART V.
of réason! and adjust the states, harmonizing (also)
and regulating the operations (in nature) of heaven
and earth?. These offices need not (always) be
filled; there must (first) be the men for them.
‘(I appoint) the Junior Master, the Junior Assistant, and the Junior Guardian. These are called
the three Kfi*. They assist the Kung to diffuse
widely the transforming influences, and display
brightly with reverence (the powers of) heaven
and earth,—assisting me, the One man.
‘(I appoint) the Junior Master, the Junior Assistant, and the Junior Guardian. These are called
the three Kfi*. They assist the Kung to diffuse
widely the transforming influences, and display
brightly with reverence (the powers of) heaven
and earth,—assisting me, the One man.
‘(I appoint) the Prime Minister, who presides over
the ruling of the (various) regions, has the general
management of all the other officers, and secures
uniformity within the four seas; the Minister of
Instruction, who presides over the education in the
states, diffuses a knowledge of the duties belonging
to the five relations of society, and trains the millions of the people to obedience ; the Minister of
Religion, who presides over the (sacred) ceremonies
of the country, regulates the services rendered to
the spirits and manes, and makes a harmony
between high and low‘ ;* the Minister of War, who
presides over the (military) administration of the
1 Meaning, I suppose, the courses or ways, which it was right
for the king, according to reason, to pursue.
* That is, probably, securing the material prosperity of the
kingdom, in good seasons, &c.
® See note 2 on the preceding page.
* The name here for ‘ the Minister of Religion’ is the same as
that in the Canon of Shun. ‘The spirits and manes’ are ‘the
spirits of heaven, earth, and deceased men.’ All festive, funeral,
and other ceremonies, as well as those of sacrifices, came under ,
the department of the Minister of Religion, who had therefore
to define the order of rank and precedence. This seems to be
what is meant by his ‘ making a harmony between high and low.’
BOOK XX. THE OFFICERS OF KAU. 229
country, commands the six hosts, and secures the
tranquillity of all the regions; the Minister of Crime,
who presides over the prohibitions of the country,
searches out the villainous and secretly wicked, and
punishes oppressors and disturbers of the peace;
and the Minister of Works, who presides over the
land of the country, settles the four classes of the
people, and secures at the proper seasons the produce of the ground}.
‘ These six ministers with their different duties
lead on their several subordinates, and set an
example to the nine pastors of the provinces, enriching and perfecting the condition of the millions
of the people. In six years (the lords of) the five
tenures appear once at the royal court; and after
a second six years, the king makes a tour of inspection in the four seasons, and examines the (various)
regulations and measures at the four mountains.
The princes appear before him each at the mountain of his quarter; and promotions and degradations are awarded with great intelligence.’
The princes appear before him each at the mountain of his quarter; and promotions and degradations are awarded with great intelligence.’
4. The king said, ‘Oh! all ye men of virtue, my
occupiers of office, pay reverent attention to your
charges. Be careful in the commands you issue;
for, once issued, they must be carried into effect,
and cannot be retracted. Extinguish all selfish
aims by your public feeling, and the people will
have confidence in you, and be gladly obedient.
Study antiquity as a preparation for entering on
1 Out of these six ministers and their departments have grown
the Six Boards of the Chinese Government of the present day :—
the Board of Civil Office; the Board of Revenue; the Board of
Rites; the Board of War; the Board of Punishment; and the
Board of Works.
230 THE sHO KING. PART V.
your offices. In deliberating on affairs, form your
determinations by help (of such study), and your
measures will be free from error. Make the regular
statutes of (our own) dynasty your rule, and do
not with artful speeches introduce disorder into
your offices. To accumulate doubts is the way to
ruin your plans; to be idle and indifferent is the
way to ruin your government. Without study, you
stand facing a wall, and your management of affairs
will be full of trouble.
‘I warn you, my high ministers and officers, that
exalted merit depends on the high aim, and a patrimony is enlarged only by diligence; it is by means
of bold decision that future difficulties are avoided.
Pride comes, along with rank, unperceived, and extravagance in the same way with emolument. Let
reverence and economy be (real) virtues with you,
unaccompanied with hypocritical display. Practise
them as virtues, and your minds will be at ease,
and you will daily become more admirable. Practise them in hypocrisy, and your minds will be
toiled, and you will daily become more stupid. In
the enjoyment of favour think of peril, and never be
without a cautious apprehension ;—he who is without such apprehension finds himself amidst what
is really to be feared. Push forward the worthy,
and show deference to the able; and harmony will
prevail among all your officers. When they are
not harmonious, the government becomes a mass
of confusion. If those whom you advance be
able for their offices, the ability is yours; if you
advance improper men, you are not equal to your
position.’
5. The king said, ‘Oh! ye (charged) with the
BOOK XxxI. THE KUN-KHAN. 231
threefold business (of government)!, and ye great
officers, reverently attend to your departments, and
conduct well the affairs under your government, so
as to assist your sovereign, and secure the lasting
happiness of the millions of the people ;—so shall
there be no dissatisfaction throughout the myriad
states.’
Book XXI. THe AUN-KHAN.
THe AUN-KHAN.
Kon-KHKN was the successor in ‘the eastern capital’ of the duke
of Kau, who has now passed off the stage of the Sh@, which
he occupied so long. Between ‘the Officers of Kau’ and this
Book, there were, when the Shi was complete, two others,
which are both lost. We must greatly deplore the loss of the
second of them, for it contained an account of the death of
the duke of Kau, and an announcement made by king KAang
by his bier.
Who Atin-k44n, the charge to whom on entering on his important
government is here preserved, really was, we are not informed.
Some have supposed that he was a son of the duke of Kau;
but we may be sure, from the analogy of other charges, that
if he had been so, the fact would have been alluded to in the
text. tin-£Ain might be translated ‘the prince AA&n,’ like
Xin Shih in the title of Book xvi, but we know nothing of any
territory with which he was invested.
The following summary of the contents is given by a Chinese
critic: —‘ The whole Book may be divided into three chapters.
The first relates Kin-244n’s appointment to the government
of the eastern capital. The concluding words, “ Be reverent,”
1¢The threefold business of government’ is the appointment
of the men of office, the officers of law, and the pastors, ‘the three
concerns of those in the three highest positions,’ as described in
the last Book, ch. 4. The king, probably, intends the Kung, the
K4, and the six ministers, whose duties he has spoken of. The
‘great officers’ will be all the officers inferior to these in their
several departments.
232 THE SHO KING. PART V.
are emphatic, and give the key-note to all that follows. The
second chapter enjoins on him to exert himself to illustrate
the lessons of the duke of K4u, and thereby transform the
people of Yin. The third requires him to give full development to those lessons, and instances various particulars in
which his doing so would appear ;—all illustrative of the command at the commencement, that he should be reverent.’
_ 1. The king spake to the following effect :—
‘ Kiin-kan, it is you who are possessed of excellent virtue, filial and respectful. Being filial, and
friendly with your brethren, you can display these
qualities in the exercise of goverment. I appoint
you to rule this eastern border. Be reverent.’
The king spake to the following effect :—
‘ Kiin-kan, it is you who are possessed of excellent virtue, filial and respectful. Being filial, and
friendly with your brethren, you can display these
qualities in the exercise of goverment. I appoint
you to rule this eastern border. Be reverent.’
2. ‘Formerly, the duke of A4u acted as teacher
and guardian of the myriads of the people, who
cherish (the remembrance of) his virtue. Go and
with sedulous care enter upon his charge; act in
accordance with his regular ways, and exert yourself to illustrate his lessons ;—so shall the people
be regulated. I have heard that he said, “ Perfect
government has a piercing fragrance, and influences the spiritual intelligences.* It is not the
millet which has the piercing fragrance ; it is bright
virtue.” Do you make this lesson of the duke
of KAu your rule, being diligent from day to day,
and not presuming to indulge in luxurious ease.
Ordinary men, while they have not yet seen a
sage, (are full of desire) as if they should never
get a sight of him; and after they have seen him,
they are still unable to follow him. Be cautioned
by this! You are the wind; the inferior people
are the grass. In revolving the plans of your
government, never hesitate to acknowledge the
difficulty of the subject. Some things have to be
abolished, and some new things to be enacted ;—
BOOK XXI. THE KUN-KHAN. 233
going out and coming in, seek the judgment of your
people about them, and, when there is a general
agreement, exert your own powers of reflection.
When you have any good plans or counsels, enter
and lay them before your sovereign in the palace.
Thereafter, when you are acting abroad in accordance with them, say, “ This plan or this view is all
due to our sovereign.” Oh! if all ministers were
to act thus, how excellent would they be, and how
distinguished !’
3. The king said, ‘ Kiin-£44n, do you give their
full development to the great lessons of the duke
of Kau. Do not make use of your power to exercise oppression; do not make use of the laws to
practise extortion. Be gentle, but with strictness
of rule. Promote harmony by the display of an
easy forbearance.
‘When any of the people of Yin are amenable to
punishment, if I say “ Punish,” do not you therefore
punish ; and if I say “ Spare,” do not you therefore
spare. Seek the due middle course. Those who
are disobedient to your government, and uninfluenced by your instructions, you will punish, remembering that the end of punishment is to make an
end of punishing. Those who are inured to villainy
and treachery, those who violate the regular duties
of society, and those who introduce disorder into
the public manners :—those three classes you will
not spare, though their particular offences be but
small.
‘Do not cherish anger against the obstinate, and
dislike them. Seek: not every quality in one individual. You must have patience, and you will be
successful; have forbearance, and your virtue will
234 THE sH6 KING. PART V.
‘Do not cherish anger against the obstinate, and
dislike them. Seek: not every quality in one individual. You must have patience, and you will be
successful; have forbearance, and your virtue will
234 THE sH6 KING. PART V.
be great. Mark those who discharge their duties
well, and also mark those who do not do so, (and
distinguish them from one another.) Advance the
good, to induce those who may not be so to follow
(their example).
‘The people are born good, and are changed by
(external) things,* so that they resist what their
superiors command, and follow what they (themselves) love. Do you but reverently observe the
Statutes, and they will be found in (the way of)
virtue; they will thus all be changed, and truly
advance to a great degree of excellence. Then
shall I, the One man, receive much happiness, and
your excellent services will be famous through long
ages |’
Book XXII. Tue TestaMENTARY CHARGE.
Tuts Book brings us to the closing act of the life of king KA&ng,
whose reign, according to the current chronology, lasted thirtyseven years, ending in B.c. 1079. From the appointment of Xiinkhan to his death, the king’s history is almost a blank. The
only events chronicled by Sze-m4 Kéien are a coinage of round
money with a square hole in the centre,—the prototype of the
present cash; and an enactment about the width and length
in which pieces of silk and cloth were to be manufactured.
King X4ang, feeling that his end-is near, calls his principal
ministers and other officers around his bed, and commits his
son Ko to their care and guidance. The record of all these
things and the dying charge form a chapter that ends with the
statement of the king’s death. The rest of the Book forms a
second chapter, in which we have a detailed account of the
ceremonies connected with the publication of the charge, and
the accession of Ko to the throne. It is an interesting account
of the ways of that distant time on such occasions.
1. In the fourth month, when the moon began to
wane, the king was indisposed. On the day Xia-
BOOK XXII. THE TESTAMENTARY CHARGE, 235
§ze, he washed his hands and face; his attendants ,
put on him his cap and robes!; (and he sat up),
leaning on a gem-adorned bench*. He then called
together the Grand-Guardian Shih, the earls of Zui
and Thung, the duke of Pi, the marquis of Wei, the
duke of MAo, the master of the warders, the master
of the guards, the heads of the various departments,
and the superintendents of affairs *.
The king said, ‘Oh! my illness has greatly increased, and it will soon be over with me. The
malady comes on daily with more violence, and
maintains its hold. I am afraid I may not find
(another opportunity) to declare my wishes about
my successor, and therefore I (now) lay my charge
upon you with special instructions. The former
rulers, our kings Wan and W4, displayed in succession their equal glory, making sure provision for
the support of the people, and setting forth their
The former
rulers, our kings Wan and W4, displayed in succession their equal glory, making sure provision for
the support of the people, and setting forth their
1 The king’s caps or crowns and robes were many, and for
each there was the appropriate occasion. His attendants, no
doubt, now dressed king Kang as the rules of court fashions
required.
* In those days they sat on the ground upon mats; and for
the old or infirm benches or stools were placed, in front of them,
to lean forward on. The king had five kinds of stools variously
adorned. That with gems was the most honourable.
* The Grand-Guardian Shih, or the duke of Sh4o, and the other
five dignitaries were, no doubt, the six ministers of the zoth Book.
Zui is referred to the present district of K4o-yi, department Hs?-an;
and Thung to Hw4 X4u, department Thung-44u ;—both in Shenhsi, The earl of Zui, it is supposed, was Minister of Instruction,
and he of Thung Minister of Religion. Pf corresponded to the
present district of Aang-an, department Hsi-an. The duke of
Pt was Minister of War, called Duke or Kung, as Grand-Master.
It is not known where M&o was. The lord of it was Minister
of Works, and Grand-Assistant. The marquis of Wei,—see on
Book ix. He was now, it is supposed, Minister of Crime.
236 THE SHO KING. PART V.
instructions. (The people) accorded a practical
submission, without any opposition, and the influence (of their example and instructions) extended
to Yin, and the great appointment (of Heaven) was
secured*. After them, I, the stupid one, received
with reverence the dread (decree) of Heaven, and
continued to keep the great instructions of Wan and
W4, not daring blindly to transgress them:*
“Now Heaven has laid affliction on me, and it
seems as if I should not again rise or be myself.
Do you take clear note of these my words, and in
accordance with them watch reverently: over my
eldest son 4o, and greatly assist him in the
difficulties of his position. Be kind to those who
are far off, and help those who are near. Promote
the tranquillity of the states, small and great, and
encourage them (to well-doing). I think how a man
has to govern himself in dignity and with decorum;
—do not you allow K4o to proceed heedlessly on
the impulse of improper motives.’ Immediately on
receiving this charge, (the ministers and others)
withdrew. The tent! was then carried out into
1 The tent had been prepared when the king sent for his
ministers and officers to give them his last charge, and set up
outside his chamber in the hall where he was accustomed to hold
‘the audience of government.’ He had walked or been carried
to it, and then returned to his apartment when he had expressed
his last wishes, while the tent—the curtains and canopy—was
carried out into the courtyard.
The palace was much more long or deep than wide, ~consisting of five series of buildings continued one after another,
so that, if all the gates were thrown open, one could walk in a
direct line from the first gate to the last. The different parts
of it were separated by courts that embraced a large space of
ground, and were partly open overhead. The gates leading to
the different parts had their particular names, and were all fronting
BOOK XXII. THE TESTAMENTARY CHARGE, 237
the court; and on the next day, (being) Yi-£/4u,
the king died.
2. The Grand-Guardian then ordered Aung
Hwan! and Nan-Kung M4o? to instruct Li A‘,
the marquis of AAt*, with two shield-and-spearmen,
and a hundred guards, to meet the prince Ao outside the south gate*, and conduct him to (one of)
the side-apartments (near to that where the king
lay), there to be as chief mourner ‘.
On the day Ting-mdo, (two days after the king’s
death), he ordered (the charge) to be recorded on
the south. Outside the second was held ‘the outer levee,’ where
the king received the princes and officers generally. Outside the
fifth was held ‘the audience of government,’ when he met his
ministers to consult with them on the business of the state. Inside
this gate were the buildings which formed the private apartments,
in the hall leading to which was held ‘the inner audience,’ and
where the sovereign feasted those whom he designed specially
to honour. Such is the general idea of the ancient palace given
by XQ Hsi. The gateways included a large space, covered by a
roof, supported on pillars.
1 We know nothing more of these officers but what is here
related.
* The marquis of KAi was the son of Th4i-kung, a friend and
minister of king W4n, who had been enfeoffed by king WQ with
the state of KAi, embracing the present department of K/ing-A4u,
in Shan-tuhg, and other territory. His place at court was that of
master of the guards.
* All the gates might be called ‘south gates.’ It is not certain
whether that intended here was the outer gate of all, or the last,
immediately in front of the hall, where the king had given his
charge. Whichever it was, the meeting Kao in the way described
was a public declaration that he had been appointed successor
to the throne.
* ©The mourning shed,’ spoken of in Part IV, viii, ch. 1, had
not yet been set up, and the apartment here indicated—on the
east of the hall of audience—was the proper one for the prince
to occupy in the mean time.
238 THE SHO KING. PART V.
tablets, and the forms (to be observed in publishing
it). Seven days after, on Kwei-yd, as chief (of the
west) and premier, he ordered the (proper) officers
to prepare the wood (for all the requirements of
the funeral) *.
238 THE SHO KING. PART V.
tablets, and the forms (to be observed in publishing
it). Seven days after, on Kwei-yd, as chief (of the
west) and premier, he ordered the (proper) officers
to prepare the wood (for all the requirements of
the funeral) *.
The salvage men® set out the screens', ornamented with figures of axes, and the tents. Between
the window (and the door), facing the south, they
placed the (three)fold mat of fine bamboo splints,
with its striped border of white and black silk,
and the usual bench adorned with different-coloured
gems. In the side-space on the west, which faced
the east, they placed the threefold rush mat, with
its variegated border, and the usual bench adorned
with beautiful shells, In the side-space on the east,
which faced the west, they placed the threefold mat
of fine grass, with its border of painted silk, and
the usual bench carved, and adorned with gems.
Before the western side-chamber, and facing the
south, they placed the threefold mat of fine bamboo,
with its dark mixed border, and the usual lacquered
bench ¢.
1 On the seventh day after his death the king had been shrouded
and put into his coffin. But there were still the shell or outer
coffin, &c., to be provided.
* These ‘salvage men’ were, I suppose, natives of the wild
TS tribes, employed to perform the more servile offices about the
court. Some of them, we know, were enrolled among the guards.
* The screens were ornamented with figures of axe-heads, and
placed behind the king, under the canopy that overshadowed
him.
‘ All these arrangements seem to have been made in the hall
where king AA&’ng had delivered his charge. He had been
accustomed to receive his guests at all the places where the tents,
screens, and mats were now set. It was presumed he would be
present in spirit at the ceremony of proclaiming his son, and
~.
BOOK XXII. THE TESTAMENTARY CHARGE. 239
(They set forth) also the five pairs of gems (or
jade), and the precious things of display. There
were the red knife, the great lessons, the large
round-and-convex symbol of jade, and the rounded
and pointed maces,—all in the side-space on the
west; the large piece of jade, the pieces contributed
by the wild tribes of the east, the heavenly soundingstone, and the river-Plan,—all in the side-space
on the east; the dancing habits of Yin, the large
tortoise-shell, and the large drum,—all in the western
apartment; the spear of Tdi, the bow of Ho, and
the bamboo arrows of Ahui,—all in the eastern
apartment ?.
The grand carriage was by the guests’ steps,
facing (the south); the next was by the eastern
(or host’s) steps, facing (the south). The front
carriage was placed before the left lobby, and the
one that followed it before the right lobby ?.
making known to him his dying charge; and as they could not
tell at what particular spot the spirit would be, they made all the
places ready for it.
The front
carriage was placed before the left lobby, and the
one that followed it before the right lobby ?.
making known to him his dying charge; and as they could not
tell at what particular spot the spirit would be, they made all the
places ready for it.
1 The western and eastern apartments were two rooms, east
and west of the hall, forming part of the private apartments,
behind the side rooms, and of large dimensions. The various
articles enumerated were precious relics, and had been favourites
with king Khang. They were now displayed to keep up the
illusion of the king’s still being present in spirit. ‘They were set
forth,’ it is said, ‘at the ancestral sacrifices to show that the king
could preserve them, and at the ceremony of announcing a testamentary charge to show that he could transmit them.’ About
the articles themselves it is not necessary to append particular
notes. They perished thousands of years ago, and the accounts
of them by the best scholars are little more than conjectural.
* The royal carriages were of five kinds, and four of them at
least were now set forth inside the last gate, that everything might
again be done, as when the king was alive. On the west side
of the hall were the guests’ steps (or staircase), by which visitors
240 THE SHO KING. PART V.
Two men in brownish leather caps, and holding
three-cornered halberts, stood inside the gate leading
to the private apartments. Four men in caps of
spotted deer-skin, holding spears with blades upturned from the base of the point, stood, one on
each side of the steps east and west, and near to
the platform of the hall. One man in a great
officer's cap, and holding an axe, stood in the hall,
(near the steps) at the east (end). One man in a
great officer's cap, and holding an axe of a different
pattern, stood in the hall, (near the steps) at the
west end. One man in a great officer’s cap, and
holding a lance, stood at the front and east of
the hall, close by the steps. One man in a great
officer's cap, and holding a lance of a different
pattern, stood in the corresponding place on the
west. One man in a great officer’s cap, and holding
a pointed weapon, stood by the steps on the north
side of the hall.
The king, in a linen cap and the variously figured
skirt, ascended by the guests’ steps, followed by
the high ministers, (great) officers, and princes of
states, in linen caps and dark-coloured skirts}.
Arrived in the hall, they all took their (proper)
places. The Grand-Guardian, the Grand-Historiographer, and the Minister of Religion were all in
ascended, and on the east were those used by the host himself.
If one of the royal carriages was absent on this occasion, it must
have been that used in war, as not being appropriate at such
a time.
The Grand-Guardian, the Grand-Historiographer, and the Minister of Religion were all in
ascended, and on the east were those used by the host himself.
If one of the royal carriages was absent on this occasion, it must
have been that used in war, as not being appropriate at such
a time.
1 All was now ready for the grand ceremony, and the performers,
in their appropriate mourning and sacrificial array, take their
places in the hall, 4o is here for the first time styled ‘king ;’
but still he goes up by the guests’ steps, not presuming to ascend
by the others, while his father’s corpse was in the hall,
m—a
BOOK XXII. THE TESTAMENTARY CHARGE. 241
linen caps and red skirts. The Grand-Guardian
bore the great mace. The Minister of Religion
bore the cup and the mace-cover. These two
ascended by the steps on the east?. The Grand-
Historiographer bore the testamentary charge. He
ascended by the guests’ steps (on the west), and
advanced to the king with the tablets containing
the charge, and said, ‘Our royal sovereign, leaning
on the gem-adorned bench, declared his last charge,
and commanded you to continue (the observance of)
the lessons, and to take the rule of the kingdom of
4#4u, complying with the great laws, and securing the
harmony of all under the sky, so as to respond to and
display the bright instructions of Wan and Wa.’
The king twice bowed (low), and then arose, and
replied, ‘I am utterly insignificant and but a child,
how should I be able to govern the four quarters
(of the kingdom) with a corresponding reverent
awe of the dread majesty of Heaven!’* He then
received the cup and the mace-cover. Thrice he
slowly and reverently advanced with a cup of spirits
(to the east of the coffin) ; thrice he sacrificed (to the
spirit of his father);* and thrice he put the cup down.
The Minister of Religion said, ‘It is accepted *.’ *
? The Grand-Guardian and the Minister of Religion ascended
by the eastern steps, because the authority of king AAAng was
in their persons, to be conveyed by the present ceremony to his
son. ‘The great mace’ was one of the emblems of the royal
sovereignty, and ‘the cup’ also must have been one that only the
king could use. ‘The mace-cover’ was an instrument by which
the genuineness of the symbols of their rank conferred on the
different princes was tested.
* According to Khung Ying-t#, when the king received the record
of the charge, he was standing at the top of the eastern steps, a
little eastwards, with his face to the north. The Histotiographer
stood by king A/&ng’s coffin, on the south-west of it, with his face
[1] R
242 THE SHO KING. PART Y.
The Histotiographer
stood by king A/&ng’s coffin, on the south-west of it, with his face
[1] R
242 THE SHO KING. PART Y.
The Grand-Guardian received the cup, descended
the steps, and washed his hands. He then took
another cup, (placed it on) a half-mace which he
carried, and repeated the sacrifice*.* He then gave
the cup to one of the attendants of the Minister
of Religion, and did obeisance. The king returned
the obeisance. The Grand-Guardian took a cup
again, and poured out the spirits in sacrifice.* He
then just tasted the spirits, returned to his place,
gave the cup to the attendant, and did obeisance.
The king returned the obeisance. The Grand-
Guardian descended from the hall, after which the
various (sacrificial) articles were removed, and the
princes all went out at the temple gate * and waited.
to the east. There he read the charge, after which the king
bowed twice, and the Minister of Religion, on the south-west
of the king, presented the cup and mace-cover. The king took
them, and, having given the cover in charge to an attendant,
advanced with the cup to the place between the pillars where the
sacrificial spirits were placed. Having filled a cup, he advanced
to the east of the coffin, and stood with his face to the west;
then going to the spot where his father’s spirit was supposed to
be, he sacrificed, pouring out the spirits on the ground, and then
he put the cup on the bench appropriated for it. This he repeated
three times. At the conclusion the Minister of Religion conveyed
to him a message from the spirit of his father, that his offering
was accepted.
1 Preparatory, that is, to his offering a sacrifice.
* That is, probably, repeated the sacrifice to the spirit of king
Khang, as if to inform him that his charge had been communicated
to his son. The half-mace was used as a handle for the sacrificial
cup. This ceremony appears to have been gone through twice.
The Grand-Guardian’s bowing was to the spirit of king King,
and the new king returned the obeisance for his father.
' Meaning the fifth or last gate of the palace. The private
apartments had for the time, through the presence of the coffin
and by the sacrifices, been converted into a sort of ancestral
temple.
eo
BOOK XxIII ANNOUNCEMENT OF KING KHANG, 243
Book XXIII.
Tue ANNOUNCEMENT OF Kinc Kuan.
Kuane was the honorary sacrificial title conferred on Xo, the
son and successor of king KAang. His reign lasted from
B.C. 1078 to 1053. Khang, as an honorary title, has various
meanings. In the text it probably denotes—‘ Who caused the
people to be tranquil and happy.’
Immediately on his accession to the throne, as described in the
last Book, king Khang made thé Announcement which is here
recorded. Indeed the two Books would almost seem to form
only one, and as such they appeared in the Sha of Ff, as
related in the Introduction.
Indeed the two Books would almost seem to form
only one, and as such they appeared in the Sha of Ff, as
related in the Introduction.
The princes, with whose departure from the inner hall of the
palace the last Book concludes, are introduced again to the
king in the court between the fourth and fifth gates, and do
homage to him after their fashion, cautioning also and advising
him about the discharge of his high duties. He responds with
the declaration which has given name to the Book, referring
to his predecessors, and asking the assistance of all his hearers,
that his reign may be a not unworthy sequel of theirs. With
this the proceedings terminate, and the king resumes his
mourning dress which he had put off for the occasion. The
whole thus falls into three chapters.
1. The king came forth and stood (in the space)
within the fourth gate of the palace, when the
Grand-Guardian led in the princes of the western
regions by the left (half) of the gate, and the duke
of Pt those of the eastern regions by the right (half) *.
They then all caused their teams of light bay horses,
with their manes and tails dyed red, to be exhibited ;
—and, (as the king’s) guests, lifted up their ranksymbols, and (the other) presents (they had brought)’,
1 See note on these ministers, p. 235.
* These presents were in addition to the teams of horses exhibited in the courtyard ;—silks and lighter productions of their
various territories.
R 2
244 THE SHO KING. PART Y.
saying, ‘We your servants, defenders (of the throne),
venture to bring the productions of our territories,
and lay them here.’ (With these words) they all
did obeisance twice, laying their heads on the ground.
The king, as the righteous successor to the virtue
of those who had gone before him, returned their
obeisance.
The Grand-Guardian and the earl of Zui, with
all the rest, then advanced and bowed to each other,
after which they did obeisance twice, with their
heads to the ground, and said, ‘O Son of Heaven,
we venture respectfully to declare our sentiments.
Great Heaven altered its decree which the great
House of Yin had received, and Wan and Wd of
our Au grandly received the same, and carried
it out, manifesting their kindly government in the
western regions. His recently ascended majesty,*
rewarding and punishing exactly in accordance with
what was right, fully established their achievements,
and transmitted this happy state to his successors.
Do you, O king, now be reverent. Maintain your
armies in great order, and do not allow the rarely
‘equalled appointment of our high ancestors to come
to harm.’ *
Do you, O king, now be reverent. Maintain your
armies in great order, and do not allow the rarely
‘equalled appointment of our high ancestors to come
to harm.’ *
2. The king spoke to the following effect :— Ye
princes of the various states, chiefs of the Hu, Tien,
Nan, and Wei domains, I, K4o, the One man, make
an announcement in return (for your advice). The
former rulers, Wan and WA, were greatly just and
enriched (the people). They did not occupy themselves to find out people’s crimes. Pushing to the
utmost and maintaining an entire impartiality and
sincerity, they became gloriously illustrious all under
heaven. Then they had officers brave as bears and
BOOK XXIV. CHARGE TO THE DUKE OF Pt. 245
grisly bears, and ministers of no double heart, who
(helped them) to maintain and regulate the royal
House. Thus (did they receive) the true favouring decree from God, and thus did great Heaven
approve of their ways, and give them the four
quarters (of the land).* Then they appointed and
set up principalities, and established bulwarks (to
the throne), for the sake of us, their successors.
Now do ye, my uncles?, I pray you, consider with
one another, and carry out the service which the
dukes, your predecessors, rendered to my predecessors. Though your persons be distant, let your
hearts be in the royal House. Enter thus into my
anxieties, and act in accordance with them, so that
I, the little child, may not be put to shame.’
3. The dukes and all the others, having heard
this charge, bowed to one another, and hastily withdrew. The king put off his cap, and assumed again
his mourning dress.
Book XXIV. THe CuHarGE To THE DukE oF Pt.
Tue king who delivers the charge in this Book was Khang, and
the only events of his reign of twenty-six years of which we
have any account in the Shd and in Sze-m4 Xafien are it and
the preceding announcement.
Book xxi relates the appointment of Ktn-As4n, by king XAang,
to the charge which was now, on his death, entrusted to the
duke of Pi, who is mentioned at the commencement of ‘ the
Testamentary Charge. By the labours of the duke of Xau
and Xiin-444n a considerable change had been effected in the
character of the people of Yin, who had been transferred to the new capital and its neighbourhood; and king Khang now
1 Meaning the various princes, and especially those bearing the
same surname as himself.
246 THE SHO KING. PART V.
appoints the duke of Pf to enter into and complete their
work.
After an introductory paragraph, the charge, in three chapters,
occupies all the rest of the Book. The first of them speaks
of what had been accomplished, and the admirable qualities of
the duke which fitted him to accomplish what remained to be
done. The second speaks of the special measures which were
called for by the original character and the altered character of
the people. The third dwells on the importance of the charge,
and stimulates the duke, by various considerations, to address
himself to fulfil it effectually.
The second speaks of the special measures which were
called for by the original character and the altered character of
the people. The third dwells on the importance of the charge,
and stimulates the duke, by various considerations, to address
himself to fulfil it effectually.
_ 1. Inthe sixth month of his twelfth year, the day
of the new moon’s appearance was Kang-wd, and on
Z4n-shan, the third day after, the king walked in the
morning from the honoured capital of Kau to Fang’,
and there, with reference to the multitudes of KAAng-
Aau*, gave charge to the duke of Ptf® to protect and
regulate the eastern border.
2. The king spoke to the following effect :—
* ©Oh! Grand-Master, it was when Wan and Wa
had diffused their great virtue all under heaven,
that they therefore received the appointment which
Yin had enjoyed.* The duke of KAu acted as
assistant to my royal predecessors, and tranquillized
and established their kingdom. Cautiously did he
deal with the refractory people of Yin, and removed
them to the city of Lo, that they might be quietly
near the royal House, and be transformed by its
1 That is, he went from H4o, founded by king WA, to Fang
the capital of Wan. The king wished to give his charge in the
temple of king Wan, because the duke of Pi had been one of
his ministers.
* Khing-k4u was a name of the new or ‘lower’ capital of
Lo, perhaps as giving ‘completion,’ or full establishment to the
dynasty.
. * The duke of Pi had succeeded the duke of X4u, in the office
of Grand-Master, under king AAing.
BOOK XXIV. CHARGE TO THE DUKE OF Pi. 247
lessons, Six and thirty years have elapsed'; the
generation has been changed; and manners have
altered. Through the four quarters of the land
there is no occasion for anxiety, and I, the One
man, enjoy repose.
‘The prevailing ways now tend to advancement
and now to degeneracy, and measures of government must be varied according to the manners
(of the time). If you (now) do not manifest your
approval of what is good, the people will not be led
to stimulate themselves in it. But your virtue,
O duke, is strenuous, and you are cautiously attentive to the smallest things. You have been helpful
to and brightened four reigns?; with deportment all
correct leading on the inferior officers, so that there
is not one who does not reverently take your words
as a law. Your admirable merits were many (and
great) in the times of my predecessors ; I, the little
child, have but to let my robes hang down, and fold
my hands, while I look up for the complete effect
(of your measures).’
3. The king said, ‘Oh! Grand-Master, I now
reverently charge you with the duties of the duke of
Kau. Go! Signalize the good, separating the bad
from them; give tokens of your approbation in their
neighbourhoods’, making it ill for the evil by such
distinction of the good, and thus establishing the
influence and reputation (of their virtue). When
the people will not obey your lessons and statutes,
Go! Signalize the good, separating the bad
from them; give tokens of your approbation in their
neighbourhoods’, making it ill for the evil by such
distinction of the good, and thus establishing the
influence and reputation (of their virtue). When
the people will not obey your lessons and statutes,
1 Probably, from the death of the duke of Au.
* Those of Win, Wi, XAing, and the existing reign of Khang.
* Setting up, that is, some conspicuous monument, with an
inscription testifying his approbation. All over China, at the
present day, such testimonials are met with.
248 THE SHO KING. PART V.
mark off the boundaries of their hamlets, making
them fear (to do evil), and desire (to do good).
Define anew the borders and frontiers, and be
careful to strengthen the guard-posts through the
territory, in order to secure tranquillity (within) the
four seas. In measures of government to be consistent and constant, and in proclamations a combination of completeness. and brevity, are valuable.
There should not be the love of what is extraordinary. Among the customs of Shang was the flattery of superiors ; sharp-tonguedness was the sign of
worth. The remains of these manners are not yet
obliterated. Do you, O duke, bear this in mind.
I have heard the saying, “ Families which have for
generations enjoyed places of emolument seldom
observe the rules of propriety. They become dissolute, and do violence to virtue, setting themselves in
positive opposition to the way of Heaven. They
ruin the formative principles of good; encourage
extravagance and display; and tend to carry all
(future ages) on the same stream with them.” Now
the officers of Yin had long relied on the favour
which they enjoyed. In the confidence of their
prideful extravagance they extinguished their (sense
of) righteousness. They displayed before men the
beauty of their robes, proud, licentious, arrogant,
and boastful;—-the natural issue was that they
should end in being thoroughly bad. Although
their lost minds have (in a measure) been recovered,
it is difficult to keep them under proper restraint.
If with their property and wealth they can be
brought under the influence of instruction, they may
enjoy lengthened years, virtue, and righteousness |—
these are the great lessons. If you do not follow
BOOK XXIv. CHARGE TO THE DUKE OF Pi. 249
in dealing with them these lessons of antiquity,
wherein will you instruct them ?’
If you do not follow
BOOK XXIv. CHARGE TO THE DUKE OF Pi. 249
in dealing with them these lessons of antiquity,
wherein will you instruct them ?’
4. The king said, ‘Oh! Grand-Master, the security or the danger of the kingdom depends on those
officers of Yin. If you are not (too) stern with them
nor (too) mild, their virtue will be truly cultivated.
The duke of Au exercised the necessary caution at
the beginning (of the undertaking); A iin-£44n displayed the harmony proper to the middle of it; and
you, O duke, can bring it at last to a successful issue.
You three princes will have been one in aim, and
will have equally pursued the proper way. The
penetrating power of your principles, and the good
character of your measures of government, will exert
an enriching influence on the character of the people,
so that the wild tribes, with their coats buttoning on
the left’, will all find their proper support in them,
and I, the little child, will long enjoy much happiness. Thus, O duke, there in AAang-A4u will you
establish for ever the power (of K4u), and you will
have an inexhaustible fame. Your descendants will
follow your perfect pattern, governing accordingly.
‘Oh! do not say, “I am unequal to this;” but
exert your mind to the utmost. Do not say, “ The
people are few;” but attend carefully to your business. Reverently follow the accomplished achievements of the former kings, and complete the excel-
Ience of the government of your predecessors.’
1 Confucius once praised Kwan Kung, a great minister of XA1,
in the seventh century B.c., for his services against the wild tribes
of his time, saying, that but for him they in China would be wearing their hair dishevelled, and buttoning the lappets of their coats
on the left side. See Analects, XIV, xviii. The long robes and:
jackets of the Chinese generally stretch over on the right side of
the chest, and are there buttoned. -
250 THE SHO KING. PART V.
Book XXV. Tue Xin-yA.
Accorpine to the note in the Preface to the Shf, the charge
delivered in this Book to Xtin-y&, or possibly ‘the prince Y4,’
was by king Mf; and its dictum is not challenged by any
Chinese critic. The reign of king KA&o0, who succeeded to
Khang, is thus passed over in the documents of the Shi. Ma
was the son and successor of K/4o, and reigned from B.c. 1001
to 947.
Xin-ya’s surname is not known. He is here appointed to be
Minister of Instruction, and as it is intimated that his father
and grandfather had been in the same office, it is conjectured
that he was the grandson of the earl of Zui, who was Minister
of Instruction at the beginning of the reign of king Khang.
The Book is short, speaking of the duties of the office, and
stimulating Y4 to the discharge of them by considerations drawn
from the merits of his forefathers, and the services which he
would render to the dynasty and his sovereign.
The Book is short, speaking of the duties of the office, and
stimulating Y4 to the discharge of them by considerations drawn
from the merits of his forefathers, and the services which he
would render to the dynasty and his sovereign.
1. The king spoke to the following effect :—
‘Oh! Xiin-y4é, your grandfather and your father,
one after the other, with a true loyalty and henesty,
laboured in the service of the royal House, accomplishing a merit that was recorded on the grand
banner’, I, the little child, have become charged
by inheritance with the line of government transmitted from W&n and W4, from A#ang and Khang;
I also keep thinking of their ministers who aided
them in the good government of the kingdom; the
trembling anxiety of my mind makes me feel as if
I were treading on a tiger’s tail, or walking upon
spring ice. I now give you charge to assist me;
1 The grand banner was borne aloft when the king went to
sacrifice. There were figures of the sun and moon on it, and
dragons lying along its breadth, one over the other, head above
tail. The names of meritorious ministers were inscribed on it
during their lifetime, preparatory to their sharing in the sacrifices
of the ancestral temple after their death.
¢
—_,
BOOK XXV. THE KUN-YA. 251
be as my limbs to me, as my heart and backbone.
Continue their old service, and do not disgrace your
grandfather and father.
‘ Diffuse widely (the knowledge of) the five invariable relations (of society), and reverently seek
to produce a harmonious observance of the duties
belonging to them among the people. If you are
correct in your own person, none will dare to be
but correct. The minds of the people cannot
attain to the right mean (of duty) ;—they must be
guided by your attaining to it. In the heat and
rains of summer, the inferior people may be described as murmuring and sighing. And so it is
with them in the great cold of winter. How great
are their hardships! Think of their hardships in
order to seek to promote their ease; and the people
will be tranquil. Oh! how great and splendid were
the plans of king Wan! How greatly were they
carried out by the energy of king Wa! All in
principle correct, and deficient in nothing, they are
for the help and guidance of us their descendants.
Do you with reverence and wisdom carry out your
instructions, enabling me to honour and follow the
example of my (immediate) predecessors, and to
respond to and display the bright decree conferred
on Wan and Wa ;—so shall you be the mate of your
by-gone fathers.’
2. The king spoke to the following effect :—
‘ Kiin-y4, do you take for your rule the lessons
afforded by the courses of your excellent fathers.
The good or the bad order of the people depends
on this. You will thus follow the practice of your
grandfather and father, and make the good government of your sovereign illustrious.’
252 THE sHé KING. PART V.
Book XXVI. Tue Cuarce to A&IUNG.
The good or the bad order of the people depends
on this. You will thus follow the practice of your
grandfather and father, and make the good government of your sovereign illustrious.’
252 THE sHé KING. PART V.
Book XXVI. Tue Cuarce to A&IUNG.
Tue charge recorded here, like that in the last Book, is assigned
to king Ma. It was delivered on the appointment of a X/iung
or Po-Asiung (that is, the eldest AAiung, the eldest brother
in his family) to be High Chamberlain. Of this KAiung we
know nothing more than we learn from the Shi. He was no
high dignitary of state. That the charge to him found a place
in the Shf, we are told, shows how important it was thought
that men in the lowest positions, yet coming into contact with
the sovereign, should possess correct principles and an earnest
desire for his progress in intelligence and virtue.
King M€ represents himself as conscious of his own incompetencies,
and impressed with a sense of the high duties devolving on
him. His predecessors, much superior to himself, were yet
greatly indebted to the aid of the officers about them ;—how
much more must this be the case with him!
He proceeds to appoint KhAiung to be the High Chamberlain,
telling him how he should guide correctly all the other servants
about the royal person, so that none but good influences should
be near to act upon the king ;—telling him also the manner
of men whom he should employ, and the care he should exercise
in the selection of them.
The king spoke to the following effect :—‘ Pokhiung, 1 come short in virtue, and have succeeded
to the former kings, to occupy the great throne.
I am fearful, and conscious of the peril (of my position). I rise at midnight, and think how I can avoid
falling into errors. Formerly Wan and Wd were
endowed with all intelligence, august and sage,
while their ministers, small and great, all cherished
loyalty and goodness. Their servants, charioteers,
chamberlains, and followers were all men of correctness; morning and evening waiting on their sovereign’s wishes, or supplying his deficiencies. (Those
kings), going out and coming in, rising up and sitting
aw an
BOOK XXVI. THE CHARGE TO KHIUNG. 253
down, were thus made reverent. Their every warning or command was good. The people yielded a
reverent obedience, and the myriad regions were all
happy. But I, the One man, am destitute of goodness, and really depend on the officers who have
places about me to help my deficiencies, applying
the line to my faults, and exhibiting my errors, thus
correcting my bad heart, and enabling me to be the
successor of my meritorious predecessors.
But I, the One man, am destitute of goodness, and really depend on the officers who have
places about me to help my deficiencies, applying
the line to my faults, and exhibiting my errors, thus
correcting my bad heart, and enabling me to be the
successor of my meritorious predecessors.
‘Now I appoint you to be High Chamberlain,
to see that all the officers in your department and
my personal attendants are upright and correct, that
they strive to promote the virtue of their sovereign,
and together supply my deficiencies. Be careful .in
selecting your officers. Do not employ men of
artful speech and insinuating looks, men whose
likes and dislikes are ruled by mine, one-sided men
and flatterers; but employ good men. When these
household officers are correct, the sovereign will be
correct ; when they are flatterers, the sovereign will
consider himself a sage. His virtue or his want.of
it equally depends on them. Cultivate no intimacy
with flatterers, nor get them to do duty for me as
my ears and eyes ;—they will lead their sovereign
to disregard the statutes of the former kings. If
you choose the men not for their personal goodness,
but for the sake of their bribes, their offices will be
made of no effect, your great want of reverence for
your sovereign will be apparent, and I will hold you
guilty.’
The king said, ‘Oh! be reverent! Ever help
your sovereign to follow the regular laws of duty
(which he should exemplify).
254 THE SHO KING. — PART V.
Book XXVII.
- Tue Marouis or LU on PUNISHMENTS.
Tue charge or charges recorded in this Book were given in the
hundredth year of the king’s age. The king, it is again under-stood, was MQ; and the hundredth year of his age would be
B.c. 952. The title of the Book in Chinese is simply ‘Lt’s
Punishments,’ and I conclude that Li, or the marquis of Li,
was a high minister who prepared, by the king’s orders, a code
of punishments for the regulation of the kingdom, in connexion
with the undertaking, or the completion, of which the king
delivered to his princes and judges the sentiments that are here
preserved.
The common view is that Li is the name of a principality, the
marquis of which was M(’s Minister of Crime. Where it was
is not well known, and as the Book is quoted in the Lf AY ©
several times under the title of ‘FQ on Punishments,’ it is supposed that Lii and Ff (a small marquisate in the present Ho-nan)
were the same.
Where it was
is not well known, and as the Book is quoted in the Lf AY ©
several times under the title of ‘FQ on Punishments,’ it is supposed that Lii and Ff (a small marquisate in the present Ho-nan)
were the same.
The whole Book is divided into seven chapters. The first is
merely a brief introduction, the historiographer’s account of the
circumstances in which king Mf delivered his lessons. Each
of the other chapters begins with the words, ‘The king said.’
The first two of them are an historical resumé of the lessons
of antiquity on the subject of punishments, and an inculcation
on the princes and officers of justice to give heed to them, and
learn from them. The next two tell the princes of the diligence
and carefulness to be employed in the use of punishments, and
how they can make punishments a blessing. The fourth chapter treats principally of the commutation or redemption of
punishments, and has been very strongly condemned by critics
and moralists. They express their surprise that such a document should be in the Sh, and, holding that the collection was
made by Confucius, venture to ask what the sage meant by
admitting it. There is, in fact, no evidence that the redemption
of punishments on the scale here laid down, existed in China
before Mi’s time. It has entered, however, into the penal code
of every subsequent dynasty. Great official corruption and depravation of the general morality would seem to be inseparable
from such a system. The fifth chapter returns again to the
BOOK XXVII. MARQUIS OF LU ON PUNISHMENTS, 255
reverence with which punishments should be employed; and the
sixth and last is addressed to future generations, and directs
them to the ancient models, in order that punishments may
never be but a blessing to the kingdom.
A Chinese critic says that throughout the Book ‘virtue’ and ‘exact
adaptation’ are the terms that carry the weight of the meaning.
Virtue must underlie the use of punishments, of which their
exact adaptation will be the manifestation.
1. In reference to the charge to (the marquis of)
Lii :—When the king had occupied the throne till he
reached the age of a hundred years, he gave great
consideration to the appointment of punishments,
in order to deal with (the people of) the four
quarters.
2. The king said, ‘According to the teachings of
ancient times, X/ih YQ was the first to produce disorder, which spread among the quiet, orderly people,
till all became robbers and murderers, owl-like and
yet self-complacent in their conduct, traitors and
villains, snatching and filching, dissemblers and
oppressors '.
‘Among the people of Miao, they did not use
the power of goodness, but the restraint of punishments. They made the five punishments engines
of oppression?, calling them the laws. They
‘Among the people of Miao, they did not use
the power of goodness, but the restraint of punishments. They made the five punishments engines
of oppression?, calling them the laws. They
} Khih YQ, as has been observed in the Introduction, p. 27, is
the most ancient name mentioned in the Shf, and carries us back, .
according to the Chinese chronologists, nearly to the beginning of
the twenty-seventh century s.c. P. Gaubil translates the characters
which appear in the English text here as ‘According to the
teachings of ancient times’ by ‘Selon les anciens documents,’
which is more than the Chinese text says.—It is remarkable that
at the commencement of Chinese history, Chinese tradition placed
a period of innocence, a season when order and virtue ruled in
men’s affairs.
* 1 do not think it is intended to say here that ‘the five punishments’ were invented by the chiefs of. the Miao; but only that
256 THE SHO KING. PART V.
slaughtered the innocent, and were the first also to
go to excess in cutting off the nose, cutting off the
ears, castration, and branding. All who became
liable to those punishments were dealt with without
distinction, no difference being made in favour of
those who could offer some excuse. The people
were gradually affected by this state of things, and
became dark and disorderly. Their hearts were no
more set on good faith, but they violated their oaths
and covenants. The multitudes who suffered from
the oppressive terrors, and were (in danger of) being
murdered, declared their innocence to Heaven. God —
surveyed the people, and there was no fragrance of
virtue arising from them, but the rank odour of their
(cruel) punishments.*
‘The great Tt? compassionated the innocent
multitudes that were (in danger of) being murdered,
and made the oppressors feel the terrors of his
majesty. He restrained and (finally) extinguished
the people of Mido, so that they should not con-
these used them excessively and barbarously. From two passages
in the Canon of Shun, we conclude that that monarch was
acquainted with ‘the five great inflictions or punishments,’ and
gave instructions to his minister K&o-y4o as to their use.
1 Here is the name—Hwang Ti—by which the sovereigns of
China have been styled from s.c. 221, since the emperor of X;/in,
on his extinction of the feudal states, enacted that it should be
borne by himself and his descendants. I have spoken of the
meaning of Tf and of the title Hwang Ti in the note on the
translation of the Shi appended to the Preface. There can
be no doubt that it was Shun whom king Mf intended by the
name. A few sentences further on, the mention of Po-! and
Yi leads us to the time subsequent to Y4o, and there does not
appear to be any change of subject in the paragraph. We get
from this Book a higher idea of the power of the Mifo than
from the Books of Part II.
BOOK XXVII. MARQUIS OF LU ON PUNISHMENTS. 257
and
Yi leads us to the time subsequent to Y4o, and there does not
appear to be any change of subject in the paragraph. We get
from this Book a higher idea of the power of the Mifo than
from the Books of Part II.
BOOK XXVII. MARQUIS OF LU ON PUNISHMENTS. 257
tinue to future generations. Then he commissioned
Khung and Lt! to make an end of the communications between earth and heaven; and the descents
(of spirits) ceased’. From the princes down to the
? Khung and Li are nowhere met with in the previous parts of
the ShQ, nor in any other reliable documents of history, as officers
of Shun. 3h4i An and others would identify them with the
Hsf and Ho of the Canon of Y4o, and -hold those to have been
descended from a Khung and a Li, supposed to belong to the
time of Shao Ho in the twenty-sixth century B.c.
Whoever they were, the duty with which they were charged
was remarkable. In the Narratives of the States (a book of
the Aau dynasty), we find a conversation on it, during the lifetime of Confucius, between king Khao of KAQ (B.c. 515-489)
and one of his ministers, called Kwan Yi-ff. ‘What is meant,’
asked the king, ‘by what is said in one of the Books of Kéu
about Kung and Lf, that they really brought it about that there
was no intercourse between heaven and earth? If they had not
done so, would people have been able to ‘ascend to heaven?’
The minister replied that that was not the meaning at all, and
gave his own view of it at great length, to the following effect—
Anciently, the people attended to the discharge of their duties
to one another, and left the worship of spiritual beings— the
seeking intercourse with them, and invoking and effecting their
descent on earth—to the officers who were appointed for that
purpose. In this way things proceeded with great regularity.
The people minded their own affairs, and the spirits minded
theirs. Tranquillity and prosperity were the consequence. But
in the time of Shao Hao, through the lawlessness of Xi(-If, a
change took place. The people intruded into the functions of
the regulators of the spirits and their worship. They abandoned
their duties to their fellow men, and tried to bring down spirits
from above. The spirits themselves, no longer kept in check
and subjected to rule, made their appearance irregularly and
disastrously. All was confusion and calamity, when Awan Hsii
(B.C. 2510-2433) took the case in hand. He appointed Aung,
the Minister of the South, to the superintendency of heavenly
things, to prescribe the laws for the spirits, and Lf, the Minister
of Fire, to the superintendency of earthly things, to prescribe the
rules for the people. In this way both spirits and people were
(t] 8
258 THE SHO KING. PART V.
In this way both spirits and people were
(t] 8
258 THE SHO KING. PART V.
inferior officers, all helped with clear intelligence
(the spread of) the regular principles of duty, and
the solitary and widows were no longer overlooked.
The great Tt with an unprejudiced mind carried his
enquiries low down among the people, and the solitary and widows laid before him their complaints
against the Mido. He awed the people by the
majesty of his virtue, and enlightened them by
its brightness. He thereupon charged the three
princely (ministers)' to labour with compassionate
anxiety in the people’s behalf. Po-t delivered his
statutes to prevent the people from rendering themselves obnoxious to punishment; Yii reduced to
order the water and the land, and presided over the
naming of the hills and rivers; t spread abroad
a knowledge of agriculture, and (the people) extensively cultivated the admirable grains. When the
three princes had accomplished their work, it was
abundantly well with the people. The Minister of
Crime? exercised among them the restraint of
brought ‘back to their former regular courses, and there was no
unhallowed interference of the one with the other. This was the
work described in the text. But subsequently the chief of Sanmiso showed himself a Xif-li redivivus, till Y4o called forth
the descendants of Afung and Lf, who had not forgotten the
virtue and functions of their fathers, and made them take the case
in hand again.
According to Yi-f(’s statements K/ung’s functions were those
of the Minister of Religion, and Li’s those of the Minister of
Instruction ; but Hs? and Ho were simply Ministers of Astronomy
and the Calendar, and their descendants continue to appear as
such in the Shi to the reign of Kung Khang, long after we know
that men of other families were appointed to the important ministries of Khung and Lf.
1 Those immediately mentioned,—Po-f, Yi, and Ai. See the
Canon of Shun and other Books of Part II.
* K4o-y4o,
—e |
i \ .
NS
BOOK XXVII. MARQUIS OF LU ON PUNISHMENTS. 259
punishment in exact adaptation to each offence,
and taught them to reverence virtue, The greatest
gravity and harmony in the sovereign, and the
greatest intelligence in those below him, thus
shining forth to all quarters (of the land), all were
rendered diligent in cultivating their virtue. Hence,
(if anything more were wanted), the clear adjudication of punishments effected the regulation of the
people, and helped them to observe the regular
duties of life. The officers who presided over
criminal cases executed the law (fearlessly) against
the powerful, and (faithfully) against the wealthy,
They were reverent and cautious. They had no
occasion to make choice of words to vindicate their
conduct. The virtue of Heaven was attained to by
them ; from them was the determination of so great
a matter as the lives (of men). In their low sphere
they yet corresponded (to Heaven) and enjoyed (its
favour).’ *
They had no
occasion to make choice of words to vindicate their
conduct. The virtue of Heaven was attained to by
them ; from them was the determination of so great
a matter as the lives (of men). In their low sphere
they yet corresponded (to Heaven) and enjoyed (its
favour).’ *
3. The king said, ‘Ah! you who direct the
government and preside over criminal cases through
all the land, are you not constituted the shepherds
of Heaven?* ‘To whom ought you now to look
as your pattern? Is it not to Pot, spreading
among the people his lessons to avert punishments ?
And from whom ought you now to take warning ?
Is it not from the people of Miao, who would not:
examine into the circumstances of criminal cases,
and did not make choice of good officers that should
see to the right apportioning of the five punishments, but chose the violent and bribe-snatchers,
who determined and administered them, so as to
oppress the innocent, until God would no longer
hold them guiltless, and sent down calamity on
$2
260 THE sud KING. PART V.
Miao, when the people had no plea to allege in
mitigation of their punishment, and their name was
cut off from the world ?’ *
4. The king said, ‘Oh! lay it to heart. My
uncles, and all ye, my brethren and cousins, my sons
and my grandsons}, listen all of you to my words, in
which, it may be, you will receive a most important
charge. You will only tread the path of satisfaction
by being daily diligent ;—do not have occasion to
beware of the want of diligence. Heaven, in its
wish to regulate the people, allows us for a day to
make use of punishments.* Whether crimes have
been premeditated, or are unpremeditated, depends
on the parties concerned ;—do you (deal with them
so as to) accord with the mind of Heaven, and thus
serve me, the One man. Though I would put them
to death, do not you therefore put them to death;
though I would spare them, do not you therefore
spare them. Reverently apportion the five punishments, so as fully to exhibit the three virtues *%.
Then shall I, the One man, enjoy felicity; the
people will look to you as their sure dependance ;
the repose of such a state will be perpetual.’
5. The king said, ‘Ho! come, ye rulers of states
_and territories, I will tell you how to make punishments a blessing. It is yours now to give repose to
the people ;—what should you be most concerned
1 Meaning all the princes of the same surname as himself. As
he was a hundred years old, there might well be among them
those who were really his sons and grandsons.
8 ‘The three virtues’ are those of the Great Plan; those of
‘correctness and straightforwardness,’ of ‘ strong government,’ and
of ‘mild government.’
® Meaning all the princes;—of the king’s own and other surnames.
-—
~~ — a -
BOOK XXVII, MARQUIS OF LU ON PUNISHMENTS. 261
8 ‘The three virtues’ are those of the Great Plan; those of
‘correctness and straightforwardness,’ of ‘ strong government,’ and
of ‘mild government.’
® Meaning all the princes;—of the king’s own and other surnames.
-—
~~ — a -
BOOK XXVII, MARQUIS OF LU ON PUNISHMENTS. 261
about the choosing of ? Should it not be the proper
men? What should you deal with the most reverently? Should it not be punishments? What
should you calculate the most carefully ? Should
it not be to whom these will reach ?
‘When both parties are present, (with their documents and witnesses) all complete, let the judges
listen to the fivefold statements that may be made’.
When they have examined and fully made up their
minds on those, let them adjust the case to one of
the five punishments. If the five punishments do
not meet it, let them adjust it to one of the five
redemption-fines ; and if these, again, are not suffcient for it, let them reckon it among the five cases
of error’.
‘In (settling) the five cases of error there are
evils (to be guarded against) ;—being warped by
the influence of power, or by private grudge, or by
female solicitation, or by bribes, or by applications.
Any one of these things should be held equal to
the crime (before the judges). Do you carefully
examine, and prove yourselves equal to (every
difficulty).
‘When there are doubts as to the infliction of
any of the five punishments, that infliction should
be forborne. When there are doubts as to the
1 That is, the statements, with the evidence on both sides,
whether incriminating or exculpating. They are called fivefold, as
the case might have to be dealt with by one or other of ‘ the five
punishments.’
* That is, the offences of inadvertence. What should ensue
on the adjudication of any case to be so ranked does not appear.
It would be very leniently dealt with, and perhaps pardoned. In
‘the Counsels of Yi,’ K4o-y4o says to Shun, ‘ You pardon inadvertent offences however great.’
262 THE SHU KING. PART Y.
infliction of any of the five fines, it should be forborne. Do you carefully examine, and prove yourselves equal to overcome (every difficulty). When
you have examined and many things are clear, yet
form a judgment from studying the appearance of
the parties. If you find nothing out on examination, do not listen (to the case any more). In
everything stand in awe of the dread majesty of
Heaven.*
When
you have examined and many things are clear, yet
form a judgment from studying the appearance of
the parties. If you find nothing out on examination, do not listen (to the case any more). In
everything stand in awe of the dread majesty of
Heaven.*
‘When, in a doubtful case, the punishment of
branding is forborne, the fine to be laid on instead
is 600 ounces (of copper); but you must first have
satisfied yourselves as to the crime. When the case
would require the cutting off the nose, the fine must
be double this ;—with the same careful determination of the crime. When the punishment would
be the cutting off the feet, the fine must be 3000
ounces ;—with the same careful determination of
the crime. When the punishment would be castration}, the fine must be 3600 ounces ;—with the same
determination. When the punishment would be
death, the fine must be 6000 ounces ;—with the
same determination. Of crimes that may be redeemed by the fine in lieu of branding there are
1000; and the same number of those that would
otherwise incur cutting off the nose. The fine in
lieu of cutting off the feet extends to 500 cases;
that in lieu of castration, to 300; and that in lieu
of death, to 200. Altogether, set against the five
punishments, there are 3000 crimes. (In the case
of others not exactly defined), you must class them
with the (next) higher or (next) lower offences, not
1 Or solitary confinement in the case of a female.
BOOK XXVII. MARQUIS OF LU ON PUNISHMENTS. 263
admitting assumptive and disorderly pleadings, and
not using obsolete laws. Examine and act lawfully,
judging carefully, and proving yourselves equal (to
every difficulty).
‘Where the crime should incur one of the higher
punishments, but there are mitigating circumstances,
apply to it the next lower. Where it should incur one
of the lower punishments, but there are aggravating
circumstances, apply to it the next higher. The light
and heavy fines are to be apportioned (in the same
way) by the balance of circumstances. Punishments
and fines should (also) be light in one age, and
heavy in another. To secure uniformity in this
(seeming) irregularity, there are certain relations of
things (to be considered), and the essential principle
(to be observed).
Punishments
and fines should (also) be light in one age, and
heavy in another. To secure uniformity in this
(seeming) irregularity, there are certain relations of
things (to be considered), and the essential principle
(to be observed).
‘The chastisement of fines is short of death, yet
it will produce extreme distress. They are not
(therefore) persons of artful tongues who should
determine criminal cases, but really good persons,
whose awards will hit the right mean. Examine
carefully where there are any discrepancies in the
statements ; the view which you were resolved not
to follow, you may see occasion to follow; with
compassion and reverence settle the cases; examine carefully the penal code, and deliberate with
all about it, that your decisions may be likely to
hit the proper mean and be correct ;—whether it be
the infliction of a punishment or a fine, examining
carefully and mastering every difficulty. When the
case is thus concluded, all parties will acknowledge
the justice of the sentence; and when it is reported,
the sovereign will do the same. In sending up
reports of cases, they must be full and complete.
264 THE SHO KING. PART V.
If a man have been tried on two counts, his two
punishments (must be recorded).’
6. The king said, ‘Oh! let there be a feeling of
reverence. Ye judges and princes, of the same surname with me, and of other surnames, (know all) that
I speak in much fear. I think with reverence of the
subject of punishment, for the end of it is to promote
virtue. Now Heaven, wishing to help the people,
has made us its representatives here below.* Be
intelligent and pure in hearing (each) side of a case.
The right ordering of the people depends on the
impartial hearing of the pleas on both sides ;—do
not seek for private advantage to yourselves by
means of those pleas. Gain (so) got by the decision
of cases is no precious acquisition ; it is an accumulation of guilt, and will be recompensed with many
judgments :—you should ever stand in awe of the
punishment of Heaven.* It is not Heaven that
does not deal impartially with men, but men ruin
themselves. If the punishment of Heaven were
not so extreme, nowhere under the sky would the
people have good government.’
7. The king said, ‘Oh! ye who shall hereafter
inherit (the dignities and offices of) the present time,
to whom are ye to look for your models? Must it
not be to those who promoted the virtue belonging
to the unbiassed nature of the people? I pray you
give attention to my words. The wise men (of
antiquity) by their use of punishments obtained
boundless fame. Everything relating to the five
punishments exactly hit with them the due mean,
and hence came their excellence. Receiving from
your sovereigns the good multitudes, behold in the
case of those men punishments made felicitous!’
BOOK XXVIII. CHARGE TO THE MARQUIS WAN. 265
Book XXVIII.
THe CHARGE TO THE Marquis WAN.
Receiving from
your sovereigns the good multitudes, behold in the
case of those men punishments made felicitous!’
BOOK XXVIII. CHARGE TO THE MARQUIS WAN. 265
Book XXVIII.
THe CHARGE TO THE Marquis WAN.
Tne king to whom this charge is ascribed was Phing (B. c. 770-719).
Between him and M@i there was thus a period of fully two centuries, of which no documents are, or ever were, in the collection of the Sh. The time was occupied by seven reigns, the
last of which was that of Nieh, known as king YQ, a worthless
ruler, and besotted in his attachment to a female favourite,
called Paéo-sze. For her sake he degraded his queen, and sent
their son, 1-4/0, to the court of the lord of Shan, her father,
‘to learn good manners.’ The lord of Shan called in the
assistance of some barbarian tribes, by which the capital was
sacked, and the king slain; and with him ended the sway of
‘the Western Kau.’ Several of the feudal princes went to the
assistance of the royal House, drove away the barbarians,
brought back f-24i0 from Sh&n, and hailed him as king. He
is known as king Phing, ‘the Tranquillizer. His first measure
was to transfer the capital from the ruins of H4o to Lo, thus
fulfilling at length, but under disastrous circumstances, the
wishes of the duke of X4u; and from this time (B.c. 770) dates
the history of ‘the Eastern Kau.’
Among king Phing’s early measures was the rewarding the feudal
lords to whom he owed his throne. The marquis of Kin was
one of them. His name was X/i(i, and that of I-ho, by which
he is called in the text, is taken as his ‘style,’ or designation
assumed by him on his marriage. Waé&n, ‘the Accomplished,’
was his sacrificial title. The lords of Xin were descended from
king W(’s son, Yi, who was appointed marquis of Thang, corresponding to the present department of Thai-ytian, in Shan-hsi.
The name of Thang was afterwards changed into Xin. The
state became in course of time one of the largest and most
powerful in the kingdom. ,
The charge in this Book is understood to be in connexion with
Win’s appointment to be president or chief of several of the
other princes. The king begins by celebrating the virtues and
happy times of kings Wan and W4, and the services rendered
by the worthy ministers of subsequent reigns. He contrasts
with this the misery and distraction of his own times, deploring
. his want of wise counsellors and helpers, and praising the.
266 THE SHO KING. PART V.
marquis for the services which he had rendered. He then
concludes with the special charge by which he would reward
the prince’s merit in the past, and stimulate him to ) greater
exertions in the future.
his want of wise counsellors and helpers, and praising the.
266 THE SHO KING. PART V.
marquis for the services which he had rendered. He then
concludes with the special charge by which he would reward
the prince’s merit in the past, and stimulate him to ) greater
exertions in the future.
1. The king spoke to the following effect :—
‘Uncle f-ho, how illustrious were Wan and Wa!
Carefully did they make their virtue brilliant, till
it rose brightly on high, and the fame of it was
widely diffused here below. Therefore God caused
his favouring decree to light upon king Wa&n.*
There were ministers also (thereafter), who aided
and illustriously served their sovereigns, following
and carrying out their plans, great and small, so that
my fathers sat tranquilly on the throne.
‘Oh! an object of pity am I, who am (but as) a
little child. Just as I have succeeded to the throne,
Heaven has severely chastised me.* Through the
interruption of the (royal) bounties that ceased to
descend to the inferior people, the invading barbarous tribes of the west have greatly (injured) our
kingdom. Moreover, among the managers of my
affairs there are none of age and experience and
distinguished ability in their offices. I am (thus)
unequal (to the difficulties of my position), and say
to myself, “ My grand-uncles and uncles, you ought
to compassionate my case.” Oh! if there were
those who could establish their merit in behalf of
me, the One man, I might long enjoy repose upon
the throne.
‘Uncle f-ho, you render still more glorious your
illustrious ancestor. You were the first to imitate
the example of Wan and W4, collecting (the scattered powers), and continuing (the all but broken
line of) your sovereign. Your filial piety goes back
ied
BOOK XXIX, THE SPEECH AT Pf. 267
to your accomplished ancestor, (and is equal to his.)
You have done much to repair my (losses), and
defend me in my difficulties, and of you, being such,
I am full of admiration,’
2. The king said, ‘ Uncle f-ho, return home,
survey your multitudes, and tranquillize your state.
I reward you with a jar of spirits, distilled from the
black millet, and flavoured with odoriferous herbs’,
with a red bow, and a hundred red arrows?; with
a black bow, and a hundred black arrows; and with
four horses. Go, my uncle. Show kindness to
those that are far off, and help those who are
near at hand; cherish and secure the repose of
the inferior people; do not idly seek your ease ;
exercise an inspection and (benign) compassion in
your capital (and all your borders);— thus completing your illustrious virtue.’
Book XXIX. Tue Speecu at Pi.
Tue Speech at Pi carries us back from the time of Phing to
that of king AAang. In the Preface to the Shf it is attributed
to Po-AAin, the son of the duke of Xu; and there is a general
acquiescence of tradition and critics in this view. We may
account for its position out of the chronological order from
In the Preface to the Shf it is attributed
to Po-AAin, the son of the duke of Xu; and there is a general
acquiescence of tradition and critics in this view. We may
account for its position out of the chronological order from
1 Compare king KA&ng’s gift to the duke of Xéu, in the
Announcement concerning Lo, ch. 6.
* The conferring on a prince of a bow and arrows, invested
him with the power of punishing throughout the states within his
jurisdiction all who were disobedient to the royal commands, but
not of taking life without first reporting to the court. The gift
was also a tribute to the merit of the receiver. See the Book of
Poetry, II, iii, ode 1.
268 THE SHO KING. PART V.
the Book’s being the record not of any royal doings, but of
the words of the ruler of a state.
The speech has reference to some military operations against the
wild tribes on the Hw4i river and in other parts of the province of Hsii; and we have seen that they were in insurrection
many times during the reign of Khang. We thus cannot tell
exactly the year in which the speech was delivered. Po-&/in
presided over his state of Lf for the long period of fifty-three
years, and died B. c. 1063.
The name of Pf is retained in the district still so called of the
department of f-A4u. At first it was an independent territory,
but attached to Lf, and under the jurisdiction of its marquises,
by one of whom it had been incorporated with LQ before the
time of Confucius.
Po-khin appears at the head of his host, approaching the scene
of active operations. Having commanded silence, he issues his
orders, first, that the soldiers shall have their weapons in good
order; next, that the people of the country shall take care of
the oxen and horses of the army; further, that the troops on no
account leave their ranks or go astray; and finally, he names
the day when he will commence operations against the enemy,
and commands all the requisite preparations to be made. _
The duke said, ‘Ah! ye men, make no noise, but
listen to my commands. We are going (to punish)
those wild tribes of the Hwd4i and of Hsii, which
have risen up together.
‘ Have in good repair your buff coats and helmets ;
have the laces of your shields well secured ;—presume not to have any of them but in perfect order.
Prepare your bows and arrows ; temper your lances
and spears; sharpen your pointed and edged weapons ;— presume not to have any of them but in
good condition.
‘We must now largely let the oxen and horses:
loose, and not keep them in enclosures ;— (ye
people), do you close your traps and fill up your
pitfalls, and do not presume to injure any of the
animals (so let loose). If any of them be injured,
.
BOOK XXIX. THE SPEECH AT Pf. 269
you shall be dealt with according to the regular
punishments,
If any of them be injured,
.
BOOK XXIX. THE SPEECH AT Pf. 269
you shall be dealt with according to the regular
punishments,
‘When the horses or cattle are seeking one
another, or when your followers, male or female,
abscond, presume not to leave the ranks to pursue
them. But let them be carefully returned. I will
reward you (among the people) who return them
according to their value. But if you leave your
places to pursue them, or if you who find them do
not restore them, you shall be dealt with according
to the regular punishments.
‘And let none of you presume to commit any
robbery or detain any creature that comes in your
way, to jump over enclosures and walls to steal
(people’s) horses or oxen, or to decoy away their
servants or female attendants. If you do so, you
shall be dealt with according to the regular punishments.
_ £On the day Aia-hsii I will take action against
the hordes of Hsti ;—prepare the roasted grain and
other provisions, and presume not to have any deficiency. If you have, you shall suffer the severest
punishment. Ye men of Ld, from the three environing territories and the three tracts beyond’,
1 Outside the capital city was an environing territory called the
Kifo, and beyond the Kido was the Sui. The Xiao of the royal
domain was divided again into six Hsiang, which furnished the six
royal hosts, while the Sui beyond furnished subsidiary hosts. The
Xiao and Sui of a large state furnished three hosts, and if need
‘were, subsidiary battalions. The language of the text is equivalent,
I conceive, simply to ‘ye men of the army of Lfi;’ but, as P. Gaubil
observes, it is difficult at the present day to get correct ideas of
what is meant by the designations, and to account for the mention
of three Kido and three Sui.
270 | THE sHt KING. PART V.
be ready with your posts and planks. On ia-hsii
I will commence my intrenchments ;—dare not but
be provided with a supply of these. (If you be not
so provided), you shall be subjected to various
punishments, short only of death. Ye men of L4,
from the three environing territories and the three
tracts beyond, be ready with the forage, and do not
dare to let it be other than abundant. (If you do),
you shall suffer the severest punishment.’
Book XXX.
Tue SpeecH oF (THE Marquis or) HIN.
Tue state of Xin, at the time to which this speech belongs, was
one of the most powerful in the kingdom, and already giving
promise of what it would grow to. Ultimately, one ofits princes
overthrew the dynasty of Xu, and brought feudal China to an
end. Its earliest capital was in the present district of Kangshui, KAin X4u, Kan-sf.
Ultimately, one ofits princes
overthrew the dynasty of Xu, and brought feudal China to an
end. Its earliest capital was in the present district of Kangshui, KAin X4u, Kan-sf.
Khin and Xin were engaged together in s.c. 631 in besieging the
capital of Kang, and threatened to extinguish that state. The
marquis of Kin, however, was suddenly induced to withdraw
his troops, leaving three of his officers in friendly relations with
the court of Kang, and under engagement to defend the state
from aggression. These men played the part of spies in the
interest of KAin, and in 8. c. 629, one of them, called KAi-3ze,
sent word that he was in charge of one of the gates, and if
an army were sent to surprise the capital, Kang might be
added to the territories of Khin. The marquis—known in
history as duke Mf—laid the matter before his counsellors,
The most experienced of them—P4i-lt Hst and Xhien-shO—
were against taking advantage of the proposed treachery; but
the marquis listened rather to the promptings of ambition; and
the next year he sent a large force, under his three ablest com-
: manders, hoping to find Kang unprepared for any resistance.
The attempt, however, failed; and the army, on its way back to
BOOK Xxx. THE SPEECH OF KXHIN. 271
Kzhin, was attacked by the forces of Xin, and sustained a terrible
defeat. It was nearly annihilated, and the three commanders
were taken prisoners.
The marquis of Xin was intending to put these captives to death,
but finally sent them to Ain, that duke MQ might himself sacrifice them to his anger for their want of success. Mf, however,
did no such thing. He went from his capital to meet the disgraced generals, and comforted them, saying that the blame of
their defeat was due to himself, who had refused to listen to the
advice of his wise counsellors. Then also, it is said, he made
the speech here preserved for the benefit of all his ministers,
describing the good and bad minister, and the different issues of
listening to them, and deploring how he had himself foolishly
rejected the advice of his aged counsellors, and followed that
of new men ;—a thing which he would never do again.
The duke! said, ‘Ah! my officers, listen to me
without noise. I solemnly announce to you the
most important of all sayings. (It is this which)
the ancients have said, “ Thus it is with all people,
—they mostly love their ease. In reproving others
there is no difficulty, but to receive reproof, and
allow it to have free course,—this is difficult.” The
sorrow of my heart is, that the days and months
have passed away, and it is not likely they will
come again, (so that I might pursue a different
course.)
‘ There were my old counsellors*.—I said, “ They
will not accommodate themselves to me,” and I
hated them. There were my new counsellors, and
I would for the time give my confidence to them’.
So indeed it was with me; but hereafter I will
There were my new counsellors, and
I would for the time give my confidence to them’.
So indeed it was with me; but hereafter I will
1 The prince of KAin was only a marquis; but the historiographers or recorders of a state always gave their ruler the higher
title. This shows that this speech is taken from the chronicles of
Khin.
® Pai-lt Hst and KAien-shd.
* Khi-3ze and others.
272 THE SHO KING. PART V.
take advice from the men of yellow hair, and then
I shall be free from error. That good old officer!
—his strength is exhausted, but I would rather
have him (as my counsellor). That dashing brave
officer !—his shooting and charioteering are faultless, but I would rather not wish to have him. As
to men of quibbles, skilful at cunning words, and
able to make the good man change his purposes,
what have I to do to make much use of them?
‘I have deeply thought and concluded.—Let me
have but one resolute minister, plain and sincere,
without other ability, but having a straightforward
mind, and possessed of generosity, regarding the
talents of others as if he himself possessed them ;
and when he finds accomplished and sage men,
loving them in his heart more than his mouth expresses, really showing himself able to bear them:
—such a minister would be able to preserve my
descendants and people, and would indeed be a |
giver of benefits.
‘But if (the minister), when he finds men of
ability, be jealous and hates them; if, when he finds
accomplished and sage men, he oppose them and
does not allow their advancement, showing himself
really not able to bear them :—such a man will not
be able to protect my descendants and people; and
will he not be a dangerous man ?
‘The decline and fall of a state may arise from
one man. The glory and tranquillity of a state may
also arise from the goodness of one man.’
THE SHIH KING
OR
BOOK OF POETRY:
ALL THE PIECES AND STANZAS IN IT ILLUSTRATING
THE RELIGIOUS VIEWS AND PRACTICES OF
THE WRITERS AND THEIR TIMES,
(1] T
Cc
THE SHIH KING
OR
BOOK OF POETRY.
INTRODUCTION.
CHAPTER I.
THE NAME AND CONTENTS OF THE CLASSIC.
1. Among the Chinese classical books next after the Sha
in point of antiquity comes the Shih or Book of Poetry.
The character Shd}, as formed by the combination of
The meaning two others, one of which signified ‘a pencil,’
ete and the other ‘to speak,’ supplied, we saw,
Shih. in its structure, an indication of its primary
The character Shd}, as formed by the combination of
The meaning two others, one of which signified ‘a pencil,’
ete and the other ‘to speak,’ supplied, we saw,
Shih. in its structure, an indication of its primary
significance, and furnished a clue to its different applications.
The character Shih? was made on a different principle,—
that of phonetical formation, in the peculiar sense of these
words when applied to a large class of Chinese terms. The
significative portion of it is the character for ‘speech,’ but
the other half is merely phonetical, enabling us to approximate to its pronunciation or name. The meaning of the
compound has to be learned from its usage. Its most
common significations are ‘ poetry,’ ‘a poem, or poems,’ and
‘a collection of poems.’ This last is its meaning when we
speak of the Shih or the Shih King.
The earliest Chinese utterance that we have on the
subject of poetry is that in the Sh by the ancient Shun,
when he said to his Minister of Music, ‘ Poetry is the expression of earnest thought, and singing is the prolonged
276 THE SHIH KING.
utterance of that expression.’ To the same effect is the
language of a Preface to the Shih, sometimes ascribed to
Confucius, and certainly older than our Christian era :—
‘Poetry is the product of earnest thought. Thought cherished in the mind becomes earnest ; then expressed in words,
it becomes poetry. The feelings move inwardly, and are
embodied in words. When words are insufficient for them,
recourse is had to sighs and exclamations, When sighs and
exclamations are insufficient for them, recourse is had to
the prolonged utterance of song. When this again is insufficient, unconsciously the hands begin to move and the
feet to dance. .... To set forth correctly the successes
and failures (of government), to affect Heaven and Earth,
and to move spiritual beings, there is no readier instrument
than poetry.’
Rhyme, it may be added here, is a necessary accompaniment of poetry in the estimation of the Chinese. Only
in a very few pieces of the Shih is it neglected.
2. The Shih King contains 305 pieces and the titles of
‘The contents six others, The most recent of them are
ofthe Shih. assigned to the reign of king Ting of the
Kau dynasty, B.C. 606 to 586, and the oldest, forming a
group of only five, to the period of the Shang dynasty
which preceded that of Kau, B.c. 1766 to 1123. Of those
five, the latest piece should be referred to the twelfth century
B.C., and the most ancient may have been composed five
centuries earlier. All the other pieces in the Shih have
to be distributed over the time between Ting and king
Wan, the founder of the line of XAu. The distribution,
however, is not equal nor continuous. There were some
reigns of which we do not have a single poetical fragment.
The whole collection is divided into four parts, called the
Kwo FAng, the Hsiao YA, the Ta Y4, and the Sung.
The distribution,
however, is not equal nor continuous. There were some
reigns of which we do not have a single poetical fragment.
The whole collection is divided into four parts, called the
Kwo FAng, the Hsiao YA, the Ta Y4, and the Sung.
The Kwo Fang, in fifteen Books, contains 160 pieces,
nearly all of them short, and descriptive of manners and
events in several of the feudal states of Kau. The title
has been translated by The Manners of the Different
States, ‘Les Moeurs des Royaumes,’ and, which I prefer,
by Lessons from the States,
INTRODUCTION. 277
The Hsiao Y4, or Lesser Y4, in eight Books, contains
seventy-four pieces and the titles of six others, sung at
gatherings of the feudal princes, and their appearances at
the royal court. They were produced in the royal territory,
and are descriptive of the manners and ways of the government in successive reigns. It is difficult to find an English
word that shall fitly represent the Chinese Y4 as here used.
In his Latin translation of the Shih, P. Lacharme translated Hsido YA by ‘Quod rectum est, sed inferiore ordine,’
adding in a note :—‘ Sido Y4, latine Parvum Rectum, quia
in hac Parte mores describuntur, recti illi quidem, qui tamen
nonnihil a recto deflectunt.’ But the manners described are
not less correct or incorrect, as the case may be, than those
of the states in the former Part or of the kingdom in the
next. I prefer to call this Part ‘Minor Odes of the Kingdom,’ without attempting to translate the term YA.
The T& Ya or Greater YA, in three Books, contains
thirty-one pieces, sung on great occasions at the royal
court and in the presence of the king. P. Lacharme called
it ‘Magnum Rectum (Quod rectum est superiore ordine).’
But there is the same objection here to the use of the
word ‘correct’ as in the case of the pieces of the previous
Part. I use the name ‘Major Odes of the Kingdom.’
The greater length and dignity of most of the pieces justify
the distinction of the two Parts into Minor and Major.
The Sung, also in three Books, contains forty pieces,
thirty-one of which belong to the sacrificial services at the
royal court of Kau; four, to those of the marquises of La;
and five to the corresponding sacrifices of the kings of
Shang. P. Lacharme denominated them correctly ‘ Parentales Cantus.’ In the Preface to the Shih, to which I have
made reference above, it is said, ‘The Sung are pieces in
admiration of the embodied manifestation of complete
virtue, announcing to the spiritual Intelligences their
achievement thereof.’ A Hsi’s account of the Sung was—
‘Songs for the Music of the Ancestral Temple ;’ and that of
Kiang Yung of the present dynasty—‘ Songs for the Music
at Sacrifices.’ I have united these two definitions, and call
the Part—‘ Odes of the Temple and the Altar.’ There is
278 THE SHIH KING.
a difference between the pieces of La and the other two
collections in this Part, to which I will call attention in
giving the translation of them.
a difference between the pieces of La and the other two
collections in this Part, to which I will call attention in
giving the translation of them.
From the above account of the contents of the Shih,
Only the pieces it will be seen that only the pieces in the
ofthe fourth last of its four Parts are professedly of a
Part have se
professedly a 'eligious character. Many of those, however,
religious in the other Parts, especially the second and
character. : . es . .
third, describe religious services, and give
expression to religious ideas in the minds of their authors.
3. Some of the pieces in the Shih are ballads, some are
songs, some are hymns, and of others the nature can hardly
Classification be indicated by any English denomination.
of the pieces They have often been spoken of by the
dale general name of odes, understanding by that
term lyric poems that were set to music.
My reason for touching here on this point is the earliest
account of the Shih, as a collection either already formed
or in the process of formation, that we find in Chinese
literature. In the Official Book of K4u, generally supposed
to be a work of the twelfth or eleventh century B.C., among
the duties of the Grand Music-Master there is ‘the teaching,’ (that is, to the musical performers,) ‘the six classes
of poems :—the Fang; the Fa; the Pt; the Hsing; the
Ya; and the Sung.’ That the collection of the Shih, as
it now is, existed so early as the date assigned to the
Official Book could not be; but we find the same account
of it given in the so-called Confucian Preface. The Fang,
the YA, and the Sung are the four Parts of the classic
described in the preceding paragraph, the Y4 embracing
both the Minor and Major Odes of the Kingdom. But
what were the FG, the Pi, and the Hsing? We might
suppose that they were the names of three other distinct
Parts or Books. But they were not so. Pieces so discriminated are found in all the four Parts, though there are
more of them in the first two than in the others.
The FQ may be described as Narrative pieces, in which
the writers tell what they have to say in a simple, straightforward manner, without any hidden meaning reserved in
INTRODUCTION. 279
the mind. The metaphor and other figures of speech enter
into their composition as freely as in descriptive poems
in any other language.
The Pi are Metaphorical pieces, in which the poet has
under his language a different meaning from what it expresses,—a meaning which there should be nothing in that
language to indicate. Such a piece may be compared
to the AEsopic fable; but, while it is the object of the
fable to inculcate the virtues of morality and prudence,
an historical interpretation has to be sought for the metaphorical pieces of the Shih. Generally, moreover, the
moral of the fable is subjoined to it, which is never done
in the case of these pieces.
Generally, moreover, the
moral of the fable is subjoined to it, which is never done
in the case of these pieces.
The Hsing have been called Allusive pieces. They are
very remarkable, and more numerous than the metaphorical.
They often commence with a couple of lines which are repeated without change, or with slight rhythmical changes, in
allthe stanzas, In other pieces different stanzas have allusive
lines peculiar to themselves. Those lines are descriptive,
for the most part, of some object or circumstance in the
animal or vegetable world, and aftér them the poet proceeds to his proper subject. Generally, the allusive lines
convey a meaning harmonizing with those which follow,
where an English poet would begin the verses with Like or
As. They are really metaphorical, but the difference between an allusive and a metaphorical piece is this,—that
in the former the writer proceeds to state the theme which
his mind is occupied with, while no such intimation is given
in the latter. Occasionally, it is difficult, not to say impossible, to discover the metaphorical idea in the allusive
lines, and then we can only deal with them as a sort of
refrain.
In leaving this subject, it is only necessary to say further
that the allusive, the metaphorical, and the narrative elements sometimes all occur in the same piece.
280 THE SHIH KING.
CHAPTER II.
THE SHIH BEFORE CONFUCIUS, AND WHAT, IF ANY,
WERE HIS LABOURS UPON IT.
1. Sze-ma Xéhien, in his memoir of Confucius, says :—
‘The old poems amounted to more than 3000, Confucius
removed those which were only repetitions of others, and
selected those which would be serviceable for the inculca-
Statement of tion of propriety and righteousness. Ascend-
Sze-mi Khien. ing as high as Hsieh and H4au-Ai, and
descending through the prosperous eras of Yin and Ku to
the times of decadence under kings YQ and Li, he selected
in all 305 pieces, which he sang over to his lute, to bring
them into accordance with the musical style of the Shao,
the Wd, the Y4, and the Fang.’
In the History of the Classical Books in the Records of
the Sui Dynasty (A. D. 589 to 618), it is said :—‘ When royal
The writer of benign rule ceased, and poems were no more
the Records of collected, Kih, the Grand Music-Master of
the Sui Dynasty. 7 4 arranged in order those that were existing, and made a copy of them. Then Confucius expurgated them; and going up to the Shang dynasty, and
coming down to the state of La, he compiled altogether
300 pieces.’
*‘ Hsi, whose own standard work on the Shih appeared
in A.D. 1178, declined to express himself positively on the
expurgation of the odes, but summed up his view of
what Confucius did for them in the following words :—
Opinion of ‘Royal methods had ceased, and poems were
1178, declined to express himself positively on the
expurgation of the odes, but summed up his view of
what Confucius did for them in the following words :—
Opinion of ‘Royal methods had ceased, and poems were
Hst- no more collected. Those which were extant
were full of errors, and wanting in arrangement. When
Confucius returned from Wei to Ld, he brought with him
the odes that he had gotten in other states, and digested
them, along with those that were to be found in L4, into
a collection of 300 pieces.’
I have not been able to find evidence sustaining these
INTRODUCTION. 281
representations, and must adopt the view that, before the
View of the birth of Confucius, the Book of Poetry existed,
author. substantially the same as it was at his death,
and that while he may have somewhat altered the arrangement of its Books and pieces, the service which he rendered
to it was not that of compilation, but the impulse to study it
which he communicated to his disciples.
2. If we place Kkien’s composition of the memoir of
Confucius in B.C. 100, nearly four hundred years will have
Groundlessness Clapsed between the death of the sage and
of Khien’s any statement to the effect that he expurgated
statement. . og: :
previously existing poems, or compiled the
collection that we now have; and no writer in the interval
affirmed or implied any such things. The further statement in the Sui Records about the Music-Master of La
_ is also without any earlier confirmation. But independently
of these considerations, there is ample evidence to prove,
first, that the poems current before Confucius were not
by any means so numerous as X‘ien says, and, secondly,
that the collection of 300 pieces or thereabouts, digested
under the same divisions as in the present classic, existed
before the sage’s time.
3. i. It would not be surprising, if, floating about and
current among the people of China in the sixth century
before our era, there had been more than 3000 pieces of
poetry. The marvel is that such was not the case. But in
the Narratives of the States, a work of the Kau dynasty,
and ascribed by many to 30 Xhid-ming, there occur
quotations from thirty-one poems, made by statesmen and
others, all anterior to Confucius; and of those poems there
are not more than two which are not in the present classic.
Even of those two, one is an ode of it quoted under another
name. Further, in the 30 Awan, certainly the work of
Khid-ming, we have quotations from not fewer than 219
poems, of which only thirteen are not found in the classic.
Thus of 250 poems current in China before the supposed
compilation of the Shih, 236 are found in it, and only
fourteen. are absent. To use the words of K4éo Yi, a
scholar of the present dynasty, ‘If the poems existing in
282 THE SHIH KING.
Thus of 250 poems current in China before the supposed
compilation of the Shih, 236 are found in it, and only
fourteen. are absent. To use the words of K4éo Yi, a
scholar of the present dynasty, ‘If the poems existing in
282 THE SHIH KING.
Confucius’ time had been more than 3000, the quotations
of poems now lost in these two works should have been
ten times as numerous as the quotations from the 305
pieces said to have been preserved by him, whereas they
are only between a twenty-first and twenty-second part
of the existing pieces. This is sufficient to show that
Khien’s statement is not worthy of credit.’
ii. Of the existence of the Book of Poetry before Confucius, digested in four Parts, and much in the same
order as at present, there may be advanced the following
proofs :—
First. There is the passage in the Official Book of Ku,
quoted and discussed in the last paragraph of the preceding
chapter. We have in it a distinct reference to poems,
many centuries before the sage, arranged and classified in
the same way as those of the existing Shih. Our Shih,
no doubt, was then in the process of formation.
Second. In the ninth piece of the sixth decade of the
Shih, Part II, an ode assigned to the time of king Ya,
B.C. 781 to 771, we have the words,
‘They sing the Ya and the Nan,
Dancing to their flutes without error.’
So early, therefore, as the eighth century B.C. there was
a collection of poems, of which some bore the name of
the Nan, which there is much reason to suppose were the
K4u Nan and the Sh4o Nan, forming the first two Books of
the first Part of the present Shih; and of which others bore
the name of the Y4, being, probably, the earlier pieces that
now compose a large portion of the second and third Parts.
Third. In the narratives of 30 KAit-ming, under the
twenty-ninth year of duke Hsiang, B.C. 544, when Confucius was only seven or eight years old, we have an
account of a visit to the court of Li by an envoy from
WA, an eminent statesman of the time, and a man of great
learning. We are told that as he wished to hear the music
of KAu, which he could do better in LQ than in any other
state, they sang to him the odes of the Kau Nan and the
Sh4o Nan; those of Phei, Yung, and Wei; of the Royal
Domain; of Kang; of KAt; of Pin; of Kkin; of Wei; of
INTRODUCTION. 283
Thang; of KAin; of Kwei; and of 3440. They sang to
him also the odes of the Minor YA and the Greater Y4;
and they sang finally the pieces of the Sung. We have
thus, existing in the boyhood of Confucius, what we may
call the present Book of Poetry, with its Fang, its Ya, and
its Sung. The only difference discernible is slight,—in the
order in which the Books of the Fang followed one another.
We have
thus, existing in the boyhood of Confucius, what we may
call the present Book of Poetry, with its Fang, its Ya, and
its Sung. The only difference discernible is slight,—in the
order in which the Books of the Fang followed one another.
Fourth. We may appeal in this matter to the words of
Confucius himself. Twice in the Analects he speaks of the
Shih as a collection consisting of 300 pieces’, That work
not being made on any principle of chronological order,
we cannot positively assign those sayings to any particular
years of Confucius’ life ; but it is, I may say, the unanimous
opinion of Chinese critics that they were spoken before the
time to which KAien and K( Hsi refer his special labour
on the Book of Poetry.
To my own mind the evidence that has been adduced
is decisive on the points which I specified. The Shih,
arranged very much as we now have it, was current in
China before the time of Confucius, and its pieces were
in the mouths of statesmen and scholars, constantly quoted
by them on festive and other occasions. Poems not included
in it there doubtless were, but they were comparatively few.
Confucius may have made a copy for the use of himself
and his disciples ; but it does not appear that he rejected
any pieces which had been previously received into the
collection, or admitted any which had not previously found
a place in it.
4. The question now arises of what Confucius did for the
Shih, if, indeed, he did anything at all. The only thing
What Confucius FO which we can hazard an opinion on the
did forthe point we have from himself. In the Analects,
Shib IX, xiv, he tells us: —‘I returned from Wei
to La, and then the music was reformed, and the pieces in
' In stating that the odes were 300, Confucius probably preferred to use the
round number. There are, as I said in the former chapter, altogether 305
pieces, which is the number given by Sze-ma Khien. There are also the titles
of six others. It is contended by Kd Hst and many other scholars that these
titles were only the names of funes. More likely is the view that the text of the
pieces so styled was lost after Confucius’ death.
284 THE SHIH KING.
the Y4 and the Sung received their proper places.” The
return from Wei to Lf took place only five years before the
sage’s death. He ceased from that time to take an active
part in political affairs, and solaced himself with music, the
study of the ancient literature of his nation, the writing
of ‘the Spring and Autumn,’ and familiar intercourse with
those of his disciples who still kept around him. He
reformed the music,—that to which the pieces of the Shih
were sung; but wherein the reformation consisted we
cannot tell. And he gave to the pieces of the YA and
the Sung their proper places. The present order of the
Books in the Fang, slightly differing from what was
common in his boyhood, may have now been determined
by him. More than this we cannot say.
And he gave to the pieces of the YA and
the Sung their proper places. The present order of the
Books in the Fang, slightly differing from what was
common in his boyhood, may have now been determined
by him. More than this we cannot say.
While we cannot discover, therefore, any peculiar and
important labours of Confucius on the Shih, and we have
it now, as will be shown in the next chapter, substantially
as he found it already compiled to his hand, the subsequent preservation of it may reasonably be attributed to
the admiration which he expressed for it, and the enthusiasm for it with which he sought to inspire his disciples.
It was one of the themes on which he delighted to converse with them'. He taught that it is from the poems
that the mind receives its best stimulus?, A man ignorant
of them was, in his opinion, like one who stands with his
face towards a wall, limited in his view, and unable to
advance’. Of the two things that his son could specify as
enjoined on him by the sage, the first was that he should
learn the odes*. In this way Confucius, probably, contributed largely to the subsequent preservation of the Shih,—
the preservation of the tablets on which the odes were
inscribed, and the preservation of it in the memory of all
who venerated his authority, and looked up to him as their
master.
1 Analects, VII, xvii. 2 Analects, VIII, viii, XVII, ix.
> Analects, XVII, x. * Analects, XVI, xiii.
INTRODUCTION. 285
CHAPTER III.
THE SHIH FROM THE TIME OF CONFUCIUS TILL
THE GENERAL ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF THE
PRESENT TEXT.
1. Of the attention paid to: the study of the Shih from
the death of Confucius to the rise of the KAin dynasty, we
From Con. ave abundant evidence in the writings of his
facius tothe grandson 3ze-sze, of Mencius, and of Hsiin
Khin dynasty. Khing. One of the acknowledged distinctions
of Mencius is his acquaintance with the odes,
his quotations from which are very numerous; and Hsiin
Khing survived the extinction of the Kau dynasty, and
lived on into the times of KAin.
2. The Shih shared in the calamity which all the other
classical works, excepting the Yi, suffered, when the tyrant
of Kin issued his edict for their destruction. But I have
shown, in the Introduction to the Shi, p. 7, that that edict
was in force for less than a quarter of a century. The
. odes were all, or very nearly all', recovered ;
pene! and the reason assigned for this is, that their
after ihe fires preservation depended on the memory of
‘scholars more than on their inscription on
tablets of bamboo and on silk.
3. Three different texts of the Shih made their appearance early in the Han dynasty, known as the Shih of La,
Three different Of Ai, and of Han; that is, the Book of
texts, Poetry was recovered from three different
quarters. Lift Hin’s Catalogue of the Books in the
Imperial Library of Han (B.C. 6 to 1) commences, on the
Shih King, with a collection of the three texts, in twentyeight chapters.
Lift Hin’s Catalogue of the Books in the
Imperial Library of Han (B.C. 6 to 1) commences, on the
Shih King, with a collection of the three texts, in twentyeight chapters.
1 All, in fact, unless we except the six pieces of Part II, of which we have
only the titles. It is contended by KQ Hst and others that the text of these
had been lost before the time of Confucius, It may have been lost, however,
after the sage’s death ; see note on p. 283.
286 THE SHIH KING.
i. Immediately after the mention of the general collection
in the Catalogue come the titles of two works of commentary on the text of LQ. The former of
them was by a Shan Phei of whom we have
some account in the Literary Biographies of Han. He was
a native of Ld, and had received his own knowledge of the
odes from a scholar of K4Ai, called Fau KAid-po. He was
resorted to by many disciples, whom he taught to repeat
the odes. When the first emperor of the Han dynasty was
passing through LO, Shan followed him to the capital of
that state, and had an interview with him. Subsequently
the emperor WO (B.C. 140 to 87), in the beginning of his
reign, sent for him to court when he was more than eighty
years old; and he appears to have survived a considerable
number of years beyond that advanced age. The names
of ten of his disciples are given, all of them men of
eminence, and among them Khung An-kwo. Rather later,
the most noted adherent of the school of LQ was Wei
Hsien, who arrived at the dignity of prime minister (from
B.C. 71 to 67), and published the Shih of Ld in Stanzas and
Lines. Up and down in the Books of Han and Wei are
to be found quotations of the odes, that must have been
taken from the professors of the La recension; but neither
the text nor the writings on it long survived. They are
said to have perished during the Kin dynasty (A. D. 265 to
419). When the Catalogue of the Sui Library was made,
None of them were existing.
ii. The Han Catalogue mentions five different works on
the Shih of Kt. This text was from a Yiian K4, a native
of Ki, about whom we learn, from the same
collection of Literary Biographies, that he was
one of the great scholars of the court in the time of the
emperor Xing (B.C. 156 to 141),—a favourite with him, and
specially distinguished for his knowledge of the odes and
his advocacy of orthodox Confucian doctrine. He died in
the succeeding reign of Wd, more than ninety years old;
and we are told that. all the scholars of K#i who got a
name in those days for their acquaintance with the Shih
sprang from his school. Among his disciples was the well-
The text of La.
The text of KAt.
INTRODUCTION. 287
He died in
the succeeding reign of Wd, more than ninety years old;
and we are told that. all the scholars of K#i who got a
name in those days for their acquaintance with the Shih
sprang from his school. Among his disciples was the well-
The text of La.
The text of KAt.
INTRODUCTION. 287
known name of Hsi4-hau Shih-é4ang, who communicated
his acquisitions to Hau 3ang, a native of the present
Shan-tung province, and author of two of the works in the
Han Catalogue. H4u had three disciples of note, and by
them the Shih of K/t was transmitted to others, whose
names, with quotations from their writings, are scattered
through the Books of Han. Neither text nor commentaries,
however, had a better fate than the Shih of LO. There
is no mention of them in the Catalogue of Sui. They are
said to have perished even before the rise of the Xin
dynasty.
iii. The text of Han was somewhat more fortunate.
Hin’s Catalogue contains the names of four works, all by
The text of Han Ying, whose surname is thus perpetuated
Han Ying. in the text of the Shih that emanated from
him. He was a native, we are told, of Yen, and a great
scholar in the time of the emperor Wan (B.C. 179 to 155),
and on into the reigns of King and Wa. ‘He laboured,’
it is said, ‘to unfold the meaning of the odes, and published
an Explanation of the Text, and Illustrations of the Poems,
containing several myriads of characters. His text was
somewhat different from the texts of Lf and K4i, but
substantially of the same meaning.’ Of course, Han founded
a-school; but while almost all the writings of his followers
soon perished, both the works just mentioned continued on
through the various dynasties to the time of Sung. The Sui
Catalogue contains the titles of his Text and two works on
it; the Thang, those of his Text and his Illustrations; but
when we come to the Catalogue of Sung, published under
the Yiian dynasty, we find only the Illustrations, in ten
books or chapters; and Au-yang Hsit (A.D. 1017 to
1072) tells us that in his time this was all of Han that
remained. It continues entire, or nearly so, to the present
day.
4. But while those three different recensions of the Shih
all disappeared, with the exception of a single treatise of
Han Ying, their unhappy fate was owing not more to the
convulsions by which the empire was often rent, and the
consequent destruction of literary monuments such as we
288 THE SHIH KING.
have witnessed in China in our own day, than to the
A fourth text; appearance of a fourth text, which displaced
that of Méo. them by its superior correctness, and the
ability with which it was advocated and commented on.
This was what is called the Text of MAo. It came into the
field rather later than the others; but the Han Catalogue
contains the Shih of Mao, in twenty-nine chapters, and
a Commentary on it in thirty-nine. According to Kang
Hsiian, the author of this was a native of Ld, known as
M4o Hing or ‘the Greater M4o,’ who had been a disciple,
we are told by Lii Teh-ming, of Hsiin King. The work
is lost. He had communicated his knowledge of the Shih,
however, to another M4ao,—M4o Kang, ‘the Lesser Mao,’
who was a great scholar, at the court of king Hsien of
- Ho-Aien, a son of the emperor King. King Hsien was one
of the most diligent labourers in the recovery of the ancient
books, and presented the text and work of Hang at the
court of his father,—probably in B.c. 129. M&o Kang published Explanations of the Shih, in twenty-nine chapters,
—a work which we still possess; but it was not till the
reign of Phing (A.D. 1 to 5) that M4o’s recension was received into the Imperial College, and took its place along
with those of La, Ki, and Han Ying.
The Chinese critics have carefully traced the line of
scholars who had charge of M4o’s Text and Explanations
down to the reign of Phing. The names of the men and
their works are all given. By the end of the first quarter
of our first century we find the most famous scholars
addicting themselves to M4o’s text. The well-known Kia
Khwei (A. D. 30 to 101) published a work on the Meaning
and Difficulties of M4o’s Shih, having previously compiled
a digest of the differences between its text and those of
the other three recensions, at the command of the emperor
Ming (A.D. 58 to 75). The equally celebrated Ma Yung
(A.D. 79 to 166) followed with another commentary ;—and
we arrive at King Hsiian or Kang Khang-kAing (A.D.
127 to 200), who wrote a Supplementary Commentary
to the Shih of M4o, and a Chronological Introduction to
the Shih. The former of these two works complete, and
bs
—
In
INTRODUCTION. 289
portions of the latter, are still extant. After the time of
Kang the other three texts were little heard of, while the
name of the commentators on M4o’s text speedily becomes
legion. It was inscribed, moreover, on the stone tablets of
the emperor Ling (A.D. 168 to 189). The grave of M4o
Kang is still shown near the village of 3un-ft, in the
departmental district of Ho-Aien, Kih-li.
5. Returning now to what I said in the second paragraph,
it will be granted that the appearance of three different and
168 to 189). The grave of M4o
Kang is still shown near the village of 3un-ft, in the
departmental district of Ho-Aien, Kih-li.
5. Returning now to what I said in the second paragraph,
it will be granted that the appearance of three different and
independent texts, soon after the rise of the
iene guarantee Han dynasty, affords the most satisfactory
the genuineness evidence of the recovery of the Book of
of the recovered Poetry as it had continued from the time
of Confucius. Unfortunately, only fragments
of those texts remain now; but they were, while they were
current, diligently compared with one another, and with
the fourth text of M4o, which subsequently got the field to
itself. When a collection is made of their peculiar readings,
so far as it can now be done, it is clear that their variations from one another and from M4o’s text arose from
the alleged fact that the preservation of the odes was
owing to their being transmitted by recitation. The rhyme
helped the memory to retain them, and while wood,
bamboo, and silk had all been consumed by the flames
of XAin, when the time of repression ceased, scholars would
be eager to rehearse their stores. It was inevitable, and
more so in China than in a country possessing an alphabet,
that the same sounds when taken down by different writers
should be represented by different characters.
On the whole, the evidence given above is as full as could
be desired in such a case, and leaves no reason for us to
hesitate in accepting the present received text of the Shih
as a very close approximation to that which was current in
the time of Confucius,
(1 U
290 THE SHIH KING.
CHAPTER IV.
THE FORMATION OF THE, COLLECTION OF THE SHIH;
HOW IT CAME TO BE SO SMALL AND INCOMPLETE;
THE INTERPRETATION AND AUTHORS OF THE PIECES; -
ONE POINT OF TIME CERTAINLY INDICATED IN IT;
AND THE CONFUCIAN PREFACE.
1. It has been shown above, in the second chapter, that
the Shih existed as a collection of poetical pieces before
the time of Confucius’, In order to complete this Introduction to it, it is desirable to give some account of the ©
various subjects indicated in the heading of the present
chapter.
How were the odes collected in the first place? In his
Account of a Conversation concerning ‘a Right Regulation
of Governments for the Common Good of Mankind’ (Edinburgh, 1704), p. 10, Sir Andrew Fletcher, of Saltoun, tells us
the opinion of ‘a very wise man, that ‘if a man were permitted to make all the ballads of a nation, he need not care
who should make its laws,’ A writer in the Spectator, no. 502,
refers to a similar opinion as having been entertained in
10, Sir Andrew Fletcher, of Saltoun, tells us
the opinion of ‘a very wise man, that ‘if a man were permitted to make all the ballads of a nation, he need not care
who should make its laws,’ A writer in the Spectator, no. 502,
refers to a similar opinion as having been entertained in
_ England earlier than the time of Fletcher. ‘I have heard,’
he says, ‘that a minister of state in the reign of Elizabeth
had all manner of books and ballads brought to him, of
what kind soever, and took great notice how they took with
the people; upon which he would, and certainly might,
very well judge of their present dispositions, and of the
most proper way of applying them according to his own
purposes *,’
1 As in the case of the Sh, Confucius generally speaks of ‘the Shih,’ never
using the name of ‘ the Shih King.’ In the Analects, IX, xiv, however, he mentions also the Ya and the Sung; and in XVII, x, he specifies the KAu Nan and
the Shao Nan, the first two books of the Kwo Fang. Mencius similarly speaks
of ‘the Shih;’ and in III, i, ch. 4, he specifies ‘the Sung of La,’ Book ii of
Part IV. In VI, ii, ch. 3, he gives his views of the Hsiao Phan, the third ode
of decade 5, Part II, and of the Khai Fung, the seventh ode of Book iii of
Part I.
* This passage from the Spectator is adduced by Sir John Davis in his treatise
on the Poetry of the Chinese, p. 35.
INTRODUCTION, 291
In harmony with the views thus expressed is the theory
of the Chinese scholars, that it was the duty
The theory of : :
the Chinese Of the ancient kings to make themselves
scholars about acquainted with all the poems current in the
a collection of ~~ .
poemsfor different states, and to judge from them of
bonis the rule exercised by the several princes, so
that they might minister praise or blame,
reward or punishment accordingly.
The rudiments of this theory may be found in the Shd,
in the Canon of Shun; but the one classical passage which
is appealed to in support of it is in the Record of Rites,
III, ii, parr. 13, 14 :—‘ Every fifth year, the Son of Heaven
made a progress through the kingdom, when the Grand
Music-Master was commanded to lay before him the poems
of the different states, as an exhibition of the manners and
government of the people.’ Unfortunately, this Book of
the Li Ki, the Royal Ordinances, was compiled only in the
reign of the emperor W4n of the Han dynasty (B.C. 179 to
155). The scholars entrusted with the work did their best,
we may suppose, with the materials at their command.
They made much use, it is evident, of Mencius, and of the
ft Li. The X4u Li, or the Official Book of KAu, had not
then been recovered. But neither in Mencius.nor in the
179 to
155). The scholars entrusted with the work did their best,
we may suppose, with the materials at their command.
They made much use, it is evident, of Mencius, and of the
ft Li. The X4u Li, or the Official Book of KAu, had not
then been recovered. But neither in Mencius.nor in the
-f Li do we meet with any authority for the statement
before us. The ShQ mentions that Shun every fifth year
made a tour of inspection ; but there were then no odes for
him to examine, for to him and his. minister K4o-y4o is
' attributed the first rudimentary attempt at the poetic art.
Of the progresses of the Hsia and Yin sovereigns we have
no information ; and those of the kings of Kau were made,
we know, only once in twelve years. The statement in the
Royal Ordinances, therefore, was probably based only on
tradition.
Notwithstanding the difficulties that beset this passage *
of the Li Xi, I am not disposed to reject it altogether. It
derives a certain amount of confirmation from the passage
quoted from the Official Book of K4u on p. 278, showing
that in the K4u dynasty there was a collection of poems,
under the divisions of the Fang, the Ya, and the Sung,
U2
292 THE SHIH KING,
It
derives a certain amount of confirmation from the passage
quoted from the Official Book of K4u on p. 278, showing
that in the K4u dynasty there was a collection of poems,
under the divisions of the Fang, the Ya, and the Sung,
U2
292 THE SHIH KING,
which it was the business of the Grand Music-Master to
teach the musicians of the court. It may be accepted then,
that the duke of Ku, in legislating for his dynasty, enacted
that the poems produced in the different feudal states
should be collected on occasion of the royal progresses,
and lodged thereafter among the archives of the bureau
of music at the royal court. The same thing, we may
presume a fortiori, would be done, at certain other stated
times, with those produced within the royal domain itself.
- But the feudal states were modelled after the pattern of
the royal state. They also had their music-masters, their
The music. MUSicians, and their historiographers. The
master of the kings in their progresses did not visit each
King would get particular state, so that the Grand Musicstate from its Master could have the opportunity to collect
musiomaster. the odes in it for himself, They met; at wellknown points, the marquises, earls, barons, &c., of the
different quarters of the kingdom; there gave audience to
them ; adjudicated on their merits, and issued to them their
orders. We are obliged to suppose that the princes were
attended to the places of rendezvous by their musicmasters, carrying with them the poetical compositions
gathered in their several regions, to present them to their
superior of the royal court. We can understand how, by‘
means of the above arrangement, the poems of the whole
kingdom were accumulated and arranged among the
archives of the capital. Was there any provision for dis-
How the col. Seminating thence the poems of one state
lected poems among all the others? There is sufficient
nated through- evidence that such dissemination was effected
out the states. in some way. Throughout the Narratives of |
the States, and the details of 30 KAid-ming on the history
of the Spring and Autumn, the officers of the states
generally are presented to us as familiar not only with the
odes of their particular states, but with those of other states
as well. They appear equally well acquainted with all the
Parts and Books of our present Shih; and we saw how the
whole of it was sung over to Kt KA of Wa, when he visited
the court of La in the boyhood of Confucius. There was,
INTRODUCTION. 293
probably, a regular communication from the royal court to
the courts of the various states of the poetical pieces that
for one reason or another were thought worthy of preservation. This is nowhere expressly stated, but it may be
contended for by analogy from the accounts which I have
given, in the Introduction to the Sha, pp. 4, 5, of the duties
of the royal historiographers or recorders,
This is nowhere expressly stated, but it may be
contended for by analogy from the accounts which I have
given, in the Introduction to the Sha, pp. 4, 5, of the duties
of the royal historiographers or recorders,
2. But if the poems produced in the different states were
thus collected in the capital, and thence again disseminated
throughout the kingdom, we might conclude that the collection would have been far more extensive and complete than
How the Shih We have it now. The smallness of it is to be
is so small and accounted for by the disorder into which the
incomplete. kingdom fell after the lapse of a few reigns
from king Wd. Royal progresses ceased when royal government fell into decay, and then the odes were no more collected’. We have no account of any progress of the kings
during the Khun KAid period. But before that period
there is a long gap of nearly 150 years between kings
Khang and f, covering the reigns of Khang, K4o, Ma,
and Kung, if we except two doubtful pieces among the
Sacrificial Odes of Kau. The reign of Hsiao, who succeeded
to I, is similarly uncommemorated ; and the latest odes are
of the time of Ting, when 100 years of the Khun K/hid
period had still to run their course. Many odes must have
been made and collected during the 140 and more years
after king K/ang. The probability is that they perished
during the feeble reigns of f and the three monarchs who
followed him. Then came the long and vigorous reign of
Hsiian (B.C. 827 to 782), when we may suppose that the
ancient custom of collecting the poems was revived. After
him all was in the main decadence and confusion. -It was
probably in the latter part of his reign that Aang-khdo,
an ancestor of Confucius, obtained from the Grand Music-
Master at the court of K4u twelve of the sacrificial odes
of the previous dynasty, as will be related under the Sacri- |
ficial Odes of Shang, with which he returned to Sung,
4 See Mencius, IV, ii, ch. 21.
204 THE SHIH KING.
which was held by representatives of the line of Shang.
They were used there in sacrificing to the old Shang
kings; yet seven of the twelve were lost before the time
of the sage.
The general conclusion to which we come is, that the
existing Shih is the fragment of various collections made
during the early reigns of the kings of Kau, and added to
at intervals, especially on the occurrence of a prosperous
rule, in accordance with the regulation that has been preserved in the Li Xi. How it is that we have in Part I
odes of comparatively few of the states into which the
kingdom was divided, and that the odes of those states
extend only over a short period of their history :—for these
things we cannot account further’ than by saying that such
were the ravages of time and the results of disorder. We
can only accept the collection as it is, and be thankful
for it. How long before Confucius the collection was
closed we cannot tell.
We
can only accept the collection as it is, and be thankful
for it. How long before Confucius the collection was
closed we cannot tell.
3. The conclusions which I have thus sought to establish concerning the formation of the Shih as a collection
have an important bearing on the interpretation of many
of the pieces. The remark of Sze-m4 K4ien that ‘Confucius
Bearing of these Selected those pieces which would be service-
_ views onthe able for the inculcation of propriety and
interpretation of , .
particular Yighteousness’ is as erroneous as the other,
Pieces. that he selected 305 pieces out of more than
3000. The sage merely studied and taught the pieces which
he found existing, and the collection necessarily contained
odes illustrative of bad government as well as of good,
of licentiousness as well as of a pure morality. Nothing
-has been such a stumbling-block in the way of the reception of Kd Hsi’s interpretation of the pieces as the readiness
with which he attributes a licentious meaning to many of
those. in the seventh Book of Part I. But the reason why
the kings had the odes of the different states collected and
presented to them was, ‘that they might judge from them
of the manners of the people, and so come to a decision
regarding the government and morals of their rulers, A
student and translator of the odes has simply to allow them
INTRODUCTION. 295
to speak for themselves, and has no more reason to be
surprised by references to vice in some of them than
by the language of virtue in many others. Confucius
said, indeed, in his own enigmatical way, that the single
sentence, ‘ Thought without depravity,’ covered the whole
300 pieces'; and it may very well be allowed that they
were collected and preserved for the promotion of good
government and virtuous manners. The merit attaching
to them is that they give us faithful pictures of what
was good and what was bad in the political state of the
country, and in the social, moral, and religious habits of
the people.
The pieces were of course made by individuals who
possessed the gift, or thought that they possessed the gift,
The writers of Of poetical composition. Who they were we
the odes. could tell only on the authority of the pieces
themselves, or of credible historical accounts, contemporaneous with them or nearly so. It is not worth our while
to question the opinion of the Chinese critics who attribute
very many of them to the duke of K4u, to whom we owe
so much of the fifth Part of the Shd. There is, however,
independent testimony only to his composition of a single
ode,—the second of the fifteenth Book in Part I. Some of
the other pieces in that Part, of which the historical interpretation may be considered as sufficiently fixed, are written
in the first person; but the author may be personating his
subject.
Some of
the other pieces in that Part, of which the historical interpretation may be considered as sufficiently fixed, are written
in the first person; but the author may be personating his
subject.
In Part II, the seventh ode of decade 2 was made by a
Kia-fO, a noble of the royal court, but we know nothing
more about him; the sixth of decade 6, by a eunuch
styled Mang-jze; and the sixth of decade 7, from a concurrence of external testimonies, should be ascribed to duke
Wa of Wei, B.c. 812 to 758.
In the third decade of Part III, the second piece was
composed by the same duke W2Q; the third by an earl of
Zui in the royal domain; the fourth must have been made
by one of king Hsiian’s ministers, to express the king’s
) Analects, IT, fi. 2 See the Sh, V, vi, par. 2.
296 THE SHIH KING.
feelings under the drought that was exhausting the kingdom ; and the fifth and sixth claim to be the work of Yin
Ki-fQ, one of Hsiian’s principal officers.
_ 4 The ninth ode of the fourth Book, Part II, gives us
a note of time that enables us to fix the year of its composition in a manner entirely satisfactory, and proves also
the correctness, back to that date, of the ordinary Chinese
chronology. The piece is one of a group which their
contents lead us to refer to the reign of king Yd, the
son of Hsiian, B.C. 781 to 771. When we examine the
chronology of his period, it is said that in his sixth year,
B.C. 776, there was an eclipse of the sun. Now the ode
commences :—
‘At the conjunction (of the sun and moon) in the tenth
month, on the first day of the moon, which was Hsin-méAo,
the sun was eclipsed.’
This eclipse is verified by calculation as having taken
place in B.C. 776, on August 29th, the very day and
month assigned to it in the poem.
5. In the Preface which appeared along with MAo’s text
of the Shih, the occasion and authorship of many of the
odes are given; but I do not allow much weight to its
The Prefaceto testimony. It is now divided into the Great
the Shih. = Preface and the Little Preface; but Md4o
himself made no such distinction between its parts. It
will be sufficient for me to give a condensed account of
the views of A Hsi on the subject :—
‘Opinions of scholars are much divided as to the authorship of the Preface. Some ascribe it to Confucius; some
to (his disciple) 3ze-hsid; and some to the historiographers of the states. In the absence of clear testimony it
is impossible to decide the point, but the notice about
Wei Hung (first century) in the Literary Biographies of
Han! would seem to make it clear that the Preface was
1 The account is this: ‘ Hung became the disciple of Hsieh Man-zhing, who
was famous for his knowledge of M4o’s Shih; and he afterwards made the
P eface to it, remarkable for the accuracy with which it gives the meaning of
the pieces in the Fang and the YA, and which is now current in the world.’
INTRODUCTION. 297
297
his work. We must take into account, however, on the
other hand, the statement of Kang Khang - &Aang, that
the Preface existed as a separate document when M4o
appeared with his text, and that he broke it up, prefixing
to each ode the portion belonging to it. The natural conclusion is, that the Preface had come down from a remote
period, and that Hung merely added to it, and rounded it
off. In accordance with this, scholars generally hold that
the first sentences in the introductory notices formed
the original Preface, which M4o distributed, and that the
following portions were subsequently added.
‘ This view may appear reasonable; but when we examine
those first sentences themselves, we find that some of them
do not agree with the obvious meaning of the odes to
which they are prefixed, and give only rash and baseless
expositions. Evidently, from the first, the Preface was
made up of private speculations and conjectures on the
subject-matter of the odes, and constituted a document
by itself, separately appended to the text. Then on its
first appearance there were current the explanations of the
odes that were given in connexion with the texts of Ld,
K/i, and Han Ying, so that readers could know that it was
the work of later hands, and not give entire credit to it.
But when Mo no longer published the Preface as a separate document, but each ode appeared with the introductory
notice as a portion of the text, this seemed to give it the
authority of the text itself. Then after the other texts
disappeared and Mao’s had the field to itself, this means
of testing the accuracy of its prefatory notices no longer
existed. They appeared as if they were the production
of the poets themselves, and the odes seemed to be made
from them as so many themes. Scholars handed down a
faith in them from one to another, and no one ventured to
express a doubt of their authority. The text was twisted
and chiseled to bring it into accordance with them, and no
one would undertake to say plainly that they were the
work of the scholars of the Han dynasty.’
There is no western sinologist, I apprehend, who will
298 THE SHIH KING.
not cordially concur with me in the principle of AQ Hsi
that we must find the meaning of the poems in the poems
themselves, instead of accepting the interpretation of them
given by we know not whom, and to follow which would
reduce many of them to absurd enigmas.
THE SHIH KING.
ODES OF THE TEMPLE AND THE
ALTAR.
Ir was stated in the Introduction, p. 278, that the poems in the
fourth Part of the Shih are the only ones that are professedly
religious; and there are some even of them, it will be seen,
which have little claim on internal grounds to be so considered.
I commence with them my selections from the Shih for the
Sacred Books of the Religions of the East. I will give them
all, excepting the first two of the Praise Odes of Lf, the reason
for omitting which will be found, when I come to that division
of the Part.
I commence with them my selections from the Shih for the
Sacred Books of the Religions of the East. I will give them
all, excepting the first two of the Praise Odes of Lf, the reason
for omitting which will be found, when I come to that division
of the Part.
The Odes of the Temple and the Altar are, most of them, connected with the ancestral worship of the sovereigns of the Shang
and Xu dynasties, and of the marquises of LO. Of the ancestral
The ancestral worship of the common people we have almost no
worship of information in the Shih. It was binding, however,
the common pn all, and two utterances of Confucius may be
People. given in illustration of this. In the eighteenth
chapter of the Doctrine of the Mean, telling how the duke of
Au, the legislator of the dynasty so called, had ‘ completed the
virtuous course of Wan and W4, carrying up the title of king
to W&n’s father and grandfather, and sacrificing to the dukes
before them with the royal ceremonies,’ he adds, ‘ And this
rule he extended to the feudal princes, the great officers, the
other officers, and the common people. In the mourning and
other duties rendered to a deceased father or mother, he allowed
no difference between the noble and the mean.’ Again, his
summary in the tenth chapter of the Hsiao King, of the duties
300 THE SHIH KING.
of filial piety, is the following :—‘A filial son, in serving his
parents, in his ordinary intercourse with them, should show the
utmost respect; in supplying them with food, the greatest delight ; when they are ill, the utmost solicitude ; when mourning
for their death, the deepest grief; and when sacrificing to them,
the profoundest solemnity. When these things are all complete,
he is able to serve his parents.’
Of the ceremonies in the royal worship of ancestors, and perhaps
on some other occasions, we have much information in the
pieces of this Part, and in many others in the second and third
Parts. They were preceded by fasting and various purifications
The royal On the part of the king and the parties who
worship of were to assist in the performance of them. There
They were preceded by fasting and various purifications
The royal On the part of the king and the parties who
worship of were to assist in the performance of them. There
ancestors. — was a great concourse of the feudal princes, and
much importance was attached to the presence among them of
the representatives of former dynasties; but the duties of the
occasion devolved mainly on the princes of the same surname
as the royal House. Libations of fragrant spirits were made,
especially in the Kau period, to attract the Spirits, and their
presence was invoked by a functionary who took his place
inside the principal gate. The principal victim, a red bull in
the temple of A’au, was killed by the king himself, using for the
purpose a knife to the handle of which small bells were attached.
With this he laid bare the hair, to show that the animal was of
the required colour, inflicted the wound of death, and cut away
the fat, which was burned along with southernwood to increase
the incense and fragrance. Other victims were numerous, and
the fifth ode of the second decade, Part II, describes all
engaged in the service as greatly exhausted with what they had
to do, flaying the carcases, boiling the flesh, roasting it, broiling
it, arranging it on trays and stands, and setting it forth. Ladies
from the palace are present to give their assistance; music peals;
the cup goes round. The description is that of a feast as much
as of a sacrifice ; and in fact, those great seasonal occasions were
what we might call grand family reunions, where the dead and
the living met, eating and drinking together, where the living
worshipped the dead, and the dead blessed the living. :
This characteristic of these ceremonies appeared most strikingly
in the custom which required that the departed ancestors should
be represented by living relatives of the same surname, chosen
according to certain rules that are not mentioned in the Shih.
These took for the time the place of the dead, received the
ODES OF THE TEMPLE AND THE ALTAR. 30F
honours which were due to them, and were supposed to be
possessed by their spirits. They ate and drank as those whom
they personated would have done; accepted for them the homage
rendered by their descendants; communicated their will to the
principal in the service, and pronounced on him and on his
line their benediction, being assisted in this point by a mediating
priest, as we may call him for want of a more exact term. On
the next day, after a summary repetition of the ceremonies of
the sacrifice, those personators of the dead were specially feasted,
and, as it is expressed in the second decade of Part III, ode 4,
‘their happiness and dignity were made complete.’ We have
an allusion to this strange custom in Mencius (VI, i, ch. 5),
showing how a junior member of a family, when chosen to
represent one of his ancestors, was for the time exalted above
his elders, and received the demonstrations of reverence due to
the ancestor.
5),
showing how a junior member of a family, when chosen to
represent one of his ancestors, was for the time exalted above
his elders, and received the demonstrations of reverence due to
the ancestor.
When the sacrifice to ancestors was finished, the king feasted his
uncles and younger brothers or cousins, that is, all the princes
and nobles of the same surname with himself, in another apartment. The musicians who had discoursed with instrument and
voice during the worship and entertainment of the ancestors,
followed the convivial party ‘to give their soothing aid at the
second blessing.’ The viands that had been provided, we have
seen, in great abundance, were brought in from the temple,
and set forth anew. The guests ate to the full and drank to
the full, and at the conclusion they all did obeisance, while one
of them declared the satisfaction of the Spirits, and assured the
king of their favour to him and his posterity, so long as they
did not neglect those observances. During the feast the king
showed particular respect to those among his relatives who
were aged, filled their cups again and again, and desired ‘that
their old age might be blessed, and their bright happiness ever
increased.’
The above sketch of the seasonal sacrifices to ancestors shows
that they were intimately related to the duty of filial piety, and
were designed mainly to maintain the unity of the family connexion. There was implied in them a belief in the continued
existence of the spirits of the departed; and by means of them
the ancestors of the kings were raised to the position of the
Tutelary spirits of the dynasty; and the ancestors of each family
became its Tutelary spirits. Several of the pieces in Part IV
are appropriate, it will be observed, to sacrifices offered to some
302 THE SHIH KING.
Several of the pieces in Part IV
are appropriate, it will be observed, to sacrifices offered to some
302 THE SHIH KING.
one monarch. They would be used on particular occasions
connected with his achievements in the past, or when it was
supposed that his help would be valuable in contemplated
enterprises. With regard to all the ceremonies of the ancestral
temple, Confucius gives the following account of the purposes
which they were intended to serve, hardly adverting to their
_Yeligious significance, in the nineteenth chapter of the Doctrine
of the Mean :—‘ By means of them they distmguished the royal
kindred according to their order of descent. By arranging
those present according to their rank, they distinguished the
more noble and the less. By the apportioning of duties at them,
they made a distinction of talents and worth. In the ceremony
of general pledging, the inferiors presented the cup to their
superiors, and thus something was given to the lowest to do.
At the (concluding) feast places were given according to the
hair, and thus was marked the distinction of years.’
The Shih does not speak of the worship which was paid to God,
unless it be incidentally. There were two grand
Paid to Gr etiP occasions on which it was rendered by the sovereign,—the summer and winter solstices. These
two sacrifices were offered on different altars, that in winter
being often described as offered to Heaven, and that in summer to
Earth; but we have the testimony of Confucius, in the nineteenth
chapter of the Doctrine of the Mean, that the object of them
both was to serve Shang-Tf. Of the ceremonies on these two
occasions, however, I do not speak here, as there is nothing
said about them in the Shih. But there were other sacrifices to
God, at stated periods in the course of the year, of at least two
of which we have some intimation in the pieces of this fourth
Part. The last in the first decade of the Sacrificial Odes of Kau
is addressed to H&éu Ai as having proved himself the correlate
of Heaven, in teaching men to cultivate the grain which God
had appointed for the nourishment of all. This was appropriate
to a sacrifice in spring, offered to God to seek His blessing on
the agricultural labours of the year, H4u A‘, as the ancestor of
the House of X4u, being associated with Him in it. The seventh
piece of the same decade again was appropriate to a sacrifice
to God in autumn, in the Hall of Light, at a great audience to
the feudal princes, when king Wan was associated with Him as
being the founder of the dynasty of Au.
With these preliminary observations to assist the reader in understanding the pieces in this Part, I proceed to give—
THE SACRIFICIAL ODES OF SHANG. 303
I, Tue SacririctaL Opes oF SHANG.
Tuese odes of Shang constitute the last Book in the ordinary
editions of the Shih. I put them here in the first place, because
they are the oldest pieces in the collection. There are only five
of them.
303
I, Tue SacririctaL Opes oF SHANG.
Tuese odes of Shang constitute the last Book in the ordinary
editions of the Shih. I put them here in the first place, because
they are the oldest pieces in the collection. There are only five
of them.
The sovereigns of the dynasty of Shang occupied the throne from
B.C. 1766 to 1123. They traced their lineage to Hsieh, who
appears in the Shi as Minister of Instruction to Shun. By Y4o
or by Shun, Hsieh was invested with the principality of Shang,
corresponding to the small department which is so named in
Shen-hsf. Fourteenth in descent from him came Thien-yi,
better known as King Thang, or Thang the Successful, who
dethroned the last descendant of the line of Hsia, and became
the founder of a new dynasty. We meet with him first at a
considerable distance from the ancestral fief (which, however,
gave name to the dynasty), having as his capital the southern Po,
which seems correctly referred to the present district of Shang-
‘hid, in the department of Kwei-teh, Ho-nan. Among the
twenty-seven sovereigns who followed Thang, there were three
especially distinguished :—Thai Xia, his grandson and successor
(B.c. 1753 to 1721), who received the title of Thai Sung; Thai
Miu (8.c. 1637 to 1563), canonized as Aung 3ung; and Wating (B.c. 1324 to 1266), known as K4o Sung. The shrines
of these three sovereigns and that of Thang retained their places
in the ancestral temple ever after they were first set up, and if
all the sacrificial odes of the dynasty had been preserved, most
of them would have been in praise of one or other of the four.
But it so happened that at least all the odes of which Thai 3ung
was the subject were lost; and of the others we have only the
small portion that has been mentioned above. .
Of how it is that we have even these, we have the following account
in the Narratives of the States, compiled, probably, by a contemporary of Confucius. The count of Wei was made duke
of Sung by king WQ of X4u, as related in the Shf, V, viii, there
to continue the sacrifices of the House of Shang; but the government of Sung fell subsequently into disorder, and the memorials of
the dynasty were lost. In the time of duke T4i (B.c. 799 to 766),
one of his ministers, Xing-kh4o, an ancestor of Confucius, received from the Grand Music-Master at the court of Xau twelve
304 THE SHIH KING. ODE I.
of the sacrificial odes of Shang with which he returned to Sung,
where they were used in sacrificing to the old Shang kings. It is
supposed that seven of these were lost subsequently, before the
collection of the Shih was formed.
Ove 1. Tue NA}
APPROPRIATE TO A SACRIFICE TO THANG, THE FOUNDER OF THE
SHANG DYNASTY, DWELLING ESPECIALLY ON THE MUSIC AND THE
REVERENCE WITH WHICH THE SACRIFICE WAS PERFORMED.
It is
supposed that seven of these were lost subsequently, before the
collection of the Shih was formed.
Ove 1. Tue NA}
APPROPRIATE TO A SACRIFICE TO THANG, THE FOUNDER OF THE
SHANG DYNASTY, DWELLING ESPECIALLY ON THE MUSIC AND THE
REVERENCE WITH WHICH THE SACRIFICE WAS PERFORMED.
We cannot tell by which of the kings of Shang the sacrifice here
referred to was first performed. He is simply spoken of as ‘a
descendant of Thang.’ The ode seems to have been composed
by some one, probably a member of the royal House, who had
taken part in the service.
How admirable! how complete! Here are set
our hand-drums and drums. The drums resound
harmonious and loud, To delight our meritorious
ancestor ?.
The descendant of Thang invites him with this
music, That he may soothe us with the realization
of our thoughts*. Deep is the sound of our hand-
1 The piece is called the N&, because a character so named is
an important part of the first line. So generally the pieces in the
Shih receive their names from a character or phrase occurring in
them. This point will not be again touched on.
* The ‘meritorious ancestor’ is Thang. The sacrifices of the
Shang dynasty commenced with music; those of the A4au with
libations of fragrant spirits ;—in both cases with the same object,
to attract the spirit, or spirits, sacrificed to, and secure their presence
at the service. hin H&o (Ming dynasty) says, ‘The departed
spirits hover between heaven and earth, and sound goes forth,
filling the region of the air. Hence in sacrificing, the people of
Yin began with a performance of music.’
’ The Lf Ai, XXIV, i, parr. 2, 3, tells us, that the sacrificer, as
preliminary to the service, had to fast for some days, and to think
of the person of his ancestor,—where he had stood and sat, how
he had smiled and spoken, what had been his cherished aims,
ODE 2. THE SACRIFICIAL ODES OF SHANG. 505
drums and drums; Shrilly sound the flutes; All
harmonious and blending together, According to
the notes of the sonorous gem. Oh! majestic is the
descendant of Thang; Very admirable is his music.
The large bells and drums fill the ear; The
various dances are grandly performed!. We have
the admirable visitors?, Who are pleased and
delighted.
From of old, before our time, The former men
set us the example ;—How to be mild and humble
from morning to night, And to be reverent in
discharging the service.
May he regard our sacrifices of winter and
autumn’, (Thus) offered by the descendant of
Thang!
Ope 2. Tue Lieu 36.
PROBABLY LIKE THE LAST ODE, APPROPRIATE TO A SACRIFICE TO
THANG, DWELLING ON THE SPIRITS, THE SOUP, AND THE GRAVITY
OF THE SERVICE, AND ON THE ASSISTING PRINCES.
Neither can we tell by which of the kings of Shang this ode was
first used. A( Hsi says that the object of the sacrifice was
Thang. The Preface assigns it to Thai M4u, the Xung 3ung,
or second of the three ‘honoured ones.’ But there is not a
Neither can we tell by which of the kings of Shang this ode was
first used. A( Hsi says that the object of the sacrifice was
Thang. The Preface assigns it to Thai M4u, the Xung 3ung,
or second of the three ‘honoured ones.’ But there is not a
pleasures, and delights; and on the third day he would have a
complete image of him in his mind’s eye. Then on the day of
sacrifice, when he entered the temple, he would seem to see him
in his shrine, and to hear him, as he went about in the discharge
of the service. This line seems to indicate the realization ofall this,
* Dancing thus entered into the service as an accompaniment
of the music. Two terms are employed; one denoting the movements appropriate to a dance of war, the other those appropriate
to a dance of peace.
* The visitors would be the representatives of the lines of Hsia,
Shun, and Y4o.
* Two of the seasonal sacrifices are thus specified, by synecdoche, for all the four.
(t] x
306 THE SHIH KING. ODE 2.
word in praise of Kung 3ung, and the ‘meritorious ancestor’
of the first line is not to be got over. Still more clearly than
in the case of the former ode does this appear to have been
made by some one who had taken part in the service, for in
line 4 he addresses the sacrificing king as ‘ you.’
Ah! ah! our meritorious ancestor! Permanent
are the blessings coming from him, Repeatedly
conferred without end ;—They have come to you
in this place.
The clear spirits are in our vessels, And there
is granted to us the realization of our thoughts.
There are also the well-tempered soups, Prepared
beforehand, with the ingredients rightly proportioned. By these offerings we invite his presence,
without a word, Without (unseemly) contention
(among the worshippers). He will bless us with
the eyebrows of longevity, With the grey hair
and wrinkled face in unlimited degree.
With the naves of their wheels bound with
leather, and their ornamented yokes, With the
eight bells at their horses’ bits all tinkling, (The
princes) come to assist at the offerings’. We have
received the appointment in all its greatness, And
from Heaven is our prosperity sent down, Fruitful
years of great abundance. (Our ancestor) will come
and enjoy (our offerings), And confer on us happiness without limit.
May he regard our sacrifices of winter and
autumn, (Thus) offered by the descendant of
Thang!
1 These lines are descriptive of the feudal princes, who were present and assisted at the sacrificial service. The chariot of each was
drawn by four horses yoked abreast, two insides and two outsides,
on each side of the bits of which small bells were attached.
ODE 3. THE SACRIFICIAL ODES OF SHANG. 307
Ope 3. THe Hsttan NiAo.
APPROPRIATE TO A SACRIFICE IN THE ANCESTRAL TEMPLE OF SHANG ;—
INTENDED SPECIALLY TO DO HONOUR TO THE KING wO-TING.
ODE 3. THE SACRIFICIAL ODES OF SHANG. 307
Ope 3. THe Hsttan NiAo.
APPROPRIATE TO A SACRIFICE IN THE ANCESTRAL TEMPLE OF SHANG ;—
INTENDED SPECIALLY TO DO HONOUR TO THE KING wO-TING.
If this ode were not intended to do honour to Wf-ting, the K4o
3ung of Shang, we cannot account for the repeated mention of
him in it. AQ Hsf, however, in his note on it, says nothing
about Wf-ting, but simply that the piece belonged to the
sacrifices in the ancestral temple, tracing back the line of the
kings of Shang to its origin, and to its attaining the sovereignty of
the kingdom. Not at all unlikely is the view of X4ng Hsiian,
that the sacrifice was in the third year after the death of WA-ting,
and offered to him in the temple of Hsieh, the ancestor of the
Shang dynasty.
Heaven commissioned the swallow, To descend
and give birth to (the father of our) Shang’. (His
descendants) dwelt in the land of Yin, and became
great. (Then) long ago God appointed the martial
Thang, To regulate the boundaries throughout the
four quarters (of the kingdom).
(In those) quarters he appointed the princes,
And grandly possessed the nine regions. The
1 The father of Shang is Hsieh, who has already been mentioned. The mother of Hsieh was a daughter of the House of the
ancient state of Sung, and a concubine of the ancient ruler Khé
(B.c. 2435). According to M4o, she accompanied Kh@, at the
time of the vernal equinox, when the swallow made its appearance, to sacrifice and pray to the first match-maker, and the
result was the birth of Hsieh. Sze-m& Khien and KAng make
Hsieh’s birth more marvellous:—The lady was bathing in some
open place, when a swallow made its appearance, and dropt an
egg, which she took and swallowed; and from this came Hsieh.
The editors of the imperial edition of the Shih, of the present
dynasty, say we need not believe the legends ;—the important
point is to believe that the birth of Hsieh was specially ordered by
Heaven.
* ‘The nine regions’ are the nine provinces into which Yi
divided the kingdom.
X 2
308 THE SHIH KING. ODE 4.
first sovereign of Shang' Received the appointment without any element of instability in it,
And it is (now) held by the descendant of Wating 3,
The descendant of Wa-ting Is a martial sovereign, equal to every emergency. Ten princes,
(who came) with their dragon-emblazoned banners,
Bear the large dishes of millet.
The royal domain of a thousand If Is where
the people rest; But the boundaries that reach
to the four seas commence there.
From the four seas? they come (to our sacrifices); They come in multitudes. ing has the
Ho for its outer border*. That Yin® should have
received the appointment (of Heaven) was entirely
right ;—(Its sovereign) sustains all its dignities.
Ove 4. Tue Azw#anc FA.
CELEBRATING HSIEH, THE ANCESTOR OF THE HOUSE OF SHANG;
HSIANG-THO, HIS GRANDSON; THANG, THE FOUNDER OF THE DYNASTY;
AND i-YIN, THANG’S CHIEF MINISTER AND ADVISER.
Ove 4. Tue Azw#anc FA.
CELEBRATING HSIEH, THE ANCESTOR OF THE HOUSE OF SHANG;
HSIANG-THO, HIS GRANDSON; THANG, THE FOUNDER OF THE DYNASTY;
AND i-YIN, THANG’S CHIEF MINISTER AND ADVISER.
It does not appear on occasion of what sacrifice this piece was
made. The most probable view is that of Mao, that it was the
1 That is, Thang.
* If this ode were used, as King supposes, in the third year
after WQ-ting’s death, this ‘descendant’ would be his son 3fkang, B. c. 1265 to 1259.
* This expression, which occurs also in the Shf, indicates that
the early Chinese believed that their country extended to the sea,
east, west, north, and south.
* KQ Hs? says he did not understand this line; but there is
ground in the 30 Awan for our believing that King was the
name of a hill in the region where the capital of Shang was.
5 We saw in the Shfi that the name Shang gave place to Yin
after the time of Pan-king, B.c. 1401 to 1374. Wd-ting’s reign
was subsequent to that of Pan-kang.
ODE 4. THE SACRIFICIAL ODES OF SHANG. 309
‘great Ti sacrifice,’ when the principal object of honour would
be the ancient Khf, the father of Hsieh, with Hsieh as his
correlate, and all the kings of the dynasty, with the earlier lords
of Shang, and their famous ministers and advisers, would have
their places at the service. I think this is the oldest of the odes
of Shang.
Profoundly wise were (the lords of) Shang, And
long had there appeared the omens (of their dignity).
When the waters of the deluge spread vast
abroad, Yii arranged and divided the regions of
the land, And assigned to the exterior great states
their boundaries, With their borders extending all
over (the kingdom). (Even) then the chief of Sung
was beginning to be great, And God raised up the
son (of his daughter), and founded (the line of)
Shang}. ,
The dark king exercised an effective sway *.
Charged with a small state, he commanded success ;
Charged with a large state, he commanded success °.
He followed his rules of conduct without error ;
Wherever he inspected (the people), they responded
(to his instructions). (Then came) Hsiang-thd all
ardent 5, And all within the four seas, beyond (the
middle regions), acknowledged his restraints.
1 This line refers to the birth of Hsieh, as described in the
previous ode, and his being made lord of Shang.
* It would be hard to say why Hsieh is here called ‘the dark
king.’ There may be an allusion to the legend about the connexion of the swallow,— the dark bird,—with his birth. He never
was ‘a king;’ but his descendants here represented him as such.
5 All that is meant here is, that the territory of Shang was
enlarged under Hsieh.
* There is a reference here to Hsieh’s appointment by Shun to
be Minister of Instruction.
® Hsiang-th appears in the genealogical lists as grandson of
Hsieh. We know nothing of him but what is related here.
310 THE SHIH KING. ODE 4.
* There is a reference here to Hsieh’s appointment by Shun to
be Minister of Instruction.
® Hsiang-th appears in the genealogical lists as grandson of
Hsieh. We know nothing of him but what is related here.
310 THE SHIH KING. ODE 4.
The favour of God did not leave (Shang), And
in Thang was found the fit object for its display.
Thang was not born too late, And his wisdom
and reverence daily advanced :—Brilliant was the
influence of his character (on Heaven) for long.
God he revered, And God appointed him to be the
model for the nine regions.
He received the rank-tokens of the states, small
and large, Which depended on him like the pendants of a banner :—So did he receive the blessing
of Heaven. He was neither violent nor remiss,
Neither hard nor soft. Gently he spread his
instructions abroad, And all dignities and riches
were concentrated in him.
He received the tribute of the states, small and
large, And he supported them as a strong steed
(does its burden) :—So did he receive the favour of
Heaven. He displayed everywhere his valour,
Unshaken, unmoved, Unterrified, unscared : — All
dignities were united in him.
The martial king displayed his banner, And
with reverence grasped his axe. It was like (the
case of) a blazing fire which no one can repress.
The root, with its three shoots, Could make no
progress, no growth’. The nine regions were
effectually secured by Thang. Having smitten (the
princes of ) Wei and Kd, He dealt with (him of)
Xiin-wd and with Kieh of Hsia.
Formerly, in the middle of the period (before
1 By ‘the root’ we are to understand Thang’s chief opponent,
Xieh, the last king of Hsia. ieh’s three great helpers were ‘ the
three shoots,’'—the princes of Wei, Kf, and Xtin-w; but the exact
sites of their principalities cannot be made out.
ODE 5. THE SACRIFICIAL ODES OF SHANG. 3IL
Thang), There was a time of shaking and peril’.
But truly did Heaven (then) deal with him as a son,
And sent him down a high minister, Namely,
A-hing*, Who gave his assistance to the king of
Shang.
Ove 5. Tue Yin Wo.
CELEBRATING THE WAR OF w0-TING AGAINST KinG-XKHD, ITS SUCCESS,
AND THE GENERAL HAPPINESS AND VIRTUE OF HIS REIGN ;—-MADE,
PROBABLY, WHEN A SPECIAL AND PERMANENT TEMPLE WAS BUILT
FOR HIM AS THE ‘HIGH AND HONOURED’ KING OF SHANG.
The concluding lines indicate that the temple was made on the
occasion which I thus assign to it. After WQ-ting’s death, his
spirit-tablet would be shrined in the ancestral temple, and he
would have his share in the seasonal sacrifices; but several
reigns would elapse before there was any necessity to make any
other arrangement, so that his tablet should not be removed,
and his share in the sacrifices not be discontinued. Hence the
composition of the piece has been referred to the time of Ti-y?,
the last but one of the kings of Shang.
Rapid was the warlike energy of (our king of)
Yin, And vigorously did he attack King-KA0
Hence the
composition of the piece has been referred to the time of Ti-y?,
the last but one of the kings of Shang.
Rapid was the warlike energy of (our king of)
Yin, And vigorously did he attack King-KA0
? We do not know anything of this time of decadence in the
fortunes of Shang between Hsieh and Thang.
2 A-hing is f Yin, who plays so remarkable a part in the
ShQ, IV, Books iv, v, and vi.
* King, or KAQ, or Xing-KAQ, as the two names are combined
here, was a large and powerful half-savage state, having its capital
in the present Wf-pei. So far as evidence goes, we should say,
but for this ode, that the name of XAf was not in use till long
after the Shang dynasty. The name Xing appears several times
in ‘the Spring and Autumn’ in the annals of duke Kwang (B.c. 693
to 662), and then it gives place to the name XAfi in the first year
of duke Hsf (s.c. 659), and subsequently disappears itself altogether. In consequence of this some critics make this piece out
.to have been composed under the Kau dynasty. The point cannot
be fully cleared up; but on the whole I accept the words of the
ode as sufficient proof against the silence of other documents.
312 THE SHIH KING. ODE 5.
Boldly he entered its dangerous passes, And
brought the multitudes of King together, Till the
country was reduced under complete restraint :—
Such was the fitting achievement of the descendant _
of Thang!
‘Ye people,’ (he said), ‘of King-KA#, Dwell in
the southern part of my kingdom. Formerly, in
the time of Thang the Successful, Even from the
Kiang of Tt?, They dared not but come with their
offerings; (Their chiefs) dared not but come to
seek acknowledgment ?:—Such is the regular rule
of Shang.’
Heaven had given their appointments (to the
princes), But where their capitals had been assigned within the sphere of the labours of Yii,
For the business of every year they appeared
before our king*, (Saying), ‘Do not punish nor
reprove us; We have not been remiss in our
husbandry.’
When Heaven by its will is inspecting (the kingdom), The lower people are to be feared. (Our
king) showed no partiality (in rewarding), no excess
(in punishing); He dared not to allow himself in
indolence :—So was his appointment (established)
1 The Ti Xiang, or Xiang of Ti, still existed in the time of the
Han dynasty, occupying portions of the present Kan-sf.
* The chiefs of the wild tribes, lying beyond the nine provinces
of the kingdom, were required to present themselves once in their
lifetime at the royal court. The rule, in normal periods, was for
each chief to appear immediately after he had succeeded to the
headship of his tribe.
* The feudal lords had to appear at court every year. They
did so, we may suppose, at the court of WA-ting, the more so
because of his subjugation of Xing-KA0.
ODE I. THE SACRIFICIAL ODES OF KAU. 313
over the states, And he made his happiness
grandly secure.
* The feudal lords had to appear at court every year. They
did so, we may suppose, at the court of WA-ting, the more so
because of his subjugation of Xing-KA0.
ODE I. THE SACRIFICIAL ODES OF KAU. 313
over the states, And he made his happiness
grandly secure.
The capital of Shang was full of order, The
model for all parts of the kingdom. Glorious was
(the king’s) fame; Brilliant his energy. Long lived
he and enjoyed tranquillity, And so he preserves
us, his descendants.
We ascended the hill of King!, Where the pines
and cypresses grew symmetrical. We cut them
down and conveyed them here; We reverently
hewed them square. Long are the projecting beams
of pine; Large are the many pillars. The temple
was completed,—the tranquil abode (of the martial king of Yin).
II. Tue SacriricraL Opes or KAv.
In this division we have thirty-one sacrificial odes of K4u,
arranged in three decades, the third of which, however, contains
eleven pieces. They belong mostly to the time of king W&n,
the founder of the Kau dynasty, and to the reigns of his son
and grandson, kings WO and KAaing. The decades are named
from the name of the first piece in each.
The First Decade, or that of Aking Mido.
Ove 1. Tue Kuinc Mido.
CELEBRATING THE REVERENTIAL MANNER IN WHICH A SACRIFICE TO
KING WAN WAS PERFORMED, AND FURTHER PRAISING HIM.
Chinese critics agree in assigning this piece to the sacrifice mentioned in the Shé, in the end of the thirteenth Book of Part V,
when, the building of Lo being finished, king KAang came to
_” See on the last line but two of ode 3.
314 THE SHIH KING. DECADE I.
the new city, and offered a red bull to Wan, and the same to
Wa. It seems to me to have been sung in honour of W4n,
after the service was completed. This determination of the
occasion of the piece being accepted, we should refer it to
B.C. 1108.
Oh! solemn is the ancestral temple in its pure
stillness. Reverent and harmonious were the distinguished assistants!; Great was the number of
the officers?:—(All) assiduous followers of the virtue
of (king Wan). In response to him in heaven,
Grandly they hurried about in the temple. Distinguished is he and honoured, And will never be
wearied of among men.
Oper 2. THe Wer Tuien Ain Mince.
CELEBRATING THE VIRTUE OF KING WAN AS COMPARABLE TO THAT
OF HEAVEN, AND LOOKING TO HIM FOR BLESSING IN THE FUTURE.
According to the Preface, there is an announcement here of the
realization of complete peace throughout the kingdom, and some
of the old critics refer the ode to a sacrifice to king Wn by the
duke of X4u, when he had completed the statutes for the new
dynasty. But there is nothing to authorize a more definite
argument of the contents than I have given.
The ordinances of Heaven,—How deep are they
and unintermitting! And oh! how illustrious Was
the singleness of the virtue of king Wan!
How does he (now) show his kindness? We will
receive it, Striving to be in accord with him, our
The ordinances of Heaven,—How deep are they
and unintermitting! And oh! how illustrious Was
the singleness of the virtue of king Wan!
How does he (now) show his kindness? We will
receive it, Striving to be in accord with him, our
1 These would be the princes who were assembled on the
occasion, and assisted the king in the service.
* That is, the officers who took part in the libations, prayers,
and other parts of the sacrifice.
® See what 3ze-sze says on these four lines in the Doctrine of
the Mean, XXVI, par. ro.
ODE 4. THE SACRIFICIAL ODES OF KAU. 315
king Wan; And may his remotest descendant be
abundantly the same!
Ope 3. THe We! Xainc.
APPROPRIATE AT SOME SACRIFICE TO KING wan, AND CELEBRATING HIS
STATUTES.
Nothing more can, with any likelihood of truth, be said of this
short piece, which moreover has the appearance of being a
fragment.
Clear and’ to be preserved bright, Are the statutes of king Wan. From the first sacrifice (to
him), Till now when they have issued in our com-
plete state, They have been the happy omen of
(the fortunes of) Au.
Ove 4. Tue Lizu WAnN.
A SONG IN PRAISE OF THE PRINCES WHO HAVE ASSISTED AT A SACRIFICE,
AND ADMONISHING THEM.
The Preface says that this piece was made on the occasion of
king Khang’s accession to the government, when he thus addressed the princes who had assisted him in the ancestral
temple. AG Hsf considers that it was a piece for general use
in the ancestral temple, to be sung when the king presented
a cup to his assisting guests, after they had thrice presented the
cup to the representatives of the dead. There is really nothing
in it to enable us to decide in favour of either view.
Ye, brilliant and accomplished princes, Have
conferred on me this happiness. Your favours to
me are without limit, And my descendants will
preserve (the fruits of) them.
Be not mercenary nor extravagant in your states,
And the king will honour you. Thinking of this
316 THE SHIH KING. DECADE I.
great service, He will enlarge the dignity of your
successors.
What is most powerful is the being the man :—
Its influence will be felt throughout your states.
What is most distinguished is the being virtuous :—
It will secure the imitation of all the princes. Ah!
the former kings cannot be forgotten!
Ove 5. Tue Tuien 3o.
APPROPRIATE TO A SACRIFICE TO KING THAI.
We cannot tell what the sacrifice was; and the Preface, indeed,
says that the piece was used in the seasonal sacrifices to all the
former kings and dukes of the House of K4u. King Thai
was the grandfather of king W4&n, and, before he received that
title, was known as ‘the ancient duke Than-f.’ In s.c 1327,
he moved with his followers from Pin, an earlier seat of his
House, and settled in the plain of XAt, about fifty If to the
north-east of the present district city of K/i-shan, in Shen-hsf.
Heaven made the lofty hill’, And king Thai
brought (the country about) it under cultivation.
He made the commencement with it, And king
Wan tranquilly (carried on the work), (Till) that
rugged (mount) KAt Had level roads leading to it.
May their descendants ever preserve it !
Ope 6. THe HAo Tuien yO AxxNG Mine.
APPROPRIATE TO A SACRIFICE TO KING KHANG.
Khang was the honorary title of Sung, the son and successor of
king WA, B.c. 1115 to 1079.
Heaven made its determinate appointment, Which
our two sovereigns received*. King Aang did not
dare to rest idly in it, But night and day enlarged
1 Meaning mount XAt. * Wan and Wa.
ODE 8. THE SACRIFICIAL ODES OF KAU. 317
its foundations by his deep and silent virtue. How
did he continue and glorify (his heritage), Exerting
all his heart, And so securing its tranquillity !
Ope 7. THE Wo AIAanc.
APPROPRIATE TO A SACRIFICE TO KING WAN, ASSOCIATED WITH HEAVEN,
IN THE HALL OF AUDIENCE.
There is, happily, an agreement among the critics: as to the
occasion to which this piece is referred. It took place in the
last month of autumn, in the Hall of Audience, called also ‘the
Brilliant Hall, and ‘the Hall of Light.’ We must suppose that
the princes are all assembled at court, and that the king receives
them in this hall. A sacrifice is then presented to God, and
with him is associated king Wan, the two being the fountain
from which, and the channel through which, the sovereignty had
come to Kau.
I have brought my offerings, A ram and a bull.
May Heaven accept them !!
I imitate and follow and observe the statutes of
king Wan, Seeking daily to secure the tranquillity
of the kingdom. King W4n, the Blesser, has descended on the right, and accepted (the offerings).
Do I not, night and day, Revere the majesty of
Heaven, Thus to preserve (its favour) ?
Ope 8. THE Sum MAL
APPROPRIATE TO KING w0’S SACRIFICING TO HEAVEN, AND TO THE
SPIRITS OF THE HILLS AND RIVERS, ON A PROGRESS THROUGH THE
KINGDOM, AFTER THE OVERTHROW OF THE SHANG DYNASTY.
Here again there is an agreement among the critics. We find
from the 30 Awan and ‘the Narratives of the States,’ that the
1 This is a prayer. The worshipper, it is said, in view of the
majesty of Heaven, shrank from assuming that God would certainly accept his sacrifice. He assumes, below, that king Wn
does so.
318 THE SHIH KING. DECADE I.
piece was, when those compilations were made, considered to
be the work of the duke of Xau; and, no doubt, it was made
by him soon after the accession of Wf to the kingdom, and
when he was making a royal progress in assertion of his
being appointed by Heaven to succeed to the rulers of Shang.
The ‘I’ in the fourteenth line is, most probably, to be taken
of the duke of K4u, who may have recited the piece on
occasion of the sacrifices, in the hearing of the assembled
princes and lords.
Now is he making a progress through his states ;
May Heaven deal with him as its son !
The ‘I’ in the fourteenth line is, most probably, to be taken
of the duke of K4u, who may have recited the piece on
occasion of the sacrifices, in the hearing of the assembled
princes and lords.
Now is he making a progress through his states ;
May Heaven deal with him as its son !
Truly are the honour and succession come from
it to the House of Kau. To his movements All
respond with tremulous awe. He has attracted
and given rest to all spiritual beings?, Even to
(the spirits of) the Ho and the highest hills.
Truly is the king our sovereign lord.
-Brilliant and illustrious is the House of ‘4u.
He has regulated the positions of the princes ;
He has called in shields and spears; He has returned to their cases bows and arrows*%. I will
cultivate admirable virtue, And display it throughout these great regions. Truly will the king preserve the appointment.
1 All spiritual beings’ is, literally, ‘the hundred spirits, meaning the spirits presiding, under Heaven, over all nature, and
especially the spirits of the rivers and hills throughout the kingdom.
Those of the Ho and the lofty mountains are mentioned, because
if their spirits were satisfied with W4, those of all other mountains
and hills, no doubt, were so.
* Compare with these lines the last chapter of ‘the Completion
of the War’ in the Shi.
ODE 10. THE SACRIFICIAL ODES OF KAU. 319
Ove 9. Tue Ain XInc.
AN ODE APPROPRIATE IN SACRIFICING TO THE KINGS wo, KHXNG, AND
KHANG.
The Chinese critics differ in the interpretation of this ode, the
Preface and older scholars restricting it to a sacrifice to king
WA, while AQ Hsf and others find reference in it, as to me
also seems most natural, to AA4ing and Khang, who succeeded
him.
The arm of king Wa was full of strength; Irresistible was his ardour. Greatly illustrious were
KhSng and Khang!, Kinged by God.
When we consider how Aang and Khang
Grandly held all within the four quarters (of the
kingdom), How penetrating was their intelligence !
The bells and drums sound in harmony; The
sounding-stones and flutes blend their notes;
Abundant blessing is sent down.
Blessing is sent down in large measure. Careful
and exact is all our deportment; We have drunk,
and we have eaten, to the full; Our happiness and
dignity will be prolonged.
Ope 10. Tue Sze WAn.
APPROPRIATE TO ONE OF THE BORDER SACRIFICES, WHEN HAvu-xt
WAS WORSHIPPED AS THE CORRELATE OF GOD, AND CELEBRATING
HIM.
H4u-4i was the same as KAi, who appears in Part II of the Sh, as
Minister of Agriculture to Y4o and Shun, and co-operating with
1 If the whole piece be understood only of a sacrifice to WA,
this line will have to be translated—‘ How illustrious was he, who
completed (his great work), and secured its tranquillity.’ We must
deal similarly with the next line. This construction is very forced;
nor is the.text clear on the view of XQ Hsf.
320 THE SHIH KING. DECADE II.
This construction is very forced;
nor is the.text clear on the view of XQ Hsf.
320 THE SHIH KING. DECADE II.
Yi in his labours on the flooded land. The name H4u belongs to
him as lord of Thai; that of Ai, as Minister of Agriculture. However the combination arose, Hau-At became historically the name
of Ki of the time of Yao and Shun, the ancestor to whom the
kings of X4u traced their lineage. He was to the people the
Father of Husbandry, who first taught men to plough and sow
and reap. Hence, when the kings offered sacrifice and prayer
to God at the commencement of spring for his blessing on
the labours of the year, they associated H4u-4? with him at the
service.
O accomplished Hau-4i, Thou didst prove thyself the correlate of Heaven. Thou didst give
grain-food to our multitudes :—The immense gift of
thy goodness. Thou didst confer on us the wheat
and the barley, Which God appointed for the
nourishment of all. And without distinction of
territory or boundary, The rules of social duty
were diffused throughout these great regions.
The Second Decade, or that of A#an Kung.
Ope 1. THe AnxAn Kune.
INSTRUCTIONS GIVEN TO THE OFFICERS OF HUSBANDRY.
The place of this piece among the sacrificial odes makes us assign
it to the conclusion of some sacrifice; but what the sacrifice
was we cannot tell. The Preface says that it was addressed,
at the conclusion of the spring sacrifice to ancestors, to the
princes who had been present and taken part in the service.
Kt Hs? says nothing but what I have stated in the above
argument «of the piece.
Ah! ah! ministers and officers, Reverently attend
to your public duties. The king has given you
perfect rules ;—Consult about them, and consider
them. ©
Ah! ah! ye assistants, It is now the end of
ODE 2. THE SACRIFICIAL ODES OF KAU. 321
spring?; And what have ye to seek for? (Only)
how to manage the new fields and those of the third
year. How beautiful are the wheat and the barley!
The bright and glorious God Will in them give us
a good year. Order all our men To be provided
with their spuds and hoes :—Anon we shall see the
sickles at work.
Oper 2. Tue ft Hst.
FURTHER INSTRUCTIONS TO THE OFFICERS OF HUSBANDRY.
Again there is a difficulty in determining to what sacrifice this
piece should be referred. The Preface says it was sung on the
occasions of sacrifice by the king to God, in spring and summer,
for a good year. But the note on the first two lines will show
that this view cannot be accepted without modification.
Oh! yes, king AK#ang? Brightly brought himself near*. Lead your husbandmen To sow their
various kinds of grain, Going vigorously to work
But the note on the first two lines will show
that this view cannot be accepted without modification.
Oh! yes, king AK#ang? Brightly brought himself near*. Lead your husbandmen To sow their
various kinds of grain, Going vigorously to work
1 It is this line which makes it difficult to determine after
what sacrifice we are to suppose these instructions to have been
delivered. The year, during the Hsia dynasty, began with the
first month of spring, as it now does in China, in consequence of
Confucius having said that that was the proper time. Under the
Shang dynasty, it commenced a month earlier; and during the
Kau period, it ought always to have begun with the new moon
preceding the winter solstice.—between our November 22 and
December 22. But in the writings of the Adu period we find
statements of time continually referred to the calendar of Hsia,—
as here.
* These first two lines are all but unmanageable. The old
critics held that there was no mention of king AAing in them;
but the text is definite on this point. We must suppose that a
special service had been performed at his shrine, asking him to
intimate the day when the sacrifice after which the instructions
were given should be performed; and that a directing oracle hatl
been received.
[1] ¥
322 THE SHIH KING, DECADE II.
on your private fields!, All over the thirty 11%
Attend to your ploughing, With your ten thousand
men all in pairs.
Ope 3. THe KAvu Lé.
CELEBRATING THE REPRESENTATIVES OF FORMER DYNASTIES, WHO
HAD COME TO COURT TO ASSIST AT A SACRIFICE IN THE ANCESTRAL
TEMPLE. .
This piece may have been used when the king was dismissing his
distinguished guests in the ancestral temple. See the introductory note to this Part, pp. 300, 3or.
A flock of egrets is flying, About the marsh
there in the west*. My visitors came, With an
(elegant) carriage like those birds.
There, (in their states), not disliked, Here, (in
Kau), never tired of; —They are sure, day and
night, To perpetuate their fame.
1 The mention of ‘the private fields’ implies that there were
also ‘the public fields,’ cultivated by the husbandmen in common,
in behalf of the government. As the people are elsewhere introduced, wishing that the rain might first fall on ‘the public fields,’
to show their loyalty, so the king here mentions only ‘the private
fields,’ to show his sympathy and consideration for the people.
? For the cultivation of the ground, the allotments of single
families were separated by a small ditch; ten allotments, by a
larger; a hundred, by what we may call a brook; a thousand, by
a small stream; and ten thousand, by a river. The space occupied
by 10,000 families formed a square of a little more than thirty-two
li. We may suppose that this space was intended by the round
number of thirty If in the text. So at least Kang Khang-Asing
explained it.
8 These two lines make the piece allusive. See the Introduction, p. 279.
ODE 5. THE SACRIFICIAL ODES OF KAU. 323
Ope 4. Tue Fano NIen.
We may suppose that this space was intended by the round
number of thirty If in the text. So at least Kang Khang-Asing
explained it.
8 These two lines make the piece allusive. See the Introduction, p. 279.
ODE 5. THE SACRIFICIAL ODES OF KAU. 323
Ope 4. Tue Fano NIen.
AN ODE OF THANKSGIVING FOR A PLENTIFUL YEAR.
The Preface says the piece was used at sacrifices in autumn and
winter. AQ Hsf calls it an ode of thanksgiving for a good
year,—without any specification of time. He supposes, however,
that the thanks were given to the ancient Shin-ning, ‘the
father of Agriculture,’ H4u-ét, ‘ the first Husbandman,’ and the
spirits presiding over the four quarters of the heavens. To this
the imperial editors rightly demur, saying that the blessings
which the piece speaks of could come only from God.
Abundant is the year with much millet and much
rice; And we have our high granaries, With
myriads, and hundreds of thousands, and millions
(of measures in them); For spirits and sweet spirits,
To present to our forefathers, male and female, And
to supply all our ceremonies. The blessings sent
down on us are of every kind.
Ope 5. Tue Yb Ko.
THE BLIND MUSICIANS OF THE COURT OF KAu ; THE INSTRUMENTS
OF MUSIC; AND THEIR HARMONY.
The critics agree in holding that this piece was made on occasion
of the duke of Kau’s completing his instruments of music for
the ancestral temple, and announcing the fact at a grand performance in the temple of king Wan. It can hardly be regarded
as a sacrificial ode.
There are the blind musicians; there are the
blind musicians; In the court of (the temple of)
Kau.
1 The blind musicians at the court of A&au were numerous.
The blindness of the eyes was supposed to make the ears more
acute in hearing, and to be favourable to the powers of the voice.
In the Official Book of Xu, III, i, par. 22, the enumeration of
Y2
324 THE SHIH KING. DECADE II.
There are (the music-frames with their) faceboards and posts, The high toothed-edge (of the
former), and the feathers stuck (in the latter); ‘With
the drums, large and small, suspended from them ;
And the hand-drums and sounding-stones, the instrument to give the signal for commencing, and the
stopper. These being all complete, the music is
struck up. The pan-pipe and the double flute begin
at the same time.
Harmoniously blend their sounds; In solemn
unison they give forth their notes. Our ancestors
will give ear. Our visitors will be there ;—Long to
witness the complete performance.
Ove 6. THE ASIEN.
SUNG IN THE LAST MONTH OF WINTER, AND IN SPRING, WHEN THE
KING PRESENTED A FISH IN THE ANCESTRAL TEMPLE.
Our ancestors
will give ear. Our visitors will be there ;—Long to
witness the complete performance.
Ove 6. THE ASIEN.
SUNG IN THE LAST MONTH OF WINTER, AND IN SPRING, WHEN THE
KING PRESENTED A FISH IN THE ANCESTRAL TEMPLE.
Such is the argument of this piece given in the Preface, and in
which the critics generally concur. In the Lt A7, IV, vi, 40, it
is recorded that the king, in the third month of winter, gave
orders to his chief fisher to commence his duties, and went
himself to see his operations. He partook of the fish first
captured, but previously presented some as an offering in the
back apartment of the ancestral temple. In the third month of
spring, again, when the sturgeons began to make their appearance
(Lt Ai, IV, i, 25), the king presented one in the same place. On
these blind musicians gives 2 directors of the first rank, and 4
of the second; 40 performers of the first grade, roo of the
second, and 160 of the third; with 300 assistants who were
possessed of vision. But it is difficult not to be somewhat incredulous as to this great collection of blind musicians about the
court of Kau.
1 All the instruments here enumerated were performed on in
the open court below the hall. Nothing is said of the stringed
instruments which were used in the hall itself; nor is the enumeration of the instruments in the courtyard complete.
ODE 7. THE SACRIFICIAL ODES OF KAU. 325
these passages, the prefatory notice was, no doubt, constructed.
Choice specimens of the earliest-caught fish were presented by
the sovereign to his ancestors, as an act of duty, and an acknowledgment that it was to their favour that he and the people were
indebted for the supplies of food, which they received from the
waters.
Oh! in the KAt and the KAii, There are many
fish in the warrens ;—Sturgeons, large and snouted,
Thryssas, yellow-jaws, mud-fish, and carp ;— For
offerings, for sacrifice, That our bright happiness
may be increased.
Ope 7%. Tue Yuna.
APPROPRIATE, PROBABLY, AT A SACRIFICE BY KING wt TO HIS FATHER
wAN.
From a reference in the Analects, III, ii, to an abuse of this ode
in the time of Confucius, we learn that it was sung when the
sacrificial vessels and their contents were being removed.
They come full of harmony; They are here in
all gravity ;—The princes assisting, While the Son
of Heaven looks profound.
(He says), ‘While I present (this) noble bull,
And they assist me in setting forth the sacrifice,
O great and august Father, Comfort me, your
filial son.
‘With penetrating wisdom thou didst play the man,
A sovereign with the gifts both of peace and war,
Giving rest even to great Heaven’, And ensuring
prosperity to thy descendants.
‘With penetrating wisdom thou didst play the man,
A sovereign with the gifts both of peace and war,
Giving rest even to great Heaven’, And ensuring
prosperity to thy descendants.
* To explain this line one commentator refers to the seventh
stanza of the first piece in the Major Odes of the Kingdom, where
it is said, ‘God surveyed the four quarters of the kingdom, seeking
for some one to give settlement and rest to the people ;’ and adds,
‘Thus what Heaven has at heart is the settlement of the people.
When they have rest given to them, then Heaven is at rest.’
326 THE SHIH KING. DECADE II.
‘Thou comfortest me with the eyebrows of longevity; Thou makest me great with manifold
blessings, I offer this sacrifice to my meritorious
father, And to my accomplished mother.’
Ove 8. Tue 3A1 HsIEn.
APPROPRIATE TO AN OCCASION WHEN THE FEUDAL PRINCES HAD BEEN
ASSISTING KING KHANG AT A SACRIFICE TO HIS FATHER.
They appeared before their sovereign king, To
seek from him the rules (they were to observe).
With their dragon-emblazoned banners, flying
bright, The bells on them and their front-boards
tinkling, And with the rings on the ends of the
reins glittering, Admirable was their majesty and
splendour.
He led them to appear before his father shrined
on the left?, Where he discharged his filial duty,
and presented his offerings ;—That he might have
granted to him long life, And ever preserve (his
dignity). Great and many are his blessings. They
are the brilliant and accomplished princes, Who
cheer him with his many sources of happiness,
1 At sacrifices to ancestors, the spirit tablets of wives were
placed along with those of their husbands in their shrines, so
that both shared in the honours of the service. So it is now
in the imperial ancestral temple in Peking. The ‘accomplished
mother’ here would be Thai Sze, celebrated often in the pieces of
the first Book of Part I, and elsewhere.
* Among the uses of the services of the ancestral temple,
specified by Confucius and quoted on p. 302, was the distinguishing
the order of descent in the royal House. According to the rules
for that purpose, the characters here used enable us to determine
the subject of this line as king W4, in opposition to his father
Wan.
ODE 9. THE SACRIFICIAL ODES OF KAU. 327
Enabling him to perpetuate them in their brightness as pure blessing.
Ope 9. THe Yo Kuo.
CELEBRATING THE DUKE OF SUNG ON ONE OF HIS APPEARANCES
AT THE CAPITAL TO ASSIST AT THE SACRIFICE IN THE ANCESTRAL
TEMPLE OF KAU j7— SHOWING HOW HE WAS ESTEEMED AND CHERISHED
BY THE KING.
327
Enabling him to perpetuate them in their brightness as pure blessing.
Ope 9. THe Yo Kuo.
CELEBRATING THE DUKE OF SUNG ON ONE OF HIS APPEARANCES
AT THE CAPITAL TO ASSIST AT THE SACRIFICE IN THE ANCESTRAL
TEMPLE OF KAU j7— SHOWING HOW HE WAS ESTEEMED AND CHERISHED
BY THE KING.
The mention of the white horses here in the chariot of the
visitor sufficiently substantiates the account in the Preface that
he was the famous count of Wei, mentioned in the Shu, IV, xi,
and whose subsequent investiture with the duchy of Sung, as
the representative of the line of the Shang kings, is also related
in the Shd, V, viii. With the dynasty of Shang white had been
the esteemed and sacred colour, as red was with Kau, and
hence the duke had his carriage drawn by white horses. ‘The
language,’ says one critic, ‘is all in praise of the visitor, but it
was sung in the temple, and is rightly placed therefore among
the Sung.’ There is, in the last line, an indication of the
temple in it. ‘
The noble visitor! The noble visitor! Drawn,
like his ancestors, by white horses! The reverent
and dignified, Polished members of his suite!
The noble guest will stay (but) a night or two!
The noble guest will stay (but) two nights or four!
Give him ropes, To bind his horses?.
I will convoy him (with a parting feast); I will
comfort him in every possible way. Adorned with
such great dignity, It is very natural that he should
be blessed.
1 These four lines simply express the wish of the king to detain
his visitor, from the delight that his presence gave him. Compare
the similar language in the second ode of the fourth decade of
Part II.
328 THE SHIH KING. DECADE HI.
Ove 10. Tue Wo.
SUNG IN THE ANCESTRAL TEMPLE TO THE MUSIC REGULATING THE
DANCE IN HONOUR OF THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF KING wO0.
This account of the piece, given in the Preface, is variously corroborated, and has not been called in question by any critic.
Perhaps this brief ode was sung as a prelude to the dance, or
it may be that the seven lines are only a fragment. This, indeed,
is most likely, as we have several odes in the next decade, all
said to have been used at the same occasion.
Oh! great wast thou, O king Wa, Displaying
the utmost strength in thy work. Truly accomplished was king Wan, Opening the path for his
successors. Thou didst receive the inheritance from
him. Thou didst vanquish Yin, and put a stop to
its cruelties ;—Effecting the firm establishment of
thy merit.
The Third Decade, or that of Min Yii Hsido 3ze.
Ope 1. THe Min Yu.
APPROPRIATE TO THE YOUNG KING XHANG, DECLARING HIS SENTIMENTS
IN THE TEMPLE OF HIS FATHER.
Thou didst vanquish Yin, and put a stop to
its cruelties ;—Effecting the firm establishment of
thy merit.
The Third Decade, or that of Min Yii Hsido 3ze.
Ope 1. THe Min Yu.
APPROPRIATE TO THE YOUNG KING XHANG, DECLARING HIS SENTIMENTS
IN THE TEMPLE OF HIS FATHER.
The speaker in this piece is, by common consent, king AAang.
The only question is as to the date of its composition, whether
it was made for him, in his minority, on his repairing to the
temple when the mourning for his father was completed, or
after the expiration of the regency of the duke of Kau. The
words ‘little child,’ according to their usage, are expressive of
humility and not of age. They do not enable us to determine
the above point.
Alas for me, who am a little child, On whom has
devolved the unsettled state! Solitary am I and full
of distress. Oh! my great Father, All thy life long,
thou wast filial.
Thou didst think of my great grandfather, (Seeing
—
ODE 3. THE SACRIFICIAL ODES OF KAU. 329
him, as it were) ascending and descending in the
court, I, the little child, Day and night will be
as reverent.
Oh! ye great kings, As your successor, I will
strive not to forget you.
Ope 2. Tue Fanc Lo.
THE YOUNG KING TELLS OF HIS DIFFICULTIES AND INCOMPETENCIES ;
ASKS FOR COUNSEL TO KEEP HIM TO COPY THE EXAMPLE OF HIS
FATHER ; STATES HOW HE MEANT TO DO SO; AND CONCLUDES WITH
AN APPEAL OR PRAYER TO HIS FATHER.
This seems to be a sequel to the former ode. We can hardly say
anything about it so definite as the statement in the Preface,
that it relates to a council held by Aang and his ministers in
the ancestral temple.
I take counsel at the beginning of my (rule),
How I can follow (the example of) my shrined
father. Ah! far-reaching (were his plans), And
I am not yet able to carry them out. However
I endeavour to reach to them, My continuation
of them. will still be all-deflected. I am a little
child, Unequal to the many difficulties of the
state. Having taken his place, (I will look for him)
to go up and come down in the court, To ascend
and descend in the house. Admirable art thou,
O great Father, (Condescend) to preserve and
enlighten me.
Ope 3. Tue AING AIH.
KING XHXANG SHOWS HIS SENSE OF WHAT WAS REQUIRED OF HIM TO
PRESERVE THE FAVOUR OF HEAVEN,.A CONSTANT JUDGE; INTIMATES
HIS GOOD PURPOSES; AND ASKS THE HELP OF HIS MINISTERS TO
BE ENABLED TO PERFORM THEM.
Let me be reverent! Let me be reverent! (The
way of) Heaven is evident, And its appointment
330 THE SHIH KING. DECADE III.
is not easily preserved!. Let me not say that it
is high aloft above me. It ascends and descends
about our doings; It daily inspects us wherever
we are.
I am a little child, Without intelligence to be
reverently (attentive to my duties); But by daily
progress and monthly advance, I will learn to hold
fast the gleams (of knowledge), till I arrive at bright
intelligence. Assist me to bear the burden (of my
position), And show me how to display a virtuous
conduct.
Ope 4. Tue HstAo Pt.
Assist me to bear the burden (of my
position), And show me how to display a virtuous
conduct.
Ope 4. Tue HstAo Pt.
KING KHANG ACKNOWLEDGES THAT HE HAD ERRED, AND STATES HIS
PURPOSE TO BE CAREFUL IN THE FUTURE; HE WILL GUARD AGAINST
THE SLIGHT BEGINNINGS OF EVIL; AND IS PENETRATED WITH A
SENSE OF HIS OWN INCOMPETENCIES.
This piece has been considered by some critics as the conclusion
of the council in the ancestral temple, with which the previous
two also are thought to be connected. The Preface says that
the king asks in it for the assistance of his ministers, but no such
request is expressed. I seem myself to see in it, with SQ KAeh
and others, a reference to the suspicions which Aang at one
time, we know, entertained of the fidelity of the duke of Kau,
_ when he was inclined to believe the rumours spread against
him by his other uncles, who joined in rebellion with the son
of the last king of Shang.
I condemn myself (for the past), And will be on
my guard against future calamity. I will have
nothing to do with a wasp, To seek for myself
its painful sting. At first indeed it seemed to be
1 The meaning is this: ‘The way of Heaven is very clear, to
bless the good, namely, and punish the bad. But its favour is
thus dependent on men themselves, and hard to preserve.’
ODE 5. THE SACRIFICIAL ODES OF KAU. 331
(but) a wren', But it took wing, and became a
large bird. I am unequal to the many difficulties
of the kingdom, And am placed in the midst of
bitter experiences.
Ope 5. Tue 3Ar1 Sut.
THE CULTIVATION OF THE GROUND FROM THE FIRST BREAKING OF IT
UP, TILL IT YIELDS ABUNDANT HARVESTS ;—AVAILABLE SPECIALLY
FOR SACRIFICES AND FESTIVE OCCASIONS. WHETHER INTENDED TO
BE USED ON OCCASIONS OF THANKSGIVING, OR IN SPRING WHEN
PRAYING FOR A GOOD YEAR, CANNOT BE DETERMINED.
The Preface says that this ode was used in spring, when the king
in person turned up some furrows in the field set apart for that
purpose, and prayed at the altars of the spirits of the land and
the grain, foran abundant year. AQ Hs? says he does not know
on what occasion it was intended to be used; but comparing
it with the fourth ode of the second decade, he is inclined to
rank it with that as an ode of thanksgiving. There is nothing
in the piece itself to determine us in favour of either view. It
brings before us a series of pleasing pictures of the husbandry
of those early times. The editors of the imperial edition say
that its place in the Sung makes it clear that it was an accompaniment of some royal sacrifice. We need not controvert this ;
but the poet evidently singled out some large estate, and describes
the labour on it, from the first bringing it under cultivation to
the state in which it was before his eyes, and concludes by saying
that the picture which he gives of it had long been applicable
to the whole country.
They clear away the grass and the bushes; And
the ground is laid open by their ploughs.
They clear away the grass and the bushes; And
the ground is laid open by their ploughs.
In thousands of pairs they remove the roots,
Some in the low wet land, some along the dykes.
1 The Chinese characters here mean, literally, ‘peach-tree insect,’
or, as Dr. Williams has it, ‘ peach-bug.’ Another name for the
bird is ‘the clever wife,’ from the artistic character of its nest,
which would point it out as the small ‘tailor bird.’ But the name
is applied to various small birds.
332 THE SHIH KING. DECADE III.
There are the master and his eldest son; His
younger sons, and all their children; Their strong
helpers, and their hired servants. How the noise of
their eating the viands brought to them resounds!
(The husbands) think lovingly of their wives;
(The wives) keep close to their husbands. (Then)
with their sharp ploughshares They set to work
on the south-lying acres.
They sow their various kinds of grain, Each
seed containing in it a germ of life.
In unbroken lines rises the blade, And, well
nourished, the stalks grow long.
Luxuriant looks the young grain, And the weeders go among it in multitudes.
Then comé the reapers in crowds, And the grain
is piled up in the fields, Myriads, and hundreds of
thousands, and millions (of stacks); For spirits and
for sweet spirits, To offer to our ancestors, male
and female, And to provide for all ceremonies.
Fragrant is their aroma, Enhancing the glory of
the state. Like pepper is their smell, To give
comfort to the aged. .
It is not here only that there is this (abundance) ;
It is not now only that there is such a time :—
From of old it has been thus.
Ove 6. Tue Lianc Sze.
PRESUMABLY, AN ODE OF THANKSGIVING IN THE AUTUMN TO THE
SPIRITS OF THE LAND AND GRAIN.
Very sharp are the excellent shares, With which
they set to work on the south-lying acres. |
They sow their various kinds of grain, Each
seed containing in it a germ of life.
ODE 7. THE SACRIFICIAL ODES OF KAU. 333
There are those who come to see them, With
their baskets round and square, Containing the
provisions of millet.
With their light splint hats on their heads, They
ply their hoes on the ground, Clearing away the
smartweed on the dry land and wet.
The weeds being decayed, The millets grow
luxuriantly.
They fall rustling before the reapers. The
gathered crop is piled up solidly, High as a wall,
United together like the teeth of a comb; And
the hundred houses are opened (to receive the
grain) '.
Those hundred houses being full, The wives and
children have a feeling of repose.
(Now) we kill this black-muzzled tawny bull 2,
with his crooked horns, To imitate and hand down,
To hand down (the observances of) our ancestors.
Ove 7. Tue Sze f.
AN ODE APPROPRIATE TO THE PREPARATIONS AND PROGRESS OF A
FEAST AFTER A SACRIFICE.
The Preface and the editors of the Yung-4Aang Shih say that the
piece has reference to the entertainment given, the day after a
Ove 7. Tue Sze f.
AN ODE APPROPRIATE TO THE PREPARATIONS AND PROGRESS OF A
FEAST AFTER A SACRIFICE.
The Preface and the editors of the Yung-4Aang Shih say that the
piece has reference to the entertainment given, the day after a
1¢The hundred houses,’ or chambers in a hundred family
residences, are those of the hundred families, cultivating the space
which was bounded by a brook ;—see note on the second ode of
the preceding decade. They formed a society, whose members
helped one another in their field work, so that their harvest might
be said to be carried home at the same time. Then would come
the threshing or treading, and winnowing, after which the grain
would be brought into the houses.
* It has been observed that under the Kau dynasty,.red was the
334 THE SHIH KING. DECADE III.
sacrifice, in the ancestral temple, to the personators of the dead,
described on p. 301. AQ Hs? denies this, and holds simply that
it belongs to the feast after a sacrifice, without further specifying
what sacrifice. The old view is probably the more correct.
In his silken robes, clean and bright, With his
cap on his head, looking so respectful, From the
hall he goes to the foot of the stairs, And (then)
from the sheep to the oxen’. (He inspects) the
tripods, large and small, And the curved goblet
of rhinoceros horn®. The good spirits are mild,
(But) there is no noise, no insolence :—An auspice
(this) of great longevity.
Ove 8 Tue Xo.
AN ODE IN PRAISE OF KING wi, AND RECOGNISING THE DUTY TO
FOLLOW HIS COURSE.
This was sung, according to the Preface, at the conclusion of the
dance in honour of king Wi;—see on the last piece of the
second decade.
Oh! powerful was the king’s army, But he
nursed it, in obedience to circumstances, while the
colour of the sacrificial victims. So it was for the ancestral temple ;
but in sacrificing to the spirits of the land and grain, the victim
was a ‘yellow’ bull with black lips.
1 The subject of these lines must be an ordinary officer, for to
such the silk robes and a purple cap were proper, when he was
assisting at the sacrifices of the king or of a feudal prince. There
were two buildings outside the principal gate leading to the ancestral
temple, and two corresponding inside, in which the personators
of the departed ancestors were feasted. We must suppose the
officer in question descending from the upper hall to the vestibule
of the gate, to inspect the dishes, arranged for the feast, and then
proceeding to see the animals, and the tripods for boiling the
flesh, &c.
? The goblet of rhinoceros horn was to be drained, as a penalty,
by any one offending at the feast against the rules of propriety ;
but here there was no occasion for it.
ODE I0. THE SACRIFICIAL ODES OF KAU. 335
? The goblet of rhinoceros horn was to be drained, as a penalty,
by any one offending at the feast against the rules of propriety ;
but here there was no occasion for it.
ODE I0. THE SACRIFICIAL ODES OF KAU. 335
time was yet dark. When the time was clearly
bright, He thereupon donned his grand armour.
We have been favoured to receive What the martial
king accomplished. To deal aright with what we
have inherited, We have to be sincere imitators
of thy course, (O king).
Ope 9. THe Hwan.
CELEBRATING THE MERIT AND SUCCESS OF KING wt.
According to a statement in the 30 Awan, this piece also was
sung in connexion with the dance of WQ. The Preface says
it was used in declarations of war, and in sacrificing to God
and the Father of War. Perhaps it came to be used on such
occasions; but we must refer it in the first place to the reign
of king AAang. :
There is peace throughout our myriad regions.
There has been a succession of plentiful years :—
Heaven does not weary in its favour. The martial
king Wd Maintained (the confidence of) his officers,
And employed them all over the kingdom, So
securing the establishment of his family. Oh!
glorious was he in the sight of Heaven, Which
kinged him in the room (of Shang).
Ope 10. Tue LAL.
CELEBRATING THE PRAISE OF KING WAN.
This is the only account of the piece that can be given from itself.
The 30 Awan, however, refers it to the dance of king WA;
and the Preface says it contains the words with which Wa
accompanied his grant of fiefs and appanages in the ancestral
temple to his principal followers.
King Wa&n laboured earnestly :—Right is it we
should have received (the kingdom). We will diffuse (his virtue), ever cherishing the thought of
336 THE SHIH KING. DECADE II. rf.
him; Henceforth we will seek only the settlement
(of the kingdom). It was he through whom came
the appointment of Kau. Oh! let us ever cherish
the thought of him.
Ove 11. Tue Pan.
CELEBRATING THE GREATNESS OF KAU, AND ITS FIRM POSSESSION OF
THE KINGDOM, AS SEEN IN THE PROGRESSES OF ITS REIGNING SOVE-
REIGN.
In the eighth piece of the first decade we have an ode akin to
this, relating a tentative progress of king WA, to test the acceptance of his sovereignty. This is of a later date, and should be
referred, probably, to the reign of king Aang, when the dynasty
was fully acknowledged. Some critics, however, make it, like
the three preceding, a portion of what was sung at the Wa
dance.
Oh! great now is Kau. We ascend the high
hills, Both those that are long and narrow, and
the lofty mountains. Yes, and (we travel) along
the regulated Ho, All under the sky, Assembling
those who now respond to me. Thus it is that the
appointment belongs to Adu.
Il]. Tue Praise Opes or Lt.
Oh! great now is Kau. We ascend the high
hills, Both those that are long and narrow, and
the lofty mountains. Yes, and (we travel) along
the regulated Ho, All under the sky, Assembling
those who now respond to me. Thus it is that the
appointment belongs to Adu.
Il]. Tue Praise Opes or Lt.
Ir is not according to the truth of things to class the Sung of La
among the sacrificial odes, and I do not call them such. (
Hsf says:—‘ King Aang, because of the great services rendered
by the duke of Adu, granted to Po-Ain, (the duke’s eldest son,
and first marquis of Lf), the privilege of using the royal ceremonies and music, in consequence of which Lf had its Sung,
which were sung to the music in its ancestral temple. Afterwards, they made in LQ other odes in praise of their rulers,
ODE 3. THE PRAISE ODES OF LO. 337
which they also called Sung.’ In this way it is endeavoured
to account for there being such pieces in this part of the Shih
as the four in this division of it. Confucius, it is thought, found
them in Lf, bearing the name of Sung, and so he classed them
with the true sacrificial odes, bearing that designation. If we
were to admit, contrary to the evidence in the case, that the
Shih was compiled by Confucius, this explanation of the place
of the Sung of LQ in this Part would not be complimentary to
his discrimination.
Whether such a privilege as Af states was really granted to the
first marquis of Lf, is a point very much controverted. Many
contend that the royal ceremonies were usurped in the state, in
the time of duke Hs? (s.c. 6g9 to 627). But if this should be
conceded, it would not affect the application to the odes in this
division of the name of Sung. They are totally unlike the Sung
of Shang and of Kau. It has often been asked why there are
no Fang of Lf in the first Part of the Shih. The pieces here
are really the Fang of LQ, and may be compared especially with
the Fang of Pin.
LO was one of the states in the east, having its capital in KAtfau, which is still the name of a district in the department of
Yen-A4u, Shan-tung. According to Kd, king Khang invested
the duke of Xéu’s eldest son with the territory. According to
Sze-ma Khien, the duke of Kau was himself appointed marquis
of LQ; but being unable to go there in consequence of his
duties at the royal court, he sent his son instead. After the
expiration of his regency, the territory was largely augmented,
but he still remained in K4u.
I pass over the first two odes, which have no claim to a place
among ‘sacred texts.’ And only in one stanza of the third is
there the expression of a religious sentiment. I give it entire,
however.
Ope 8. Tue Puan Suut.
IN PRAISE OF SOME MARQUIS OF 10, CELEBRATING HIS INTEREST IN
THE STATE COLLEGE, WHICH HE HAD, PROBABLY, REPAIRED, TESTI-
FYING HIS VIRTUES, AND AUSPICING FOR HIM A COMPLETE TRIUMPH
OVER THE TRIBES OF THE HWAI, WHICH WOULD BE CELEBRATED
IN THE COLLEGE.
Ope 8. Tue Puan Suut.
IN PRAISE OF SOME MARQUIS OF 10, CELEBRATING HIS INTEREST IN
THE STATE COLLEGE, WHICH HE HAD, PROBABLY, REPAIRED, TESTI-
FYING HIS VIRTUES, AND AUSPICING FOR HIM A COMPLETE TRIUMPH
OVER THE TRIBES OF THE HWAI, WHICH WOULD BE CELEBRATED
IN THE COLLEGE.
The marquis here celebrated was, probably, Shan, or ‘duke Hsi,’
mentioned above. The immediate occasion of its composition
CJ z
338 THE SHIH KING. ODE 3.
must have been some opening or inauguration service in connexion with the repair of the college.
1. Pleasant is the semicircular water!, And we
gather the cress about it. The marquis of Lf is
coming to it, And we see his dragon-figured
banner. His banner waves in the wind, And the
bells of his horses tinkle harmoniously. Small
and great, All follow the prince in his progress
to it.
2. Pleasant is the semicircular water, And we
gather the pondweed in it. The marquis of Lf has
come to it, With his horses so stately. His horses
are grand; His fame is brilliant. Blandly he looks
and smiles ; Without any impatience he delivers his
instructions.
3. Pleasant is the semicircular water, And we
gather the mallows about it. The marquis of La
has come to it, And in the college he is drinking.
He is drinking the good spirits. May there be
T It is said in the tenth ode of the first decade of the Major Odes
_ of the Kingdom, that king W4 in his capital of H4o built ‘his hall
with its circlet of water.’ That was the royal college built in the
middle of a circle of water; each state had its grand college with a
semicircular pool in front of it, such as may now be seen in front of .
the temples of Confucius in the metropolitan cities of the provinces.
It is not easy to describe all the purposes which the building served.
In this piece the marquis of LQ appears feasting in it, delivering
instructions, taking counsel with his ministers, and receiving the
spoils and prisoners of war. The Li Ai, VIII, ii, 7, refers to
sacrifices to H4n-#i in connexion with the college of Lf. There
the officers of the state in autumn learned ceremonies ; in winter,
literary studies; in spring and summer, the use of arms; and in
autumn and winter, dancing. There were celebrated trials of
archery; there the aged were feasted; there the princes held
council with their ministers, The college was in the western
suburb of each capital.
ODE 3. THE PRAISE ODES oF LO. 339
given to him such old age as is seldom enjoyed!
May he accord with the grand ways, So subduing
to himself all the people!
4. Very admirable is the marquis of La, Reverently displaying his virtue, And reverently watching
over his deportment, The pattern of the people.
With great qualities, both civil and martial, Bril
liantly he affects his meritorious ancestors. In
everything entirely filial, He seeks the blessing
that is sure to follow.
With great qualities, both civil and martial, Bril
liantly he affects his meritorious ancestors. In
everything entirely filial, He seeks the blessing
that is sure to follow.
5. Very intelligent is the marquis of La, Making
his virtue illustrious. He has made this college
with its semicircle of water, And the tribes of the
Hwai will submit to him*% His martial-looking
tiger-leaders Will here present the left ears (of
their foes)’. His examiners, wise as Kao-yao *¢, ‘
Will here present the prisoners.
6. His numerous officers, Men who have enlarged their virtuous minds, With martial energy
conducting their expedition, Will drive far away
those tribes of the east and south. Vigorous and
1 The meaning is that the fine qualities of the marquis ‘reached
to’ and affected his ancestors in their spirit-state, and would draw
down their protecting favour. Their blessing, seen in his prosperity, was the natural result of his filial piety.
7 The Hwéi rises in the department of Nan-yang, Ho-nan, and
flows eastward to the sea. South of it, down to the time of this
ode, were many rude and wild tribes that gave frequent occupation to the kings of Kau.
5 When prisoners refused to submit, their left ears were cut off,
and shown as trophies.
* The ancient Shun’s Minister of Crime. The ‘examiners’
were Officers who questioned the prisoners, especially the more
important of them, to elicit information, and decide as to the
amount of their guilt and punishment.
Z2
340 ' THE SHIH KING. ODE 3.
grand, Without noise or display, Without appeal
to the judges', They will here present (the proofs
of) their merit.
7. How they draw their bows adorned with bone!
How their arrows whiz forth! Their war chariots
are very large! Their footmen and charioteers
never weary! They have subdued the tribes of
Hwai, And brought them to an unrebellious submission. Only lay your plans securely, And all
the tribes of the Hwai will be won ?.
8. They come flying on the wing, those owls,
And settle on the trees about the college; They
eat the fruit of our mulberry trees, And salute us
with fine notes *. So awakened shall be those tribes
of the Hwai. They will come presenting their
precious things, Their large tortoises, and their
elephants’ teeth, And great contributions of the
southern metals *.
1 The ‘judges’ decided all questions of dispute in the army,
and on the merits of different men who had distinguished themselves.
2 In this stanza the poet describes a battle with the wild
tribes, as if it were going on before his eyes.
? An owl is a bird with a disagreeable scream, instead of a
beautiful note; but the mulberries grown about the college would
make them sing delightfully. And so would the influence of Lf,
going forth from the college, transform the nature of the tribes
about the Hwii.
“ That is, according to ‘the Tribute of Yi,’ in the Sh4, from
Xing-au and Yang-éau.
ODE 4. _THE PRAISE ODES OF LO. 341
Opt 4. Tue Pt Kune.
And so would the influence of Lf,
going forth from the college, transform the nature of the tribes
about the Hwii.
“ That is, according to ‘the Tribute of Yi,’ in the Sh4, from
Xing-au and Yang-éau.
ODE 4. _THE PRAISE ODES OF LO. 341
Opt 4. Tue Pt Kune.
IN PRAISE OF DUKE Hs, AND AUSPICING FOR HIM A MAGNIFICENT
‘ CAREER OF SUCCESS, WHICH WOULD MAKE LO ALL THAT IT HAD
EVER BEEN :—WRITTEN, PROBABLY, ON AN OCCASION WHEN Hs? HAD
REPAIRED THE TEMPLES OF THE STATE, OF WHICH PIOUS ACT HIS
SUCCESS WOULD BE THE REWARD.
There is no doubt that duke Hst is the hero of this piece. He is
mentioned in the third stanza as ‘the son of duke Awang,’ and
the Hsi-sze referred to in the last stanza as the architect under
whose superintendence the temples had been repaired was his
brother, whom we meet with elsewhere as ‘duke’s son, Yi.’ The
descriptions of various sacrifices prove that the lords of Lf,
whether permitted to use royal ceremonies or not, did really
do so. The writer was evidently in a poetic rapture as to
what his ruler was, and would do. The piece is a genuine
bardic effusion.
The poet traces the lords of LQ to Kiang Yiian and her son
Hau-4. He then comes to the establishment of the Kau
dynasty, and under it of the marquisate of LQ; and finally to
duke Hs, dilating on his sacrificial services, the military power
of Lf, and the achievements which he might be expected to
accomplish in subjugating all the territory lying to the east, and
a long way south, of LQ.
1. How pure and still are the solemn temples,
In their strong solidity and minute completeness!
Highly distinguished was Kiang Yiian’, Of virtue
undeflected. God regarded her with favour, And
without injury or hurt, Immediately, when her
months were completed, She gave birth to Hau-ét!
On him were conferred all blessings—(To know)
how the (ordinary) millet ripened early, and the
sacrificial millet late; How first to sow pulse
1 About Kiang Yilan and her conception and birth of Hau-é,
see the first piece in the third decade of the Major Odes of the
Kingdom. There also Hau-éi’s teaching of husbandry is more
fully described.
342° THE SHIH KING. ODE 4.
and then wheat. Anon he was invested with an
inferior state, And taught the people how to sow
and to reap, The (ordinary) millet and the sacrificial, Rice and the black millet; Ere long over
the whole country :— (Thus) continuing the work
of Yt.
342° THE SHIH KING. ODE 4.
and then wheat. Anon he was invested with an
inferior state, And taught the people how to sow
and to reap, The (ordinary) millet and the sacrificial, Rice and the black millet; Ere long over
the whole country :— (Thus) continuing the work
of Yt.
2. Among the descendants of Hau-4t, There
was king Thai!, Dwelling on the south of (mount)
Ku, Where the clipping of Shang began. In
process of time Wan and WO Continued the work
ef king Thai, And (the purpose of) Heaven was
carried out in its time, In the plain of MQ* ‘Have
no doubts, no anxieties,’ (it was said), ‘God is with
you®,’ Wd disposed of the troops of Shang; He
and his men equally shared in the achievement.
(Then) king (Aang). said, ‘My uncle‘, I will set
up your eldest son, And make him marquis of LO.
I will greatly enlarge your territory there, To be
a help and support to the House of K4u.’
3. Accordingly he appointed (our first) duke of
Lf, And made him marquis in the east, Giving
him the hilis and rivers, The lands and fields, and
the attached states’. The (present) descendant of
the duke of Kau, The son of duke Awang, With
dragon-emblazoned banner, attends the sacrifices,
(Grasping) his six reins soft and pliant. In spring
' See on the Sacrificial Odes of X4u, decade i, ode 5.
® See the ShQ, V, iii.
* Shang-f, one of W{’s principal leaders, encouraged him at
the battle of MQ with these words.
‘ That is, the duke of Xau.
® That is, small territories, held by chiefs of other surnames, but
acknowledging the jurisdiction of the lords of Lf, and dependent
on them for introduction to the royal court.
ODE 4. THE PRAISE ODES oF LO. 343
and autumn he is not remiss; His offerings are
all without error’. To the great and sovereign
God, And to his great ancestor H4u-4i, He
offers the victims, red and pure*. They enjoy, they
approve, And bestow blessings in large number.
The duke of Au, and (your other) great ancestors,
Also bless you.
4. In autumn comes the sacrifice of the season,
But the bulls for it have had their horns capped
in summer‘; They are the white bull and the red
one’, (There are) the bull-figured goblet in its
dignity®; Roast pig, minced meat,and soups; The
dishes of bamboo and wood, and the large stands’,
And the dancers all complete. The filial descendant
1 These lines refer to the seasonal sacrifices in the temple of
ancestors, two seasons being mentioned for all the four, as in
some of the odes of Shang.
* From the seasonal sacrifices the poet passes to the sacrifice to
God at the border altar in the spring,—no doubt the same which is
referred to in the last ode of the first decade of the Sacrificial
Odes of au.
* The subject of the seasonal sacrifices is resumed.
“ A piece of wood was fixed across the horns of the victimbulls, to prevent their injuring them by pushing or rubbing
against any hard substance. An animal injured in any way was
not fit to be used in sacrifice.
* The subject of the seasonal sacrifices is resumed.
“ A piece of wood was fixed across the horns of the victimbulls, to prevent their injuring them by pushing or rubbing
against any hard substance. An animal injured in any way was
not fit to be used in sacrifice.
5 In sacrificing to the duke of X4u, a white bull was used by
way of distinction. His great services to the dynasty had obtained for him the privilege of being sacrificed to with royal
ceremonies. A white: bull, such as had been offered to the kings
of Shang, was therefore devoted to him; while for Po-éhin, and
the other marquises (or dukes as spoken of by their own subjects), a victim of the orthodox Xu colour was employed.
* This goblet, fashioned in the shape of a bull, or with a bull
pictured on it, must have been well known in connexion with
these services.
7 ¢The large stand’ was of a size to support half the roasted
body of a victim.
344 THE SHIH KING. ODE 4.
will be blessed. (Your ancestors) will make you
gloriously prosperous, They will make you longlived and good, To preserve this eastern region,
Long possessing the state of LQ, Unwaning, unfallen, Unshaken, undisturbed! They will make
your friendship with your three aged (ministers) !
Like the hills, like the mountains.
5. Our prince’s chariots are a thousand, And (in
each) are (the two spears with their) vermilion
tassels, and (the two bows with their) green bands.
His footmen are thirty thousand, With shells on
vermilion strings adorning their helmets% So
numerous are his ardent followers, To deal with
the tribes of the west and north, And to punish
those of King and Sh’, So that none of them
will dare to withstand us. (The spirits of your
ancestors) shall make you grandly prosperous; They
1 Referring, probably, to the three principal ministers of the
state.
2 These lines describe Hsi’s resources for war. A thousand
chariots was the regular force which a great state could at the
utmost bring into the field. Each chariot contained three
mailed men ;—the charioteer in the middle, a spearman on the
right, and an archer on the left. Two spears rose aloft with
vermilion tassels, and there were two bows, bound with green
bands to frames in their cases. Attached to every chariot were
seventy-two foot-soldiers and twenty-five followers, making with
the three men in it, 100 in all; so that the whole force would
amount to 100,000 men. But in actual service the force of a
great state was restricted to three ‘armies’ or 375 chariots, attended
by 37,500 men, of whom 27,500 were foot-soldiers, put down
here in round numbers as 30,000.
’ King is the King-20 of the last of the Sacrificial Odes of
Shang, and the name Shfi was applied to several half-civilized states
to the east of it, which it brought, during the KAun KAif period,
one after another under its jurisdiction.
ODE 4. THE PRAISE ODES OF Lt. 345
’ King is the King-20 of the last of the Sacrificial Odes of
Shang, and the name Shfi was applied to several half-civilized states
to the east of it, which it brought, during the KAun KAif period,
one after another under its jurisdiction.
ODE 4. THE PRAISE ODES OF Lt. 345
shall make you long-lived and wealthy. The hoary
hair and wrinkled back, Marking the aged men,
shall always be in your service. They shall grant
you old age, ever vigorous, For myriads and thousands of years, With the eyebrows of longevity,
and ever unharmed.
6. The mountain of Thai is lofty, Looked up to
by the state of La'. We grandly possess also Kwei
and Mang?; And we shall extend to the limits
of the east, Even the states along the sea. The
tribes of the Hwéi will seek our alliance; All
will proffer their allegiance:—Such shall be the
achievements of the marquis of La.
7. He shall maintain the possession of Hd and
Yi*, And extend his sway to the regions of
Hsiit, Even to the states along the sea. The
tribes of the Hwd4i, the Man, and the Mo’, And
those tribes (still more) to the south, All will
proffer their allegiance ;—Not one will dare not to
answer to his call, Thus showing their obedience
to the marquis of Ld.
8. Heaven will give great blessing to our prince,
So that with the eyebrows of longevity he shall
1 Mount Th4i is well known, the eastern of the four great
mountains of China in the time of Shun. It is in the department of Thai-an, Shan-tung.
* These were two smaller hills in La.
® These were two hills of LQ, in the present district of Bau.
“ Hsti was the name of one of Yii’s nine provinces, embracing
portions of the present Shan-tung, Kiang-sf, and An-hui.
5 Mo was properly the name of certain wild tribes in the
north, as Man was that of the tribes of the south. But we
cannot suppose any tribes to be meant here but such as lay
south of La.
346 THE SHIH KING. — ODE 4.
maintain LO. He shall possess Kang and Hsii',
And recover all the territory of the duke of K4u.
Then shall the marquis of Lf feast and be glad,
With his admirable wife and aged mother; With
his excellent ministers and all his (other) officers®.
Our region and state shall he hold, Thus receiving
many blessings, To heary hair, and with teeth ever
renewed like a child’s.
9. The pines of 30-l4i*, And the cypresses of
Hsin-f 3, Were cut down and measured, With
the cubit line and the eight cubits’ line. The projecting beams of pine were made very large; The
grand inner apartments rose.vast. Splendid look
the new temples, The work of Hst-sze, Very
wide and large, Answering to the expectations of
all the people.
The projecting beams of pine were made very large; The
grand inner apartments rose.vast. Splendid look
the new temples, The work of Hst-sze, Very
wide and large, Answering to the expectations of
all the people.
1 Kang was a city with some adjacent territory, in the present
district of Thing, that had been taken from Li by XAt. Hsii,
called in the Spring and Autumn ‘the fields of Hsi,’ was west
from LQ, and had been granted to it as a convenient place for its
princes to stop at on their way to the royal court; but it had been
sold or parted with to Kang in the first year of duke Hwan
(B.c. 711). The poet desires that Hsf should recover these and
all other territory which had at any time belonged to Lt.
3 He would feast with the ladies in the inner apartment of
the palace, suitable for such a purpose; with his ministers in the
outer banqueting-room.
_ ® These were two hills, in the present department of Thai-an.
THE MINOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM.
PIECES AND STANZAS ILLUSTRATING THE RELIGIOUS
Views AND PRACTICES OF THE WRITERS AND
THEIR TIMES,
The First Decade, or that of Ld-ming.
Ope 5, Stanza 1. Tue FA mo.
THE FA mO Is A FESTAL ODE, WHICH WAS SUNG AT THE ENTERTAIN-
MENT OF FRIENDS ;—-INTENDED TO CELEBRATE THE DUTY AND VALUE
OF FRIENDSHIP, EVEN T@ THE HIGHEST.
On the trees go the blows 44ng-#ang; And
the birds ery out ying-ying. One issues from the
dark valley, And removes to the lofty tree. Ying
goes its cry, Seeking with its voice its companion.
Look at the bird, Bird as it is, seeking with its
voice its companion; And shall aman Not seek
to have his friends? Spiritual beings will then
hearken to him'; He shall have harmony and
peace.
Ope 6. THe THIEN PAo.
4 FESTAL ODE, RESPONSIVE TO ANY OF THE FIVE THAT PRECEDE IT.
THE KING'S OFFICERS AND GUESTS, HAVING BEEN FEASTED BY MIM,
CELEBRATE HIS PRAISES, AND DESIRE FOR HIM THE BLESSING OF
HEAVEN AND HIS ANCESTORS.
Ascribed, like the former, to the duke of X4u.
Heaven protects and establishes thee, With the
greatest security; Makes thee entirely virtuous.
1 This line and the following show the power and value of the
cultivation of friendship in affecting spiritual beings. That designation is understood in the widest sense.
348 THE SHIH KING. DECADE I.
That thou mayest enjoy every happiness; Grants
thee much increase, So that thou hast all in
abundance.
Heaven protects and establishes thee. It grants
thee all excellence, So that thine every matter is
right, And thou receivest every Heavenly favour.
It sends down to thee long-during happiness, Which
the days are not sufficient to enjoy.
Heaven protects and establishes thee, So that in
everything thou dost prosper. Like the high hills
and the mountain masses, Like the topmost ridges
and the greatest bulks, Like the stream ever
coming on, Such is thine increase. .
Heaven protects and establishes thee, So that in
everything thou dost prosper. Like the high hills
and the mountain masses, Like the topmost ridges
and the greatest bulks, Like the stream ever
coming on, Such is thine increase. .
With happy auspices and purifications thou bringest the offerings, And dost filially present them,
In spring, summer, autumn, and winter, To the
dukes and former kings!; And they say, ‘ We give
to thee myriads of years, duration unlimited %.’
The spirits come*, And confer on thee many
blessings. The people are simple and honest, Daily
enjoying their meat and drink. All the black-haired
race, in all their surnames, Universally practise thy
virtue.
Like the moon advancing to the full, Like the
sun ascending the heavens, Like the everlasting
southern hills, Never waning, never falling, Like
1 These dukes and former kings are all the ancestors of the
royal House of K4u, sacrificed to at the four seasons of the year.
® Here we have the response of the dukes and kings communicated to the sacrificing king by the individuals chosen to represent
them at the service.
5 The spirits here are, of course, those of the former dukes and
kings.
ODE 9g. THE MINOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 349
the luxuriance of the fir and the cypress ;— May
such be thy succeeding line!
Ope 9, Stanza 4. Tue Tt 10.
THE Tt TO Is AN ODE OF CONGRATULATION, INTENDED FOR THE MEN
WHO HAVE RETURNED FROM MILITARY DUTY AND SERVICE ON THE
FRONTIERS,
The congratulation is given in a description of the anxiety and
longing of the soldiers’ wives for their return. We must suppose
one of the wives to be the speaker throughout. The fourth
stanza shows how she had resorted to divination to allay her
fears about her husband.
They have not packed up, they do not come.
My sorrowing heart is greatly distressed. The
time is past, and he is not here, To the multiplication of my sorrows. Both by the tortoise-shell
and the reeds have I divined, And they unite in
saying he is near. My warrior is at hand.
The Fourth Decade, or that of At fa.
Ove 5, Stanzas 5 To 9, THE Sze Kan.
THE SZE KAN WAS PROBABLY MADE FOR A FESTIVAL ON THE COM-
PLETION OF A PALACE; CONTAINING A DESCRIPTION OF IT, AND
PROCEEDING TO GOOD WISHES FOR THE BUILDER AND HIS POSTE-
RITY. THE STANZAS HERE GIVEN SHOW HOW DIVINATION WAS RE-
SORTED TO FOR THE INTERPRETATION OF DREAMS.
The piece is referred to the time of king Hsiian (s.c. 827 to 782).
Level and smooth is the courtyard, And lofty
are the pillars around it. Pleasant is the exposure
of the chamber to the light, And deep and wide
are its recesses. Here will our noble lord repose.
On the rush-mat below and that of fine bamboos
above it, May he repose in slumber! May he sleep
350 THE SHIH KING, DECADE Iv.
and awake, (Saying), ‘ Divine for me my dreams}.
What dreams are lucky? They have been of bears
and grisly bears; They have been of cobras and
(other) snakes.’
On the rush-mat below and that of fine bamboos
above it, May he repose in slumber! May he sleep
350 THE SHIH KING, DECADE Iv.
and awake, (Saying), ‘ Divine for me my dreams}.
What dreams are lucky? They have been of bears
and grisly bears; They have been of cobras and
(other) snakes.’
The chief diviner will divine them. ‘The bears
and grisly bears Are the auspicious intimations of
sons; The cobras and (other) snakes Are the
auspicious intimations of daughters *.’
Sons shall be born to him :—They will be put to
sleep on couches; They will be clothed in robes ;
They will have sceptres to play with; Their cry
will be loud. They will be (hereafter) resplendent
with red knee-covers, The (future) king, the princes
of the land.
Daughters shalt be born to him :—They will be
put to sleep on the ground; They will be clothed
with wrappers; They will have tiles to play with *.
It will be theirs neither to do wrong nor to do
good‘. Only about the spirits and the food will
1 In the Official Book of Ku, ch. 24, mention is made of the
Diviner of Dreams and his daties :—He had to consider the season
of the year when a dream occurred, the day of the cycle, and the
then predominant influence of the two powers of nature. By
the positions of the sun, moon, and planets in the zodiacal spaces
he could determine whether any one of the six classes of dreams
was lucky or unlucky. Those six classes were ordinary and regular
dreams, terrible dreams, dreams of thought, dreams in waking,
dreams of joy, and dreams of fear.
* The boy would have a sceptre, a symbol of dignity, to play with ;
the girl, a tile, the symbol of woman’s work, as, sitting with a tile
on her knee, she twists the threads of hemp.
® That is, the red apron of a king and of the prince of a state.
‘ ‘Fhe woman has only to be obedient. That is her whole duty.
The line does not mean, as it has been said, that ‘she is incapable
of good or evil;’ but it is not her part to take the initiative even
m what is good.
ODE 7. THE MINOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 351
they have to think, And to cause no sorrow to
their parents.
Ove 6, Stanza 4. THe Wo Yance.
THE wt YANG IS SUPPOSED TO OVLEBRATE THE LARGENESS AND
EXCELLENT CONDITION OF KING HSUAN’S FLOCKS AND HERDS. THE
CONCLUDING STANZA HAS REFERENCE TO THE DIVINATION OF THE
DREAMS OF HIS HERDSMEN.
Your herdsmen shall dream, Of multitudes and
then of fishes, Of the tortoise-and-serpent, and
then of the falcon, banners. The chief diviner
will divine the dreams ;—How the multitudes, dissolving into fishes, Betoken plentiful years; How
the tortoise-and-serpent, dissolving into the falcon,
banners, Betoken the increasing population of the
kingdom.
Ove 7. Tue Aiew Nan Suan.
A LAMENTATION OVER THE UNSETTLED STATE OF THE KINGDOM ;
DENOUNCING THE INJUSTICE AND NEGLECT OF THE CHIEF MINISTER,
BLAMING ALSO THE CONDUCT OF THE KING, WITH APPEALS TO
HEAVEN, AND SEEMINGLY CHARGING IT WITH CRUELTY AND INJUS-
TICE.
Ove 7. Tue Aiew Nan Suan.
A LAMENTATION OVER THE UNSETTLED STATE OF THE KINGDOM ;
DENOUNCING THE INJUSTICE AND NEGLECT OF THE CHIEF MINISTER,
BLAMING ALSO THE CONDUCT OF THE KING, WITH APPEALS TO
HEAVEN, AND SEEMINGLY CHARGING IT WITH CRUELTY AND INJUS-
TICE.
This piece is referred to the time of king Yf (B.c. 781 to 771),
the unworthy son of king Hsiian. The ‘Grand-Master’ Yin
must have been one of the ‘three Kung,’ the highest ministers
at the court of X4u, and was, probably, the chief of the three,
and administrator of the government under Y.
Lofty is that southern hill*, With its masses of
rocks! Awe-inspiring are you, O (Grand-)Master
1 The tortoise-and-serpent banner marked the presence in a
host of its leader on a military expedition. On its field were the
figures of tortoises, with snakes coiled round them. The falcon
banners belonged to the commanders of the divisions of the host.
They bore the figures of falcons on them.
* ¢The southern hill’ was also called the Kung-nan, and rose
right to the south of the western capital of Xau.
352 THE SHIH KING. DECADE Iv.
Yin, And the people all look to you! A fire burns
in their grieving hearts; They do not dare to speak
of you even in jest. The kingdom is verging to
extinction ;— How is it that you do not consider the
state of things ?
Lofty is that southern hill, And vigorously
grows the vegetation on it! Awe-inspiring are
you, O (Grand-)Master Yin, But how is it that you
are so unjust? Heaven is continually redoubling
its inflictions; Deaths and disorder increase and
multiply; No words of satisfaction come from
the people; And yet you do not correct nor bemoan yourself.
The Grand-Master Yin Is the foundation of our
Kau, And the balance of the kingdom is in his
hands. He should be keeping its four quarters
together; He should be aiding the Son of Heaven,
So as to preserve the people from going astray.
O unpitying great Heaven, It is not right he
should reduce us all to such misery!
He does nothing himself personally, And the
people have no confidence in him. Making no enquiry about them, and no trial of their services,
He should not deal deceitfully with superior men.
If he dismissed them on the requirement of justice,
Mean men would not be endangering (the commonweal); And his mean relatives Would not be in
offices of importance.
Great Heaven, unjust, Is sending down these
exhausting disorders. Great Heaven, unkind, Is
sending down these great miseries. Let superior
men come (into office), And that would bring rest
to the people’s hearts, Let superior men execute
opE7. THE MINOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 353
their justice, And the animosities and angers would
disappear %.
O unpitying great Heaven, There is no end to
the disorder! With every month it continues to
grow, So that the people have no repose. I am
as if intoxicated with the grief of my heart. Who
holds the ordering of the kingdom? He attends
not himself to the government, And the result is
toil and pain to the people.
With every month it continues to
grow, So that the people have no repose. I am
as if intoxicated with the grief of my heart. Who
holds the ordering of the kingdom? He attends
not himself to the government, And the result is
toil and pain to the people.
I yoke my four steeds, My four steeds, longnecked. I look to the four quarters (of the kingdom); Distress is everywhere; there is no place
I can drive to.
Now your evil is rampant *, And I can see your
spears. Anon you are pacified and friendly as if
you were pledging one another.
From great Heaven is the injustice, And our
king has no repose. (Yet) he will not correct his
heart, And goes on to resent endeavours to rectify
him.
I, Kia-ft, have made this poem, To lay bare
the king’s disorders. If you would but change
your heart, Then would the myriad regions be
nourished,
1 In this stanza, as in the next and the last but one, the writer
complains of Heaven, and charges it foolishly. He does so by way
of appeal, however, and indicates the true causes of the misery of
the kingdom,—the reckless conduct, namely, of the king and his
minister. ;
3 The parties spoken of here are the followers of the minister,
‘mean men,’ however high in place and great in power, now
friendly, now hostile to one another.
{r] Aa
354 THE SHIH KING. DECADE Iv.
OvpE 8, Stanzas 4, 5, anD 7. Tue AANG YUEH.
THE XANG YUEH IS, LIKE THE PRECEDING ODE, A LAMENTATION QVER
THE MISERIES OF THE KINGDOM, AND THE RUIN COMING ON IT;
WITH A SIMILAR, BUT MORE HOPEFULLY EXPRESSED, APPEAL TO
HEAVEN, ‘THE GREAT GOD.’
Look into the middle of the forest; There are
(only) large faggots and small branches in it’. The
people now amidst their perils Look to Heaven,
all dark; But let its determination be fixed, And
there is no one whom it will not overcome. There
is the great God,—Does he hate any one ?
If one say of a hill that it is low, There are its
ridges and its large masses. The false calumnies
of the people,—How is it that you do not repress
them?? You call those experienced ancients, You
consult the diviner of dreams. They all say, ‘We
are very wise, But who can distinguish the male
and female crow*?’
Look at the rugged and stony field ;—Luxuriantly
rises in it the springing grain. (But) Heaven moves
and shakes me, As if it could not overcome me‘.
1 By introducing the word ‘only,’ I have followed the view of
the older interpreters, who consider the forest, with merely some
faggots and twigs left in it, to be emblematic of the ravages of
oppressive government in the court and kingdom. Af Hsf takes
a different view of them:—‘In a forest you can easily distinguish
the large faggots from the small branches, while Heaven appears
unable to distinguish between the good and bad.’
* The calumnies that were abroad were as absurd as the assertion in line 1, and yet the king could not, or would not, see through
them and repress them.
* This reference to the diviners of dreams is in derision of their
pretensions.
* This reference to the diviners of dreams is in derision of their
pretensions.
‘ That is, the productive energy of nature manifests itself in the
most unlikely places ; how was it that ‘the great God, who hates
no one,’ was contending so with the writer?
_ _ _( l_"U_tC ee hh Pee
ODE 9g. THE MINOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 355
They sought me (at first) to be a pattern (to them),
(Eagerly) as if they could not get me; (Now) they
regard me with great animosity, And will not use
my strength.
Ove 9. Tue Suin y0enw xiH ATAo.
THE LAMENTATION OF AN OFFICER OVER THE PRODIGIES CELESTIAL
AND TERRESTRIAL, ESPECIALLY AN ECLIPSE OF THE SUN, THAT
WERE BETOKENING THE RUIN OF XAU. HE SETS FORTH WHAT HE
CONSIDERED TO BE THE TRUE CAUSES OF THE PREVAILING MISERY,
WHICH WAS BY NO MEANS TO BE CHARGED ON HEAVEN.
Attention is called in the Introduction, p. 296, to the date of the
solar eclipse mentioned in this piece.
At the conjunction (of the sun and moon) in the
tenth month, On the first day of the moon, which
was hsin-m4o, The sun was eclipsed, A thing
of very evil omen. Before, the moon became small,
And now the sun became small. Henceforth the
lower people Will be in a very deplorable case.
The sun and moon announce evil, Not keeping
to their proper paths. Throughout the kingdom
there is no (proper) government, Because the good
are not employed. For the moon to be eclipsed
Is but an ordinary matter. Now that the sun has
been eclipsed, — How bad it is!
Grandly flashes the lightning of the thunder.
There is a want of rest, a want of good. The
streams all bubble up and overflow. The crags on
the hill-tops fall down. High banks become valleys;
Deep valleys become hills. Alas for the men of
this time! How does (the king) not stop these
things ? .
Hwang-f is the President; Fan is the Minister
Aa2
356 THE SHIH KING. DECADE IV.
of Instruction; ’id-po is the (chief) Administrator;
Kung-yiin is the chief Cook; 34u is the Recorder
of the Interior; Khwei is Master of the Horse;
Yii is Captain of the Guards; And the beautiful
wife blazes, now in possession of her place '.
This Hwang-ff Will not acknowledge that he
is acting out of season. But why does he call us
to move, Without coming and consulting with us ?
He has removed our walls and roofs; And our
fields are all either a marsh or a moor. He says,
‘I am not injuring you; The laws require that
thus it should be.’
Hwang-fa is very wise; He has built a great
city for himself in Hsiang. He chose three men
as his ministers, All of them possessed of great
wealth. He could not bring himself to leave a
single minister, Who might guard our king. He
(also) selected those who had chariots and horses,
To go and reside in Hsiang?
He chose three men
as his ministers, All of them possessed of great
wealth. He could not bring himself to leave a
single minister, Who might guard our king. He
(also) selected those who had chariots and horses,
To go and reside in Hsiang?
1 We do not know anything from history of the ministers of YO
mentioned.in this stanza. Hwang-fd appears to have been the leading
minister of the government at the time when the ode was written,
and, as appears from the next two stanzas, was very crafty, oppressive, and selfishly ambitious. The mention of ‘the chief Cook’
among the high ministers appears strange; but we shall find that
functionary mentioned in another ode ; and from history it appears
that ‘the Cook,’ at the royal and feudal courts, sometimes played
an important part during the times of Kau. ‘The beautiful
wife,’ no doubt, was the well-known Sze of PAo, raised by king YO
from her position as one of his concubines to be his queen, and
whose insane folly and ambition led to her husband’s death, and
great and disastrous changes in the kingdom.
* Hsiang was a district of the royal domain, in the present district of Mang, department of Hw4i-shing, Ho-nan. It had been
assigned to Hwang-fQ, and he was establishing himself there, without any loyal regard to the king. As a noble in the royal domain,
ODE ro. THE MINOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 357
I have exerted myself to discharge my service,
And do not dare to make a report of my toils.
Without crime or offence of any kind, Slanderous
mouths are loud against me. (But) the calamities
of the lower people Do not come down from
Heaven. A multitude of (fair) words, and hatred
behind the back ;—The earnest, strong pursuit of
this is from men.
Distant far is my village, And my dissatisfaction
is great. In other quarters there is ease, And
I dwell here, alone and sorrowful. Everybody is
going into retirement, And I alone dare not seek
rest. The ordinances of Heaven are inexplicable,
But I will not dare to follow my friends, and leave
my post.
Ope 10, Stanzas 1 aND 3. Tue YU wh XAna.
THE WRITER OF THIS PIECE MOURNS OVER THE MISERABLE STATE
OF THE KINGDOM, THE INCORRIGIBLE COURSE OF THE KING, AND
OTHER EVILS, APPEALING ALSO TO HEAVEN, AND SURPRISED THAT
IT ALLOWED SUCH THINGS TO BE.
Great and wide Heaven, How is it you have
contracted your kindness, Sending down death
and famine, Destroying all through the kingdom?
Compassionate Heaven, arrayed in terrors, How
is it you exercise no forethought, no care? Let
alone the criminals :— They have suffered for their
guilt, But those who have no crime Are indiscriminately involved in ruin.
he was entitled only to two ministers, but he had appointed three
as in one of the feudal states, encouraging, moreover, the resort to
himself of the wealthy and powerful, while the court was left weak
and unprotected,
358 THE SHIH KING. DECADE V.
he was entitled only to two ministers, but he had appointed three
as in one of the feudal states, encouraging, moreover, the resort to
himself of the wealthy and powerful, while the court was left weak
and unprotected,
358 THE SHIH KING. DECADE V.
How is it, O great Heaven, That the king will
not hearken to the justest words? He is like a
man going (astray), Who knows not where he
will proceed to. All ye officers, Let each of
you attend to his duties. How do ye not stand
in awe of one another? Ye do not stand in
awe of Heaven.
The Fifth Decade, or that of Hsido Min.
Ope 1, Stanzas 1, 2, anpD 3. Tue Hstdo Min.
A LAMENTATION OVER THE RECKLESSNESS AND INCAPACITY OF THE
KING AND HIS COUNSELLORS. DIVINATION HAS BECOME OF NO
AVAIL, AND HEAVEN IS DESPAIRINGLY APPEALED TO.
This is referred, like several of the pieces in the fourth decade, to
the time of king YA.
The angry terrors of compassionate Heaven
Extend through this lower world. (The king’s)
counsels and plans are crooked and bad; When
will he stop (in his course)? Counsels that are
good he will not follow, And those that are not
good he employs. When I look at his counsels
and plans, I am greatly pained.
Now they agree, and now they defame one another ;—The case is greatly to be deplored. If a
counsel be good, They are all found opposing it.
If a counsel be bad, They are all found according
with it. When I look at such counsels and plans,
What will they come to?
Our tortoise-shells are wearied out, And will
not tell us anything about the plans. The counsellors are very many, But on that account nothing
is accomplished. The ‘speakers fill the court, But
ODE 2. THE MINOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 359
who dares to take any responsibility on himself ?
We are as if we consulted (about a journey) without
taking a step in advance, And therefore did not
get on on the road.
Ope 2, Stanzas 1 anp 2, Tue Hsido Yuan.
SOME OFFICER IN A TIME OF DISORDER AND MISGOVERNMENT URGES
ON HIS BROTHERS THE DUTY OF MAINTAINING THEIR OWN VIRTUE,
AND OF OBSERVING THE GREATEST CAUTION.
Small is the cooing dove, But it flies aloft to
heaven. My heart is wounded with sorrow, And
I think of our forefathers. When the dawn is
breaking, and I cannot sleep, The thoughts in my
breast are of our parents.
Men who are grave and wise, Though they
drink, are mild and masters of themselves; But
those who are benighted and ignorant Become
devoted to drink, and more so daily. Be careful,
each of you, of your deportment; What Heaven
confers, (when once lost), is not regained '.
The greenbeaks come and go, Picking up grain
about the stackyard. Alas for the distressed and
the solitary, Deemed fit inmates for the prisons!
With a handful of grain I go out and divine?, How
I may be able to become good.
1 «What Heaven confers’ is, probably, the good human nature,
which by vice, and especially by drunkenness, may be irretrievably
ruined.
Alas for the distressed and
the solitary, Deemed fit inmates for the prisons!
With a handful of grain I go out and divine?, How
I may be able to become good.
1 «What Heaven confers’ is, probably, the good human nature,
which by vice, and especially by drunkenness, may be irretrievably
ruined.
3 A religions act is here referred to, on which we have not sufficient information to be able to throw much light. It was the
practice to spread some finely ground rice on the ground, in connexion with divination, as an offering to the spirits. The poet
represents himself here as using a handful of grain for the purpose,—probably on account of his poverty.
360 THE SHIH KING. DECADE V.
Ope 3, Stanzas 1 anp 3. Tue Hstdo Pan.
THE ELDEST SON AND HEIR-APPARENT OF KING Y() BEWAILS HIS DEGRA-
DATION, APPEALING TO HEAVEN AS TO HIS INNOCENCE, AND COM-
PLAINING OF ITS CASTING HIS LOT IN SUCH A TIME.
It is allowed that this piece is clearly the composition of a banished
son, and there is no necessity to call in question the tradition
preserved in the Preface which prefers it to {-2sif, the eldest
son of king YQ. His mother was a princess of the House of
Shin ; but when Y@ became enamoured of Sze of P&o, the queen
was degraded, and the son banished to Shin.
With flapping wings the crows Come back, flying
all in a flock’. Other people are happy, And I
only am full of misery. What is my offence against
Heaven? What is my crime? My heart is sad ;—
What is to be done?
Even the mulberry trees and the rottleras Must
be regarded with reverence?; But no one is to be
looked up to like a father, No one is to be depended on as a mother. Have I not a connexion
with the hairs (of my father)? Did I not dwell
in the womb (of my mother)? O Heaven, who
gave me birth! How was it at so inauspicious
a time ?
1 The sight of the crows, all together, suggests to the prince his
own condition, solitary and driven from court.
* The mulberry tree and the rottlera were both planted about
the farmsteadings, and are therefore mentioned here. They carried
the thoughts back to the father or prandfather, or the more remote
ancestor, who first planted them, and so a feeling of reverence
attached to themselves.
ODE 6. THE MINOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 361
Ope 4, Stanza 1. Tue Axtdo YEN.
SOME ONE, SUFFERING FROM THE KING THROUGH SLANDER, APPEALS
TO HEAVEN, AND GOES ON TO DWELL ON THE NATURE AND EVIL
OF SLANDER.
This piece has been referred to the time of king Li, B.c. 878
to 828.
O vast and distant Heaven, Who art called our
parent, That, without crime or offence, I should
suffer from disorders thus great! The terrors of
great Heaven are excessive, But indeed I have
committed no crime. (The terrors of) great
Heaven are very excessive, But indeed I have
committed no offence.
Ope 6, Stanzas 5 aND 6. Tue Hsianc Po.
A EUNUCH, HIMSELF THE VICTIM OF SLANDER, COMPLAINS OF HIS FATE,
AND WARNS AND DENOUNCES HIS ENEMIES; APPEALING AGAINST
THEM, AS HIS LAST RESORT, TO HEAVEN.
(The terrors of) great
Heaven are very excessive, But indeed I have
committed no offence.
Ope 6, Stanzas 5 aND 6. Tue Hsianc Po.
A EUNUCH, HIMSELF THE VICTIM OF SLANDER, COMPLAINS OF HIS FATE,
AND WARNS AND DENOUNCES HIS ENEMIES; APPEALING AGAINST
THEM, AS HIS LAST RESORT, TO HEAVEN.
_ The proud are delighted, And the troubled are
in sorrow. O azure Heaven! O azure Heaven!
Look on those proud men, Pity those who are
troubled. |
Those slanderers! Who devised their schemes
for them? I would take those slanderers, And
throw them to wolves and tigers. If these refused
to devour them, I would cast them into the north’,
If the north refused to receive them, I would
throw them into the hands of great (Heaven) *,
1 «The north,’ i.e. the region where there are the rigours of winter
and the barrenness of the desert.
3 “Great Heaven ;’ ‘Heaven’ has to be supplied here, but there
362 THE SHIH KING. DECADE V.
Ope 9. Tue TA Tune.
AN OFFICER OF ONE OF THE STATES OF THE EAST DEPLORES THE
EXACTIONS MADE FROM THEM BY THE GOVERNMENT, COMPLAINS
OF THE FAVOUR SHOWN TO THE WEST, CONTRASTS THE MISERY OF
THE PRESENT WITH THE HAPPINESS OF THE PAST, AND APPEALS TO
THE STARS OF HEAVEN IDLY BEHOLDING THEIR ‘CONDITION.
I give the whole of this piece, because it is an interesting instance
of Sabian views. The writer, despairing of help from men,
appeals to Heaven ; but he distributes the Power that could help
him among many heavenly bodies, supposing that there are
spiritual beings in them, taking account of human affairs.
Well loaded with millet were the dishes, And
long and curved were the spoons of thorn-wood.
The way to K4u was like a whetstone, And
straight as an arrow. (So) the officers trod it,
And the common people looked on it. When I
look back and think of it, My tears run down in
streams.
In the states of the east, large and small, The
looms are empty. Then shoes of dolichos fibre
Are made to serve to walk on the hoar-frost.
Slight and elegant gentlemen! Walk along that
road to Kau. Their going and coming makes my
heart sad.
Ye cold waters, issuing variously from the spring,
Do not soak the firewood I have cut. Sorrowful
I awake and sigh;—Alas for us toiled people!
The firewood has been cut ;—Would that it were
is no doubt as to the propriety of doing so; and, moreover, the
peculiar phraseology of the line shows that the poet did not rest
in the thought of the material heavens.
1 That is, ‘slight-looking,’ unfit for toil; and yet they are
obliged to make their journey on foot.
ODE9. THE MINOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 363
conveyed home! Alas for us the toiled people!
Would that we could have rest?!
The sons of the east Are summoned only (to
service), without encouragement; While the sons
of the west Shine in splendid dresses. The sons of
boatmen Have furs of the bear and grisly bear.
The sons of the poorest families Form the officers
in public employment.
Would that we could have rest?!
The sons of the east Are summoned only (to
service), without encouragement; While the sons
of the west Shine in splendid dresses. The sons of
boatmen Have furs of the bear and grisly bear.
The sons of the poorest families Form the officers
in public employment.
If we present them with spirits, They regard
them as not fit to be called liquor. If we give
them long girdle pendants with their stones, They
do not think them long enough.
There is the Milky Way in heaven *, Which looks
down on us in light; And the three stars together
are the Weaving Sisters*, Passing in a day through
seven stages (of the sky).
Although they go through their seven stages,
They complete no bright work for us. Brilliant
shine the Draught Oxen‘, But they do not serve
to draw our carts. In the east there is Lucifer‘;
In the west there is Hesperus*; Long and curved
1 This stanza describes, directly or by symbol, the exactions
from which the people of the east were suffering.
* «The Milky Way’ is here called simply the Han,=in the sky
what the Han_river is in China.
* «The Weaving Sisters, or Ladies,’ are three stars in Lyra, that
form a triangle. To explain what is said of their passing through
seven spaces, it is said: ‘The stars seem to go round the circumference of the heavens, divided into twelve spaces, in a day and
night. They would accomplish six of them in a day ; but as their
motion is rather in advance of that of the sun, they have entered
into the seventh space by the time it is up with them again.’
* «The Draught Oxen’ is the name of some stars in the neck of
Aquila.
® Lid f (Sung dynasty) says: ‘The metal star (Venus) is in the
364 THE SHIH KING. DECADE VI.
is the Rabbit Net of the sky!;—But they only
occupy their places.
In the south is the Sieve*, But it is of no use
to sift. In the north is the Ladle®, But it lades
out no liquor. In the south is the Sieve, Idly
showing its mouth. In the north is the Ladle,
Raising its handle in the west.
The Sixth Decade, or that of Pei Shan.
Ove 3, Stanzas 1, 4, AND 5. Tue Hstdo Mine.
AN OFFICER, KEPT LONG ABROAD ON DISTANT SERVICE, APPEALS TO
HEAVEN, DEPLORING THE HARDSHIPS OF HIS LOT, AND TENDERS
GOOD ADVICE TO HIS MORE FORTUNATE FRIENDS AT COURT.
O bright and high Heaven, Who enlightenest
and rulest this lower world! I marched on this
expedition to the west, As far as this wilderness
of KZid. From the first day of the second month,
I have passed through the cold and the heat. My
heart is sad; The poison (of ‘my lot) is too bitter.
I think of those (at court) in their offices, And my
tears flow down like rain. Do I not wish to return?
But I fear the net for crime.
Ah! ye gentlemen, Do not reckon on your rest
east in the morning, thus “opening the brightness of the day ;”
and it is in the west in the evening, thus “ prolonging the day.”’
The author of the piece, however, evidently took Lucifer and Hesperus to be two stars.
1 <The Rabbit Net’ is the Hyades.
ye gentlemen, Do not reckon on your rest
east in the morning, thus “opening the brightness of the day ;”
and it is in the west in the evening, thus “ prolonging the day.”’
The author of the piece, however, evidently took Lucifer and Hesperus to be two stars.
1 <The Rabbit Net’ is the Hyades.
3 «The Sieve’ is the name of one of the twenty-eight constellations of the zodiac,—part of Sagittarius.
* «The Ladle’ is the constellation next to ‘the Sieve,’—also part
of Sagittarius.
ODE 5. THE MINOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 365
being permanent. Quietly fulfil the duties of your
offices, Associating with the correct and upright ;
So shall the spirits hearken to you, And give you
good.
Ah! ye gentlemen, Do not reckon on your
repose being permanent. Quietly fulfil the duties
of your offices, Loving the correct and upright;
So shall the spirits hearken to you, And give you
large measures of bright happiness.
Ove 5. Tue Kut 3xzk.
SACRIFICIAL AND FESTAL SERVICES IN THE ANCESTRAL TEMPLE; AND
THEIR CONNEXION WITH ATTENTION TO HUSBANDRY,
See the remarks on the Services of the Ancestral Temple,
Pp. 300, 301.
Thick grew the tribulus (on the ground), But
they cleared away its thorny bushes. Why did they
this of old? That we might plant our millet and
sacrificial millet; That our millet might be abundant, And our sacrificial millet luxuriant. When
our barns are full, And our stacks can be counted
by tens of myriads, We proceed to make spirits
and prepared grain, For offerings and sacrifice.
We seat the representatives of the dead, and urge
them to eat 1:—-Thus seeking to increase our bright
happiness.
1 The poet hurries on to describe the sacrifices in progress.
The persons selected to personate the departed were necessarily
inferior in rank to the principal sacrificer, yet for the time they
were superior to him. This circumstance, it was supposed, would
make them feel uncomfortable; and therefore, as soon as they
appeared in the temple, the director of the ceremonies instructed
the sacrificer to ask them to be seated, and to place them at ease;
after which they were urged to take some refreshment.
366 THE SHIH KING. DECADE VI.
With correct and reverent deportment, The bulls
and rams all pure, We proceed to the winter and
autumnal sacrifices. Some flay (the victims); some
cook (their flesh); Some arrange (the meat); some
adjust (the pieces of it). The officer of prayer
sacrifices inside the temple gate’, And all the
sacrificial service is complete and brilliant. Grandly
come our progenitors; Their spirits happily enjoy
the offerings; Their filial descendant receives blessing :—They will reward him with great happiness,
With myriads of years, life without end.
Grandly
come our progenitors; Their spirits happily enjoy
the offerings; Their filial descendant receives blessing :—They will reward him with great happiness,
With myriads of years, life without end.
They attend to the furnaces with reverence ;
They prepare the trays, which are very large ;—
Some for the roast meat, some for the broiled. Wives
presiding are still and reverent*, Preparing the
numerous (smaller) dishes. The guests and visitors *
Present the cup all round‘. Every form is according to rule; Every smile and word are as they
should be. The spirits quietly come, And respond
1 The X(, who is mentioned here, was evidently an officer, ‘ one
who makes or recites prayers.’ The sacrifice he is said to offer
was, probably, a libation, the pouring out fragrant spirits, as a part
of the general service, and likely to attract the hovering spirits of
the departed, on their approach to the temple. Hence his act
was performed just inside the gate.
3 * Wives presiding,’ i.e. the wife of the sacrificer, the principal
in the service, and other ladies of the harem. The dishes under
their care, the smaller dishes, would be those containing sauces,
cakes, condiments, &c.
* «The guests and visitors’ would be nobles and officers of different surnames from the sacrificer, chosen by divination to take
part in the sacrificial service.
‘ «Present the cup all round’ describes the ceremonies of drink-~
ing, which took place between the guests and visitors, the representatives of the dead, and the sacrificer.
opE5. THE MINOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 367
with great blessings,—Myriads of years as the
(fitting) reward.
We are very much exhausted, And have performed every ceremony without error. The able
officer of prayer announces (the will of the spirits) ',
And goes to the filial descendant to convey it !:—
‘Fragrant has been your filial sacrifice, And the
spirits have enjoyed your spirits and viands. They
confer on you a hundred blessings; [Each as it is
desired, Eachas sure as law. You have been exact
and expeditious; You have been correct and careful; They will ever confer on you the choicest
favours, In myriads and tens of myriads.’
The ceremonies having thus been completed,
And the bells and drums having given their warning*, The filial descendant goes to his place 3,
And the able officer of prayer makes his announcement, ‘The spirits have drunk to the full.’ The
great representatives of the dead then rise, And
the bells and drums escort their withdrawal, (On
which) the spirits tranquilly return (to whence they
came)‘. All the servants, and the presiding wives,
Remove (the trays and dishes) without delay. The
1 The officer of prayer had in the first place obtained, or professed to have obtained, this answer of the progenitors from their
" personators.
3 The music now announced that the sacrificial service in the
temple was ended.
The
1 The officer of prayer had in the first place obtained, or professed to have obtained, this answer of the progenitors from their
" personators.
3 The music now announced that the sacrificial service in the
temple was ended.
* The sacrificer, or principal in the service, now left the place
which he had occupied, descended from the hall, and took his
position at the foot of the steps on the east,—the place appropriate
to him in dismissing his guests.
« Where did they retum to? According to Kang Hsian, ‘To
heaven,’
368 THE SHIH KING. DECADE VI.
(sacrificer’s) uncles and cousins All repair to the
private feast 1.
The musicians all go in to perform, And give
their soothing aid at the second blessing*. Your?
viands are set forth; There is no dissatisfaction,
but all feel happy. They drink to the full, and eat
to the full; Great and small, they bow their heads,
(saying), ‘The spirits enjoyed your spirits and
viands, And will cause you to live long. Your
sacrifices, all in their seasons, Are completely discharged by you. May your ‘sons and your grandsons Never fail to perpetuate these services!’
Ove 6. Tue Hsin Nan Suan.
HUSBANDRY TRACED TO ITS FIRST AUTHOR; DETAILS ABOUT IT, GOING
ON TO THE SUBJECT OF SACRIFICES TO ANCESTORS.
The Preface refers this piece to the reign of king YQ; but there
is nothing in it to suggest the idea of its having been made in
a time of disorder and misgovernment. ‘The distant descendant’
in the first stanza is evidently the principal in the sacrifice of the
last two stanzas :—according to Af, a noble or great landholder
in the royal domain; according to others, some one of the kings
of Xau. Tincline myself to this latter view. The three pieces,
1 These uncles and cousins were all present at the sacrifice, and
of the same surname as the principal. The feast to them was to
show his peculiar affection for his relatives.
* The feast was given in the apartment of the temple behind the
hall where the sacrifice had been performed, so that the musicians
are represented as going in to continue at the feast the music they
had discoursed at the sacrifice.
’ The transition to the second person here is a difficulty. We
can hardly make the speech, made by some one of the guests on
behalf of all the others, commence here. We must come to the
conclusion that the ode was written, in compliment to the sacrificer,
by one of the relatives who shared in the feast; and so here he
addresses him directly.
ODE 6. THE MINOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 369
of which this is the middle one, seem all to be royal odes. The
mention of ‘ the southern hill’ strongly confirms this view.
Yes, (all about) that southern hill Was made
manageable by Yii?. Its plains and marshes being
opened up, It was made into fields by the distant
descendant. We define their boundaries, We
form their smaller divisions, And make the acres
_ lie, here to the south, there to the east.
Yes, (all about) that southern hill Was made
manageable by Yii?. Its plains and marshes being
opened up, It was made into fields by the distant
descendant. We define their boundaries, We
form their smaller divisions, And make the acres
_ lie, here to the south, there to the east.
The heavens overhead are one arch of clouds,
Snowing in multitudinous flakes; There is superadded the drizzling rain. When (the land) has
received the moistening, Soaking influence abundantly, It produces all our kinds of grain.
The boundaries and smaller divisions are nicely
adjusted, And the millets yield abundant crops,
The harvest of the distant descendant. We proceed to make therewith spirits and food, To
supply our representatives of the departed, and
our guests;—To obtain long life, extending over
myriads of years.
In the midst of the fields are the huts?, And
1 There is here a recognition of the work of the great Yd, as
the real founder of the kingdom of China, extending the territory
of former elective chiefs, and opening up the country. ‘The
southern hill’ bounded the prospect to the south from the capital
of Xau, and hence the writer makes mention of it. He does not
mean to confine the work of Yi to that part of the country ; but,
on the other hand, there is nothing in his language to afford a confirmation to the account given in the third Part of the Sha of that
hero’s achievements.
? In every Xing, or space of 900 Chinese acres or mAu, assigned
to eight families, there were in the centre roo mau of ‘ public
fields,’ belonging to the government, and. cultivated by the husbandmen in common. In this space of 100 m4u, two mau and
a half were again assigned to each family, and on them were
{J Bb
370 THE SHIH KING, DECADE VI.
along the bounding divisions are gourds. The fruit
is sliced and pickled, To be presented to our great
ancestors, That their distant descendant may have
long life, And receive the blessing of Heaven}.
We sacrifice (first) with clear spirits, And then
follow with a red bull; Offering them to our ancestors, ‘(Our lord) holds the knife with tinkling
bells, To lay open the hair of the victim, And
takes the blood and fat *
Then we present, then we offer; All round the
fragrance is diffused. Complete and brilliant is the
sacrificial service; Grandly come our ancestors.
They will reward (their descendant) with great
blessing, Long life, years without end,
Ope 7%. Tue Put Tuien.
PICTURES OF HUSBANDRY, AND SACRIFICES CONNECTED WITH IT. HAPPY
UNDERSTANDING BETWEEN THE PEOPLE AND THEIR SUPERIORS.
It is difficult to say who the ‘I’ in the piece is, but evidently he
and the ‘distant descendant’ are different persons. I suppose
he may have been an officer, who had charge of the farms, as we
may call them, in the royal domain,
Bright are those extensive fields, A tenth of
whose produce is annually levied’, I take the old
erected the huts in which they lived, while they were actively
engaged in their agricultural labours.
1 Here, as in so many other places, the sovereign Power, ruling
in the lots of men, is referred to as Heaven.
2 The fat was taken from the victim, and then burnt along
with fragrant herbs, so as to form a cloud of incense. On the
taking of the ‘blood,’ it is only said, that it was done to enable
the sacrificer to announce that a proper victim had been slain.
* This line, literally, is, ‘Yearly are taken ten (and a) thousand ;’
meaning the produce of ten acres in every hundred, and of a
thousand in every ten thousand.
ODE 7. THE MINOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 371
stores, And with them feed the husbandmen. From
of old we have had good years; And now I go to
the south-lying acres, Where some are weeding,
and some gather the earth about the roots. The
millets look luxuriant; And in a spacious restingplace, I collect and encourage the men of greater
promise },
With my vessels full of bright millet, And my
pure victim-rams, We sacrificed at the altar of the
spirits of the land, and at (the altars of those of the
four) quarters *, That my fields are in such good
condition Is matter of joy to the husbandmen.
With lutes, and with drums beating, We will invoke
the Father of Husbandry*, And pray for sweet
rain, To increase the produce of our millets, And.
to bless my men and their wives,
The distant descendant comes, When their wives
and children Are bringing food to those (at work)
in the south-lying acres, The surveyor of the
fields (also) comes and is glad. He takes (of the
food) on the left and the right, And tastes whether
1 The general rule was that the sons of husbandmen should
continue husbandmen ; but their superior might select those among
them in whom he saw promising abilities, and facilitate their
advancement to the higher grade of officers.
2 The sacrifices here mentioned were of thanksgiving at the
end of the harvest of the preceding year. The one was to
‘sovereign Earth,’ supposed to be the supreme Power in correla: .
tion with Heaven, or, possibly, to the spirits supposed to preside
over the productive energies of the land; the other to the spirits
presiding over the four quarters of the sky, and ruling all atmospherical influences.
8 This was the sacrifice that had been, or was about to be,
offered in spring to ‘the Father of Husbandry,’—probably the
ancient mythical Tf, Shin Nang.
Bb 2
372 THE SHIH KING. DECADE vr.
it be good or not. The grain is well cultivated, all
the acres over; Good will it be and abundant. The
distant descendant has no displacency ; The husbandmen are encouraged to diligence.
The crops of the distant descendant Look (thick)
as thatch, and (swelling) like a carriage-cover. His
stacks will stand like islands and mounds. He will
seek for thousands of granaries; He will seek for
tens of thousands of carts. The millets, the paddy,
and the maize Will awake the joy of the husbandmen; (And they will say), ‘May he be rewarded
with great happiness, With myriads of years, life
without end!’
Ove 8. Tue TA THIEN.
He will
seek for thousands of granaries; He will seek for
tens of thousands of carts. The millets, the paddy,
and the maize Will awake the joy of the husbandmen; (And they will say), ‘May he be rewarded
with great happiness, With myriads of years, life
without end!’
Ove 8. Tue TA THIEN.
FURTHER PICTURES OF HUSBANDRY, AND SACRIFICES CONNECTED WITH IT.
Large are the fields, and various is the work to be
done. Having selected the seed, and looked after
the implements, So that all preparations have been
made for our labour, We take our sharp ploughshares, And commence on the south-lying acres.
We sow all the kinds of grain, Which grow up
straight and large, So that the wish of the distant
descendant is satisfied.
It ears and the fruit lies soft in its sheath; It
hardens and is of good quality; There is no wolf'stail grass nor darnel. We remove the insects that
eat the heart and the leaf, And those that eat the
roots and the joints, So that they shall not hurt
the young plants of our fields. May the spirit, the
Father of Husbandry!, Lay hold of them, and put
them in the blazing fire!
? The ancient Shin Nang, as in the preceding ode.
ODE 8. THE MINOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 373
The clouds form in dense masses, And the rain
comes down slowly. May it first rain on our public
fields', And then come to our private?! Yonder
shall be young grain unreaped, And here some
bundles ungathered; Yonder shall be handfuls left
on the ground, And here ears untouched :—For
the benefit of the widow 2.
The distant descendant will come, When their
wives and children Are bringing food to those
(at work) on the south-lying acres. The surveyor
of the fields (also) will come and be glad. They
will come and offer pure sacrifices to (the spirits
of the four) quarters, With their victims red and
black *, With their preparations of millet :—Thus
offering, thus sacrificing, Thus increasing our bright
happiness.
The Seventh Decade, or that of Sang Ha.
Ope 1, Stanza 1. Tue Sano Ho.
THE KING, ENTERTAINING THE CHIEF AMONG THE FEUDAL PRINCES,
EXPRESSES HIS ADMIRATION OF THEM, AND GOOD WISHES FOR THEM.
They flit about, the greenbeaks*, With their
1 These are two famous lines, continually quoted as showing the
loyal attachment of the people to their superiors in those ancient
times.
* Compare the legislation of Moses, in connexion with the harvest, for the benefit of the poor, in Deuteronomy xxiv. 19-22.
* They would not sacrifice to these spirits all at once, or all
in one place, but in the several quarters as they went along on
their progress through the domain. For each quarter the colour
of the victim was different. A red victim was offered to the spirit
of the south, and a black to that of the north.
‘ The greenbeaks appeared in the second ode of the fifth
decade. The bird had many names, and a beautiful plumage,
374 THE SHIH KING. DECADE VII.
variegated wings. To be rejoiced in are these
princes! May they receive the blessing of Heaven!!
‘ The greenbeaks appeared in the second ode of the fifth
decade. The bird had many names, and a beautiful plumage,
374 THE SHIH KING. DECADE VII.
variegated wings. To be rejoiced in are these
princes! May they receive the blessing of Heaven!!
Ope 6, Stanzas 1 AND 2. Tue Pin xin gut YEN,
AGAINST DRUNKENNESS. DRINKING ACCORDING TO RULE AT ARCHERY
CONTESTS AND THE SEASONAL SACRIFICES, AND DRINKING TO
EXCESS,
There are good grounds for referring the authorship of this piece
to duke WA of Wei (8.c. 812 to 758), who played an important
part in the kingdom, during the affairs which terminated in
the death of king YQ, and the removal of the capital from
H&o to Lo. The piece, we may suppose, is descriptive of
things as they were at the court of king YQ.
When the guests first approach the mats?, They
take their places on the left and the right in an
orderly manner. The dishes of bamboo and wood
are arranged in rows, With the sauces and kernels
displayed in them. The spirits are mild and good,
. And they drink, all equally reverent. The bells and
drums are properly arranged*, And they raise their
pledge-cups with order and ease*. (Then) the great
made use of here to compliment the princes on the elegance of
their manners, and perhaps also the splendour of their equipages.
The bird is here called the ‘mulberry H4,’ because it appeared
when the mulberry tree was coming into leaf,
1 This line is to be understood, with XQ Hsf, as a prayer of
the king to Heaven for his lords.
* The mats were spread on the floor, and also the viands of the
feast. Chairs and tables were not used in that early time.
8 The archery took place in the open court, beneath the hall or
raised apartment, where the entertainment was given. Near the
steps leading up to the hall was the regular place for the bells and
drums, but it was necessary now to remove them more on one side,
to leave the ground clear for the archers.
‘ The host first presented a cup to the guest, which the latter
drank, and then he returned a cup to the host. After this pre-
ODE 6, THE MINOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 375
target is set up; The bows and arrows are made
ready for the shooting. The archers are arranged
in classes; ‘Show your skill in shooting,’ (it is said
by one). ‘I shall hit that mark’ (is the response),
‘And pray you to drink the cup?
The dancers move with their flutes to the notes
of the organ and drum, While all the instruments
perform in harmony. All this is done to please
the meritorious ancestors, Along with the observance of all ceremonies. When all the ceremonies
have been fully performed, Grandly and fully,
(The personators of the dead say), ‘We confer on
you great blessings, And may your descendants
also be happy!’ These are happy and delighted,
And each of them exerts his ability. A guest?
draws the spirits; An attendant enters again with
a cup, And fills it,—the cup of rest? Thus are
performed your seasonal ceremonies °.
A guest?
draws the spirits; An attendant enters again with
a cup, And fills it,—the cup of rest? Thus are
performed your seasonal ceremonies °.
liminary ceremony, the company all drank to one another,—‘ took
up their cups,’ as it is here expressed. -
1 Each defeated archer was obliged to drink a large cup of
spirits as a penalty.
* This guest was, it is supposed, the eldest of all the scions of
the royal House present on the occasion. At this point, he presented a cup to the chief among the personators of the ancestors,
and received one in return. He then proceeded to draw more
spirits from one of the vases of supply, and an attendant came in
and filled other cups,—we may suppose for all the other personators. This was called ‘the cup of repose or comfort ;’ and the
sacrifice was thus concluded,—in all sobriety and decency.
3 The three stanzas that follow this, graphically descriptive of the
drunken revel, are said to belong to the feast of the royal relatives
that followed the conclusion of the sacrificial service, and is called
‘the second blessing’ in the sixth ode of the preceding decade.
This opinion probably is correct; but as the piece does not itself
say so, and because of the absence from the text of religious sentiments, I have not given the stanzas here.
376 THE SHIH KING. DECADE VIII.
The Eighth Decade, or that of Po Hwa.
Ope 5, StanzaS 1 anD 2. THE Po HwA.
THE QUEEN OF KING y0 COMPLAINS OF BEING DEGRADED AND
FORSAKEN.
The fibres from the white-flowered rush Are
bound with the white grass!. This man’s sending
me away makes me dwell solitary.
The light and brilliant clouds Bedew the rush
and the grass* The way of Heaven is hard and
difficult ?;—-This man does not conform (to good
principle).
1 The stalks of the rush were tied with the grass in bundles, in
order to be steeped ;—an operation which ladies in those days might
be supposed to be familiar with. The two lines suggest the idea
of the close connexion between the two plants, and the necessariness of the one to the other ;—as it should be between husband
and wife.
* The clouds bestowed their dewy influence on the plants, while
her husband neglected the speaker.
® «The way of Heaven’ is equivalent to our ‘ The course of
Providence.’ The lady’s words are, literally, ‘The steps of Heaven.’
She makes but a feeble wail; but in Chinese opinion discharges
thereby, all the better, the duty of a wife.
THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM.
PIECES AND STANZAS ILLUSTRATING THE RELIGIOUS
ViEwS AND PRACTICES OF THE WRITERS AND
THEIR TIMES.
The First Decade, or that of Wan Wang.
Ope 1. THe WAN Wane.
CELEBRATING KING WAN, DEAD AND ALIVE, AS THE FOUNDER OF THE
DYNASTY OF KAv, SHOWING HOW HIS VIRTUES DREW TO HIM THE
FAVOURING REGARD OF HEAVEN OR GOD, AND MADE HIM A BRIGHT
PATTERN TO HIS DESCENDANTS AND THEIR MINISTERS.
The First Decade, or that of Wan Wang.
Ope 1. THe WAN Wane.
CELEBRATING KING WAN, DEAD AND ALIVE, AS THE FOUNDER OF THE
DYNASTY OF KAv, SHOWING HOW HIS VIRTUES DREW TO HIM THE
FAVOURING REGARD OF HEAVEN OR GOD, AND MADE HIM A BRIGHT
PATTERN TO HIS DESCENDANTS AND THEIR MINISTERS.
The composition of this and the other pieces of this decade is
attributed to the duke of Kau, king Wan’s son, and was intended
by him for the benefit of his nephew, the young king Aang.
Wan, it must be borne in mind, was never actually king of
China. He laid the foundations of the kingly power, which was
established by his son king WA, and consolidated by the duke
of Kau. The title of king was given to him and to others by
the duke, according to the view of filial piety, that has been
referred to on p. 299.
King W4n is on high. Oh! bright is he in
heaven. Although Au was an old country, The
(favouring) appointment lighted on it recently 1.
Illustrious was the House of Adu, And the
1 The family of Kau, according to its traditions, was very ancient,
but it did not occupy the territory of Au, from which it subsequently took its name, till B.c. 1326; and it was not till the time
of W&n (s.c. 1231 to 1135) that the divine purpose concerning
its supremacy in the kingdom was fully manifested.
78 : THE SHIH KING. DECADE 1.
; appointment of God came at the proper season.
King Wan ascends and descends On the left and
the right of God?
Full of earnest activity was king Wan, And his
fame is without end. The gifts (of God) to K4u
Extend to the descendants of king Wan, In the
direct line and the collateral branches for a hundred
generations*, All the officers of K4u Shall (also)
be illustrious from age to age.
‘Phey shall be illustrious from age to age, Zealously and reverently pursuing their plans. Admir-
‘able are the many officers, Born in this royal
kingdom. The royal kingdom is able to produce
them, The supporters of (the House of) 4u.
Numerous is the array of officers, And by them
king Wn enjoys his repose.
Profound was king Wan; Oh! continuous and
bright was his feeling of reverence. Great is the
appointment of Heaven! There were the descendants of (the sovereigns of ) Shang*—The descendants
of the sovereigns of Shang Were in number more
ae
1 According to AG Hsi, the first and last two lines of this
stanza-are.to be taken of-the spirit of Win in heaven. Attempts
have been made to explain them otherwise, or rather to explain
them away. But language could not more expressly intimate the
existence of a supreme personal God, and the continued existence
of the human spirit.
2 The text, literally, is, ‘The root and the branches:’ the root
(and stem) denoting the eldest sons, by the recognised queen, succeeding to the throne; and the branches, the other sons by the
queen and concubines. The former would grow up directly from
the root; and the latter, the chief nobles of the kingdom, would
constitute the branches of the great Au tree.
The former would grow up directly from
the root; and the latter, the chief nobles of the kingdom, would
constitute the branches of the great Au tree.
* The Shang or Yin dynasty of kings superseded by Kau.
ODE I. THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 379
than hundreds of thousands. But when God gave
the command, They became subject to K4u.
They became subject to K4u, (For) the appointment of Heaven is not unchangeable. The officers
of Yin,-admirable and alert, Assist at the libations”. {n- dur ‘capital’, They assist at those
libations, Always wearing the hatchet-figures on
their lower garments and their peculiar cap*
O ye loyal ministers of the king, Ever think
of your ancestor!
Ever think of your ancestor, Cultivating your
virtue, , Always seeking to accord with the will
(of Heaven):—So shall you be seeking for much
happiness, Before Yin lost the multitudes, (Its
kings) were the correlates of God*. Look to Yin
asa beacon; The great appointment is not easily
preserved: .
The appointment is not easily (preserved) :—Do
not cause your own extinction. Display and make
bright your righteousness and fame, And _ look
at (the fate of) Yin in the light of Heaven. The
doings of high Heaven Have neither sound nor
1 These officers of Yin would be the descendants of the Yin
kings and of their principal nobles, scions likewise of the Yin stock.
They would assist, at the court of A4u, at the services in the ancestral temple, which began with a libation of fragrant spirits to
bring down the spirits of the departed.
® These, differing from the dress worn by the representatives
of the-ruling House, were still worn by the officers of Yin or Shang,
by way of honour, and also by way of warning.
3 There was God in heaven hating none, desiring the good of
all the people; there were the sovereigns on earth, God’s vicegerents,
maintained by him so long as they carried out in their government
his purpose of good.
380 THE SHIH KING. DECADE I.
smell’, Take your pattern from king Wan, And
the myriad regions will repose confidence in you.
Ove 2. Tue TA Mina.
HOW THE APPOINTMENT OF HEAVEN OR GOD CAME FROM HIS FATHER
TO KING WAN, AND DESCENDED TO HIS SON, KING wt, WHO OVER-
THREW THE DYNASTY OF SHANG BY HIS VICTORY AT MO; CELE-
BRATING ALSO THE MOTHER AND WIFE OF KING WAN.
The illustration of illustrious (virtue) is required
below, And the dread majesty is on high®. Heaven
is not readily to be relied on; It is not easy to be
king. Yin’s rightful heir to the heavenly seat Was
not permitted to possess the kingdom.
Z&n, the second of the princesses of Xih*, From
(the domain of) Yin-shang, Came to be married
to (the prince of ) Kau, And became his wife in his
* These two lines are quoted in the last paragraph of the
Doctrine of the Mean, as representing the ideal of perfect virtue.
They are indicative of Power, operating silently, and not to be
perceived by the senses, but resistless in its operations.
They are indicative of Power, operating silently, and not to be
perceived by the senses, but resistless in its operations.
2 ‘The first two lines,’ says the commentator Yen 3/an, ‘ contain a general sentiment, expressing the principle that governs the
relation between Heaven and men. According to line 1, the good
or evil of a ruler cannot be concealed ; according to 2, Heaven, in
giving its favour or taking it away, acts with strict decision. When
below there is the illustrious illustration (of virtue), that reaches
up on high. When above there is the awful majesty, that exercises a survey below. The relation between Heaven and men
ought to excite our awe.’
5 The state of Xih must have been somewhere in the royal domain
of Yin. Its lords had the surname of Z4n. and the second daughter
of the House became the wife of Ki of Kau. She is called in the
eighth line Thai-zin, by which name she is still famous in China.
‘She commenced,’ it is said, ‘the instruction of her child when he
was still in her womb, looking on no improper sight, listening to
no licentious sound, uttering no word of pride.’ -
ODE 2. THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 381
capital. Both she and king At Were entirely
virtuous. (Then) Th4i-zin became pregnant, And
gave birth to our king Wan.
This king Wan, Watchfully and reverently, With
entire intelligence served God, And so secured the
great blessing. His virtue was without deflection ;
And in consequence he received (the allegiance of)
the states from all quarters.
Heaven surveyed this lower world; And its
appointment lighted (on king Wan). In his early
years, It made for him a mate!;—On the north
of the Hsia, On the banks of the Wei. When
king Wan would marry, There was the lady in
a large state *%,
In a large state was the lady, Like a fair
denizen of heaven. The ceremonies determined
the auspiciousness (of the union)*, And in person
he met her on the Wei. Over it he made a
bridge of boats; The glory (of the occasion) was
illustrious.
The favouring appointment was from Heaven,
Giving the throne to our king W4n, In the capital
of Kau. The lady-successor was from Hsin, Its
eldest daughter, who came to marry him. She was
blessed to give birth to king Wd, Who was preserved, and helped, and received (also) the appoint-
' Heaven is here represented as arranging for the fulfilment of
its purposes beforehand.
* The name of the state was Hsin, and it must have been near
the Hsia and the Wei, somewhere in the south-east of the present
Shen-hs?.
5 «The ceremonies’ would be various ; | first of all, divination by
means of the tortoise-shell.
382 THE SHIH KING. DECADE I.
ment, And in accordance with it smote the great
Shang.
The troops of Yin-shang Were collected like a
forest, And marshalled in the wilderness of Ma.
We rose (to the crisis); ‘God is with you,’ (said
Shang-f0 to the king), ‘Have no doubts in your
heart }’
382 THE SHIH KING. DECADE I.
ment, And in accordance with it smote the great
Shang.
The troops of Yin-shang Were collected like a
forest, And marshalled in the wilderness of Ma.
We rose (to the crisis); ‘God is with you,’ (said
Shang-f0 to the king), ‘Have no doubts in your
heart }’
The wilderness of Mf spread out extensive ;
Bright shone the chariots of sandal; The teams
of bays, black-maned and white-bellied, galloped
along; The Grand-Master Shang-f Was like an
eagle on the wing, Assisting king Wa, Who at
one onset smote the great Shang. That morning’s
encounter was followed by a clear, bright (day).
Ope 8. THE MIEN.
SMALL BEGINNINGS AND SUBSEQUENT GROWTH OF THE HOUSE OF XAU
IN KAU. ITS REMOVAL FROM PIN UNDER THAN-F(, WITH ITS FIRST
SETTLEMENT IN KAU, WITH THE PLACE THEN GIVEN TO THE BUILDING
OF THE ANCESTRAL TEMPLE, AND THE ALTAR TO THE SPIRITS OF THE
LAND. CONSOLIDATION OF ITS FORTUNES BY KING WAN.
‘The ancient duke Than-fi’ was the grandfather of king W&n,
and was canonized by the duke of Kau as ‘king Thai.’ As
mentioned in a note on p. 316, he was the first of his family to
settle in K4u, removing there from Pin, the site of their earlier
settlement, ‘the country about the XAii and the XAi,’
In long trains ever increasing grow the gourds *,
When (our) people first sprang, From the country
about the A4Aii and the A&t’, The ancient duke
1 See the account of the battle of Mf in the third Book of the
fifth Part of the ShQ. Shang-f was one of Wis principal leaders
and counsellors, his ‘Grand-Master Shang-fQ’ in the next stanza.
* As a gourd grows and extends, with a vast development of its
tendrils and leaves, so had the House of Au increased.
* These were two rivers in the territory of Pin, which name still
ODE 3. THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 383
Than-ff Made for them kiln-like huts and caves,
Ere they had yet any houses}.
The ancient duke Than-fa Came in the morning,
galloping his horses, Along the banks of the western
rivers, To the foot of mount AAt?2; And there he
and the lady Xiang* Came and together looked
out for a site.
. The plain of AK4u looked beautiful and rich,
With its violets, and sowthistles (sweet) as dumplings. There he began by consulting (with his
followers); There he singed the tortoise-shell, (and
divined). The responses were there to stay and
then; And they proceeded there to build +.
He encouraged the people, and settled them;
Here on the left, there on the right. He divided
the ground, and subdivided it; He dug the ditches;
he defined the acres. From the east to the west,
There was nothing which he did not take in hand 5.
remains in the small department of Pin Xu, in Shen-hsf. The
K/hii flows into the Lo, and the XA? into the Wei.
1 According to this ode then, up to the time of Than-fa, the
Kau people had only had the dwellings here described; but this
is not easily reconciled with other accounts, or even with other
stanzas of this piece.
The
K/hii flows into the Lo, and the XA? into the Wei.
1 According to this ode then, up to the time of Than-fa, the
Kau people had only had the dwellings here described; but this
is not easily reconciled with other accounts, or even with other
stanzas of this piece.
3 See a graphic account of the circumstances in which this
migration took place, in the fifteenth chapter of the second Part
of the first Book of Mencius, very much to the honour of the
ancient duke.
® This lady is known as Théi-Aiang, the worthy predecessor of
Thai-san.
‘ This stanza has reference to the choice—by council and
divination—of a site for what should be the chief town of the
new settlement.
* This stanza describes the general arrangements for the
occupancy and cultivation of the plain of X4u, and the distribution
of the people over it,
384 THE SHIH KING. DECADE I.
He called his Superintendent of Works; He
called his Minister of Instruction; And charged
them with the rearing of the houses. With the
line they made everything straight; They bound
the frame-boards tight, so that they should rise
regularly: Uprose the ancestral temple in its
solemn grandeur ?.
Crowds brought the earth in baskets; They
threw it with shouts into the frames; They beat
it with responsive blows. They pared the walls
repeatedly, till they sounded strong. Five thousand cubits of them arose together, So that the
roll of the great drums did not overpower (the
noise of the builders)*.
They reared the outer gate (of the palace), Which
rose in lofty state. They set up the gate of audience, Which rose severe and exact. They reared
the great altar to the spirits of the land, From
which all great movements should proceed *.
1 This stanza describes the preparations and processes for
erecting the buildings of the new city. The whole took place
under the direction of two officers, in whom we have the germ
probably of the Six Heads of the Boards or Departments, whose
functions are described in the Sh and the Official Book of A4u.
The materials of the buildings were earth and lime pounded
together in frames, as is still to be seen in many parts of the
country. The first great building taken in hand was the ancestral
temple. Than-fQ would make a home for the spirits of his fathers,
before he made one for himself. However imperfectly directed,
the religious feeling asserted the supremacy which it ought to
possess.
* The bustle and order of the building all over the city is here
graphically set forth.
* Than-ff was now at leisure to build the palace for himself,
which appears to have been not a very large building, though the
Chinese names of its gates are those belonging to the two which
ODE3. THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 385
Thus though he could not prevent the rage
of his foes!, He did not let fall his own fame.
The oaks and the buckthorns were (gradually)
thinned, And roads for travellers were opened.
The hordes of the Khw&n disappeared, Startled
and panting.
THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 385
Thus though he could not prevent the rage
of his foes!, He did not let fall his own fame.
The oaks and the buckthorns were (gradually)
thinned, And roads for travellers were opened.
The hordes of the Khw&n disappeared, Startled
and panting.
(The chiefs of) Yi and Zui? were brought to an
agreement By king WAn’s stimulating their natural
virtue. Then, I may say, some came to him, previously not knowing him; Some, drawn the last
by the first; Some, drawn by his rapid successes; And some by his defence (of the weak)
from insult.
were peculiar to the palaces of the kings of Au in the subsequent
times of the dynasty. Outside the palace were the altars appropriate to the spirits of the four quarters of the land, the ‘great’
or royal altar being peculiar to the kings, though the one built by
Than-ff is here so named. All great undertakings, and such as
required the co-operation of all the people, were preceded by a
solemn sacrifice at this altar.
1 Referring to Than-f(’s relations with the wild hordes, described
by Mencius, and which obliged him to leave Pin. As the new
settlement in Au grew, they did not dare to trouble it.
2 The poet passes on here to the time of king Wan. The story of
the chiefs of Yti and Zui (two states on the east of the Ho) is this:—
They had a quarrel about a strip of territory, to which each of them
laid claim. Going to lay their dispute before the lord of Kau, as soon
as they entered his territory, they saw the ploughers readily yielding
the furrow, and travellers yielding the path, while men and women
avoided one another on the road, and old people had no burdens
to carry. At his court, they beheld the officers of each inferior
grade giving place to those above them. They became ashamed
of their own quarrel, agreed to let the disputed ground be an open
territory, and withdrew without presuming to appear before Wan.
When this affair was noised abroad, more than forty states, it
is said, tendered their submission to K4u.
(1) cc
386 . THE SHIH KING. DECADE I.
Ope 4, Stanzas 1 anD 2. Tue Yf Puo.
IN PRAISE OF KING WAN, CELEBRATING HIS INFLUENCE, DIGNITY IN THE
TEMPLE SERVICES, ACTIVITY, AND CAPACITY TO RULE.
Abundant is the growth of the buckthorn and
shrubby trees, Supplying firewood; yea, stores of
it’, Elegant and dignified was our prince and king ;
On the left and the right they hastened to him.
Elegant and dignified was our prince and king ;
On his left and his right they bore their half-
mace (libation-cups)?:—They bore them with solemn
gravity, As beseemed such eminent officers.
Ope 6. Tue Han LO.
IN PRAISE OF THE VIRTUE OF KING WAN, BLESSED BY HIS ANCESTORS,
AND RAISED TO THE HIGHEST DIGNITY WITHOUT SEEKING OF HIS
OWN.
Look at the foot of the Han’, How abundantly
grow the hazel and arrow-thorn*. Easy and selfpossessed was our prince, In his pursuit of dignity
(still) easy and self-possessed.
Massive is that libation-cup of jade, With the
Look at the foot of the Han’, How abundantly
grow the hazel and arrow-thorn*. Easy and selfpossessed was our prince, In his pursuit of dignity
(still) easy and self-possessed.
Massive is that libation-cup of jade, With the
1 It is difficult to trace the connexion between these allusive
lines and the rest of the piece.
* Here we have the lord of X4u in his ancestral temple, assisted
by his ministers or great officers in pouring out the libations to the
spirits of the departed. The libation-cup was fitted with a handle
of jade, that used by the king having a complete kwei, the obelisklike symbol of rank, while the cups used by a minister had for a
handle only half a kwei.
' § Where mount Han was cannot now be determined.
* As the foot of the hill was favourable to vegetable growth,
so were king Wan’s natural qualities to his distinction and
advancement.
ODE 6. THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 387
yellow liquid sparkling in it’. Easy and self-possessed was our prince, The fit recipient of blessing
and dignity.
The hawk flies up to heaven, The fishes leap
in the deep*% Easy and self-possessed was our
prince :—Did he not exert an influence on men ?
His clear spirits were in the vessels; His red
bull was ready*;—To offer, to sacrifice, To increase
his bright happiness.
Thick grow the oaks and the buckthorn, Which
the people use for fuel *. Easy and self-possessed
was our prince, Cheered and encouraged by the
spirits ¢.
Luxuriant are the dolichos and other creepers,
Clinging to the branches and stems. Easy and selfpossessed was our prince, Seeking for happiness
by no crooked ways.
Ove 6. Tue Sze KA.
THE VIRTUE OF WAN, WITH HIS FILIAL PIETY AND CONSTANT REVERENCE,
AND THEIR WONDERFUL EFFECTS. THE EXCELLENT CHARACTER OF
HIS MOTHER AND WIFE.
Pure and reverent was Thai Z4n5, The mother
of king Wan. Loving was she to Kau Kiang * ;—
1 As a cup of such quality was the proper receptacle for the
yellow, herb-flavoured spirits, so was the character of Win such
that all blessing must accrue to him.
* It is the nature of the hawk to fly and of fishes to swim, and so
there went out an influence from Wn unconsciously to himself.
5 Red, we have seen, was the proper colour for victims in the
ancestral temple of Kau.
* As it was natural for the people to take the wood and use it,
so it was natural for the spirits of his ancestors, and spiritual
beings generally, to bless king W4n.
5 Thai Zan is celebrated, above, in the second ode.
* K4u Kiang is ‘the lady Kiang’ of ode 3, the wife of Than-fa or
Cc2
388 THE SHIH KING. DECADE I.
A wife becoming the House of Aéu. Thai Sze!
inherited her excellent fame, And from her came
a hundred sons ?,
He conformed to the example of his ancestors,
And their spirits had no occasion for complaint.
Their spirits had no occasion for dissatisfaction ;
And his example acted on his wife, Extended to
his brethren, And was felt by all the clans and
states.
Their spirits had no occasion for dissatisfaction ;
And his example acted on his wife, Extended to
his brethren, And was felt by all the clans and
states.
Full of harmony was he in his palace; Full of
reverence in the ancestral temple. Unseen (by
men), he still felt that he was under inspection ®:
Unweariedly he maintained his virtue.
Though he could not prevent (some) great calamities, His brightness and magnanimity were without
stain. Without previous instruction he did what
was right; Without admonition he went on (in the
path of goodness).
So, grown up men became virtuous (through him),
And young men made (constant) attainments. (Our)
ancient prince never felt weariness, And from him
were the fame and eminence of his officers.
king Thai, who came with him from Pin. She is here called Ku,
as having married the lord of Ku.
1 Thi Sze, the wife of W4n, we are told in ode 2, was from the
state of Hsin. The surname Sze shows that its lords must have
been descended from the Great Yu.
* We are not to suppose that Thai Sze had herself a hundred
sons. She had ten, and her freedom from jealousy so encouraged
the fruitfulness of the harem, that all the sons born in it are
ascribed to her.
® Where there was no human eye to observe him, Wan still
felt that he was open to the observation of spiritual beings.
ODE 7. THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 389
Ope 7. Tue Hwanc f.
SHOWING THE RISE OF THE HOUSE OF XAU TO THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE
KINGDOM THROUGH THE FAVOUR OF GOD. THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF
KINGS THAI AND Xf, AND ESPECIALLY OF KING WAN.
Great is God, Beholding this lower world in
majesty. He surveyed the four quarters (of the
kingdom), Seeking for some one to give establishment to the people. Those two earlier dynasties !
Had failed to satisfy him with their government;
So, throughout the various states, He sought and
considered For one on whom he might confer the
rule. Hating all the great states, He turned his
kind regards on the west, And there gave a settlement (to king Thai).
(King Thai) raised up and removed The dead
trunks and the fallen trees. He dressed and regulated The bushy clumps and the (tangled) rows.
He opened up and cleared The tamarisk trees and
the stave trees. He hewed and thinned The mountain mulberry trees. God having brought about
the removal thither of this intelligent ruler, The
Kwan hordes fled away*?. Heaven had raised up
a helpmeet for him, And the appointment he had
received was made sure.
God surveyed the hills, Where the oaks and the
buckthorn were thinned, And paths made through
the firs and cypresses. God, who had raised the
* Those of Hsia and Shang.
2 The same as ‘the hordes of the Khw&n’ in ode 3. Mr. T. W.
Kingsmill says that ‘Kwan’ here should be ‘Chun,’ and charges
the transliteration Kwan with error (Journal of the Royal Asiatic
Society for April, 1878). He had not consulted his dictionary for
the proper pronunciation of the Chinese character.
390 THE SHIH KING, DECADE I.
Mr. T. W.
Kingsmill says that ‘Kwan’ here should be ‘Chun,’ and charges
the transliteration Kwan with error (Journal of the Royal Asiatic
Society for April, 1878). He had not consulted his dictionary for
the proper pronunciation of the Chinese character.
390 THE SHIH KING, DECADE I.
state, raised up a proper ruler! for it,—From the
time of Thai-po and king A? (this was done)?.
Now this king A? In his heart was full of brotherly
duty. Full of duty to his elder brother, He gave
himself the more to promote the prosperity (of the
country), And secured to him the glory (of his act)*.
He accepted his dignity and did not lose it, And
(ere long his family) possessed the whole kingdom.
This king At Was gifted by God with the power
of judgment, So that the fame of his virtue silently
grew. His virtue was highly intelligent,—Highly
intelligent, and of rare discrimination; Able to lead,
able to rule, To rule over this great country;
Rendering a cordial submission, effecting a cordial
union *, When (the sway) came to king Wan, His
' King W4n is ‘the proper ruler’ intended here, and the next
line intimates that this was determined before there was any
likelihood of his becoming the ruler even of the territory of K4u;—
another instance of the foreseeing providence ascribed to God.
Thai-po was the eldest son of king Thai, and king A? was,
perhaps, only the third. The succession ought to have come to
Théi-po; but he, seeing the sage virtues of Khang (afterwards
king Wan), the son of A7, and seeing also that king Thai was
anxious that this boy should ultimately become ruler of 4u,
voluntarily withdrew from du altogether, and left the state to
Ai and his son. See the remark of Confucius on Thi4i-po’s
conduct, in the Analects, VIII, i.
* The lines from six to ten speak of king A7 in his relation to
his elder brother. He accepted Thai-po’s act without any failure
of his own duty to him, and by his own improvement of it, made
his brother more glorious through it. His feeling of brotherly
duty was simply the natural instinct of his heart. Having accepted
the act, it only made him the more anxious to promote the good
of the state, and thus he made his brother more glorious by showing what advantages accrued from his resignation and withdrawal
from Kau.
* This line refers to Xi’s maintenance of his own loyal duty
ODE 7. THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 391
virtue left nothing to be dissatisfied with, He re-
ceived the blessing of God, And it was extended
to his descendants. -
God said to king Wan!, ‘Be not like those who
reject this and cling to that; Be not like those who
are ruled by their likings and desires;’ So he grandly
ascended before others to the height (of virtue). The
people of Mi? were disobedient, Daring to oppose
our great country, And invaded Yiian, marching to
Kung*, The king rose, majestic in his wrath; He
marshalled his troops, To stop the invading foes ;
To consolidate the prosperity of Kau; To meet
the expectations of all under heaven.
The
people of Mi? were disobedient, Daring to oppose
our great country, And invaded Yiian, marching to
Kung*, The king rose, majestic in his wrath; He
marshalled his troops, To stop the invading foes ;
To consolidate the prosperity of Kau; To meet
the expectations of all under heaven.
He remained quietly in the capital, But (his
troops) went on from the borders of Yiian. They
ascended our lofty ridges, And (the enemy) arrayed
no forces on our hills, On our hills, small or large,
Nor drank at our springs, Our springs or our
pools. He then determined the finest of the plains, -
And settled on the south of AAt*, On the banks of
to the dynasty of Shang, and his making all the states under his
presidency loyal also.
1 The statement that ‘God spake to king Wan,’ repeated in
stanza 7, vexes the Chinese critics, and they find in it simply
an intimation that W&n’s conduct was ‘in accordance with the
will of Heaven.’ I am not prepared to object to that view of
the meaning; but it is plain that the writer, in giving such a form
to his meaning, must have conceived of God as a personal Being,
knowing men’s hearts, and able to influence them.
2 Mt? or Mi-hsti was a state in the present King-ning Au, of
Phing-liang department, Kan-sf.
* Yuan was a state adjacent to Mi,—the present King K4u,
and Kung must have been a place or district in it.
* Win, it appears, made now a small change in the site of his
capital, but did not move to Fang, where he finally settled.
392 THE SHIH KING. DECADE I.
the Wei, The centre of all the states, The resort
of the lower people.
God said to king Wan, ‘I am pleased with your
intelligent virtue, Not loudly proclaimed nor pourtrayed, Without extravagance or changeableness,
Without consciousness of effort on your part, In
accordance with the pattern of God.’ God said to
king Wan, ‘Take measures against the country of
your foes. Along with your brethren, Get ready
your scaling ladders, And your engines of onfall
and assault, To attack the walls of Kung'.’
The engines of onfall and assault were (at first)
gently plied, Against the walls of AZung high and
and great; Captives for the question were brought
in, one after another; The left ears (of the slain)
were taken leisurely *. He had sacrificed to God
and to the Father of War’, Thus seeking to induce
1 Khung was a state, in the present district of Hf, department
Hsf-an, Shen-hsf. . His conquest of Aung was an important
event in the history of king Wan. He moved his capital to it,
advancing so much farther towards the east, nearer to the domain
of Shang. According to Sze-m4 Xhien the marquis .of Khung
had slandered the lord of K4u, who was president of the states
of the west, to Kau-hsin, the king of Shang, and our hero was
put in prison. His friends succeeded in effecting his deliverance
by means of various gifts to the tyrant, and he was reinstated
in the west with more than his former power. Three years afterwards he attacked the marquis of Kung.
His friends succeeded in effecting his deliverance
by means of various gifts to the tyrant, and he was reinstated
in the west with more than his former power. Three years afterwards he attacked the marquis of Kung.
* So far the siege was prosecuted slowly and, so to say, tenderly,
Wan hoping that the enemy would be induced to surrender without great sacrifice of life.
* The sacrifice to God had been offered in Ku, at the commencement of the expedition; that to the Father of War, on the
army’s arriving at the borders of Khung. We can hardly tell who
is intended by the Father of War. Af Hsf and others would
require the plural ‘ Fathers,’ saying the sacrifice was to Hwang Tt
and X4ih YQ, who are found engaged in hostilities far back in the
opg9. |THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 393
submission, And throughout the region none had
dared to insult him. The engines of onfall and
assault were (then) vigorously plied, Against the
walls of Kung very strong. He attacked it, and
let loose all his forces; He extinguished (its sacrifices)!, and made an end of its existence; And
throughout the kingdom none dared to oppose him.
Oor 9. Tue HsiA Wo.
IN PRAISE OF KING wo, WALKING IN THE WAYS OF HIS FOREFATHERS,
AND BY HIS FILIAL PIETY SECURING THE THRONE TO .HIMSELF AND
HIS POSTERITY.
Successors tread in the steps (of their predecessors)
in our Kau. For generations there had been wise
kings; The three sovereigns were in heaven ?;
And king (Wd) was their worthy successor in his
capital 8, .
King (Wa) was their worthy successor in his
capital, Rousing himself to seek for the hereditary
virtue, Always striving to be in accordance with the
mythical period of Chinese history. But AAih YO appears as a
rebel, or opposed to the One man in all the country who was then
fit to rule. It is difficult to imagine how they could be associated,
and sacrificed to together.
1 The extinction of its sacrifices was the final act in the extinction of a state. Any members of its ruling House who might
survive could no longer sacrifice to their ancestors as having been
men of princely dignity. The family was reduced to the ranks
of the people.
2 «The three sovereigns, or ‘ wise kings,’ are to be understood
of the three celebrated in ode 7,—Thai, A?, and Wan. We are
thus obliged, with all Chinese scholars, to understand this ode
of king Wf. The statement that ‘the three kings were in heaven’
is very express.
8 The capital here is H&o, to which Wf removed in B.c. 1134,
the year after his father’s death. It was on the east of the river
Fang, and only avout eight miles from Wan’s capital of Fang.
394 THE SHIH KING. DECADE I.
will (of Heaven); And thus he secured the confidence due to a king.
He secured the confidence due to a king, And
became the pattern of all below him. Ever thinking
how to be filial, His filial mind was the model
(which he supplied).
394 THE SHIH KING. DECADE I.
will (of Heaven); And thus he secured the confidence due to a king.
He secured the confidence due to a king, And
became the pattern of all below him. Ever thinking
how to be filial, His filial mind was the model
(which he supplied).
Men loved him, the One man, And responded
(to his example) with a docile virtue. Ever thinking
how to be filial, He brilliantly continued the doings
(of his fathers).
Brilliantly! and his posterity, Continuing to walk
in the steps of their forefathers, For myriads of
years, Will receive the blessing of Heaven.
They will receive the blessing of Heaven, And
from the four quarters (of the kingdom) will
felicitations come to them. For myriads of years
Will there not be their helpers ?
Ope 10. THe WAN Wanc yt SHANG.
THE PRAISE OF KINGS WAN AND WO) :—HOW THE FORMER DISPLAYED HIS
MILITARY PROWESS ONLY TO SECURE THE TRANQUILLITY OF THE
PEOPLE ; AND HOW THE LATTER, IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE RESULTS
(OF DIVINATION, ENTERED IN HIS NEW CAPITAL OF HAO, INTO THE
SOVEREIGNTY OF THE KINGDOM WITH THE SINCERE GOOD WILL OF
ALL THE PEOPLE.
King W&n is famous; Yea, he is very famous.
What he sought was the repose (of the people) ;
What he saw was the completion (of his work). A
sovereign true was king WAn!
King W4n received the appointment (from Heaven), And achieved his martial success. Having
overthrown Khung! He fixed his (capital) city in
Fang A sovereign true was king Wan!
1 As related in ode 7.
* Fang had, probably, been the capital of Khung, and Wan
ODE 10. THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 395
He repaired the walls along the (old) moat. His
establishing himself in Fang was according to (the
pattern of his forefathers), It was not that he was
in haste to gratify his wishes ;—It was to show the
filial duty that had come down to him. A sovereign
true was the royal prince !
His royal merit was brightly displayed By those
walls of Fang. There were collected (the sympathies
of the people of) the four quarters, Who regarded
the royal prince as their protector. A sovereign
true was the royal prince!
The Fang-water flowed on to the east (of the
city), Through the meritorious labour of Yi. There
were collected (the sympathies of the people of) the
four quarters, Who would have the great king as
their ruler. A sovereign true was the great king?!
In the capital of Hao he built his hall with its
circlet of water *. From the west to the east, From
the south to the north, There was not a thought
but did him homage. A sovereign true was the
great king!
He examined and divined, did the king, About
settling in the capital of Hao. The tortoise-shell
decided the site*, And king Wd completed the
city. A sovereign true was king Wa!
removed to it, simply making the necessary repairs and alterations,
This explains how we find nothing about the divinations which
should have preceded so important a step as the founding of
a new capital.
1 The writer has passed on to WA, who did actually become
king.
removed to it, simply making the necessary repairs and alterations,
This explains how we find nothing about the divinations which
should have preceded so important a step as the founding of
a new capital.
1 The writer has passed on to WA, who did actually become
king.
3 See on the third of the Praise Odes of LA in Part IV.
’ Ho was built by Wf, and hence we have the account of his
divining about the site and the undertaking.
396 THE SHIH KING. DECADE II.
By the Fang-water grows the white millet ?;—
Did not king Wa show wisdom in his employment of officers? He would leave his plans to his
descendants, And secure comfort and support to
his son. A sovereign true was king Wa!
The Second Decade, or that of Shang Min.
Ope 1. Tue SHANG Min.
THE LEGEND OF HAU-X? :—HIS CONCEPTION; HIS BIRTH; THE PERILS
OF HIS INFANCY; HIS BOYISH HABITS OF AGRICULTURE; HIS SUBSE-
QUENT METHODS AND TEACHING OF AGRICULTURE; HIS FOUNDING
OF CERTAIN SACRIFICES; AND THE HONOURS OF SACRIFICE PAID TO
HIM BY THE HOUSE OF KAU.
Of Hau-Aét there is some notice on the tenth ode of the first
decade of the Sacrificial Odes of Kau. To him the kings of
_4u traced their lineage. Of Xiang Yiian, his mother, our
knowledge is very scanty, It is said that she was a daughter
of the House of Thai, which traced its lineage up to Shan-nung
in prehistoric times. From the first stanza of this piece it
appears that she was married, and had been so for some time
without having any child. But who her husband was it is
impossible to say with certainty. As the KAu surname was Aji, —
he must have been one of the descendants of Hwang Ti.
The first birth of (our) people? Was from Kiang
Yiian. How did she give birth to (our) people ?
She had presented a pure offering and sacrificed %,
1 «The white millet,’ a valuable species, grown near the Fang,
suggests to the writer the idea of all the men of ability whom WO
collected around him.
? Our ‘people’ is of course the people of Kau. The whole
Piece is about the individual from whom the House of Xu sprang,
of which were the kings of the dynasty so called.
* To whom Xiang Yuan sacrificed and prayed we are not told,
but I 1eceive the impression that it was to God,—see the next
stanza,—and that she did so all alone with the special object which
is mentioned.
ODE 1r. THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 397
That her childlessness might be taken away. She
then trod on a toe-print made by God, and was
moved!, In the large place where she rested. She
became pregnant; she dwelt retired; She gave
birth to, and nourished (a son), Who was Hau-At.
When she had fulfilled her months, Her firstborn son (came forth) like a lamb. There was no
bursting, nor rending, No injury, no hurt; Showing how wonderful he would be. Did not God give
her the comfort? Had he not accepted her pure
offering and sacrifice, So that thus easily she
brought forth her son?
There was no
bursting, nor rending, No injury, no hurt; Showing how wonderful he would be. Did not God give
her the comfort? Had he not accepted her pure
offering and sacrifice, So that thus easily she
brought forth her son?
He was placed in a narrow lane, But the sheep
and oxen protected him with loving care*. He was
placed in a wide forest, Where he was met with by
the wood-cutters. He was placed on the cold ice,
And a bird screened and supported him with its
wings. When the bird went away, Hau-4t began
to wail. His cry was long and loud, So that his
voice filled the whole way *.
1 The ‘toe-print made by God’ has occasioned much speculation
of the critics. We may simply draw the conclusion that the poet
meant to have his readers believe with him that the conception of
his hero was supernatural, We saw in the third of the Sacrificial
Odes of Shang that there was also a legend assigning a preternatural birth to the father of the House of Shang.
* It does not appear from the ode who exposed the infant to
these various perils; nor did Chinese tradition ever fashion any
story on the subject. M4o makes the exposure to have been made
by Xiang Yian’s husband, dissatisfied with what had taken place;
Kang, by the mother herself, to show the more the wonderful
character of her child. Readers will compare the accounts with
the Roman legends about Romulus and Remus, their mother and
her father; but the two legends differ according to the different
characters of the Chinese and Roman peoples.
398 THE SHIH KING, DECADE II.
When he was able to crawl, He looked majestic
and intelligent. When he was able to feed himself,
He fell to planting beans. The beans grew luxuriantly; His rows of paddy shot up beautifully;
His hemp and wheat grew strong and close; His
gourds yielded abundantly,
The husbandry of H4u-4t Proceeded on the plan
of helping (the growth). Having cleared away the
thick grass, He sowed the ground with the yellow
cereals, He managed the living grain, till it was
ready to burst; Then he used it as seed, and it
sprang up; It grew and came into ear; It became
strong and good; It hung down, every grain complete; And thus he was appointed lord of Thai’.
He gave (his people) the beautiful grains ;—The
black millet and the double-kernelled, The tall red
and the white. They planted extensively the black
and the double-kernelled, Which were reaped and
stacked on the ground. They planted extensively
the tall red and the white, Which were carried on
their shoulders and backs, Home for the sacrifices
which he founded 2.
And how as to our sacrifices (continued from him) ?
They planted extensively
the tall red and the white, Which were carried on
their shoulders and backs, Home for the sacrifices
which he founded 2.
And how as to our sacrifices (continued from him) ?
1 H4u-4i’s mother, we have seen, was a princess of Th4i, in the
present district of W-kung, Khien K4u, Shen-hst. This may have
led to his appointment to that principality, and the transference of
the lordship from Kiangs to Kis. Evidently he was appointed to
that dignity for his services in the promotion of agriculture. Still
he has not displaced the older Shin-nung, with whom on his father’s
side he had a connexion, as ‘the Father of Husbandry.’
3 This is not to be understood of sacrifice in general, as if there
had been no such thing before Hau-M; but of the sacrifices of the
House of X4u,—those in the ancestral temple and others,—which
began with him as its great ancestor.
ODE2. THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 399
Some hull (the grain); some take it from the
mortar; Some sift it; some tread it. It is rattling
in the dishes; It is distilled, and the steam floats
about. We consult!; we observe the rites of purification; We take southernwood and offer it with
the fat; We sacrifice a ram to the spirit of the
path?; We offer roast flesh and broiled :—And
thus introduce the coming year.
We load the stands with the offerings, The stands
both of wood and of earthenware. As soon as the
fragrance ascends, God, well pleased, smells the
sweet savour. Fragrant it is, and in its due season‘.
Hau-ét founded our sacrifices, And no one, we
presume, has given occasion for blame or regret in
regard to them, Down to the present day.
Opt 2. Tue Hsin WE1.
A FESTAL ODE, CELEBRATING SOME ENTERTAINMENT GIVEN BY THE
KING TO HIS RELATIVES, WITH THE TRIAL OF ARCHERY AFTER THE
FEAST; CELEBRATING ESPECIALLY THE HONOUR DONE ON SUCH
OCCASIONS TO THE AGED.
This ode is given here, because it is commonly taken as a prelude
to the next. AQ Hsf interprets it of the feast, given by the
1 That is, we divine about the day, and choose the officers to
take part in the service.
3 A sacrifice was offered to the spirit of the road on commencing
a journey, and we see here that it was offered also in connexion
with the king’s going to the ancestral temple or the border altar.
® It does not appear clearly what sacrifices the poet had in view
here. I think they must be all those in which the kings of Kau
appeared as the principals or sacrificers. The concluding line is
understood to intimate that the kings were not to forget that a prosperous agriculture was the foundation of their prosperity.
‘ In this stanza we have the peculiar honour paid to Hau-&i by
his descendants at one of the great border sacrifices to God,—the
same to which the last ode in the first decade of the Sacrificial
Odes of Kau belongs.
400 , THE SHIH KING. DECADE II.
king, at the close of the sacrifice in the ancestral temple, to the
princes of his own surname. There are difficulties in the inter-
400 , THE SHIH KING. DECADE II.
king, at the close of the sacrifice in the ancestral temple, to the
princes of his own surname. There are difficulties in the inter-
pretation of the piece on this view, which, however, is to be
preferred to any other.
In thick patches are those rushes, Springing by
the way-side:—Let not the cattle and sheep trample
them. Anon they will grow up. anon they will be
completely formed, With their leaves soft and
glossy. Closely related are brethren; Let none
be absent, let all be near. For some there are
mats spread; For some there are given stools *
The mats are spread, and a second one above;
The stools are given, and there are plenty of servants. (The guests) are pledged, and they pledge
(the host) in return; He rinses the cups (and refills
them, but the guests) put them down, Sauces and
pickles are brought in, With roasted meat and
broiled. Excellent provisions there are of tripe and
palates; With singing to lutes, and with drums.
The ornamented bows are strong, And the four
arrows are all balanced. They discharge the arrows,
and all hit, And the guests are arranged according to their skill, The ornamented bows are drawn
to the full, And the arrows are grasped in the
hand. They go straight to the mark as if planted
1 In the rushes growing up densely from a common root we
have an emblem of brothers all sprung from the same ancestor ;
and in the plants developing so finely, when preserved from injury, an emblem of the happy fellowships of consanguinity, when
nothing is allowed to interfere with mutual confidence and good
feeling.
2 In a previous note I have said that chairs and tables had not
come into use in those early times. Guests sat and feasts were
spread on mats on the floor; for the aged, however, stools were
placed on which they could lean forward.
ODE 3. THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 401
in it, And the guests are arranged according to
the humble propriety of their behaviour.
The distant descendant presides over the feast ;
His sweet spirits are strong. He fills their cups
from a large vase, And prays for the hoary old
(among his guests): — That with hoary age and
wrinkled back, They may lead on one another (to
virtue), and support one another (in it); That so
their old age may be blessed, And their bright
happiness ever increased.
Ope 3. Tue A? 8u1.
RESPONSIVE TO THE LAST :—THE UNCLES AND BRETHREN OF THE KING
EXPRESS THEIR SENSE OF HIS KINDNESS, AND THEIR WISHES FOR HIS
HAPPINESS, MOSTLY IN THE WORDS IN WHICH THE PERSONATORS OF
THE DEPARTED ANCESTORS HAD CONVEYED THEIR SATISFACTION
WITH THE SACRIFICE OFFERED TO THEM, AND PROMISED TO HIM
THEIR BLESSING.
You have made us drink to the full of your spirits;
You have satiated us with your kindness. May you
enjoy, O our lord, myriads of years! May your
bright happiness (ever) be increased!
You have made us drink to the full of your spirits;
You have satiated us with your kindness. May you
enjoy, O our lord, myriads of years! May your
bright happiness (ever) be increased!
You have made us drink to the full of your spirits;
Your viands were set out before us. May you enjoy,
O our lord, myriads of years! May your bright
intelligence ever be increased!
May your bright intelligence become perfect,
High and brilliant, leading to a good end! That
good end has (now) its beginning :—The personators
of your ancestors announced it in their blessing.
What was their announcement? ‘(The offerings)
in your dishes of bamboo and wood are clean and
{1] pd
402 THE SHIH KING. DECADE Il.
fine. Your friends!, assisting in the service, Have
done their part with reverent demeanour.
‘Your reverent demeanour was altogether what
the occasion required; And also that of your filial
son*. For such filial piety, continued without ceasing,
There will ever be conferred blessings upon you.’
What will the blessings be? ‘That along the
passages of your palace, You shall move for ten
thousand years, And there will be granted to you
for ever dignity and posterity.’
How as to your posterity ? ‘Heaven invests you
with your dignity; Yea, for ten thousand years,
The bright appointment is attached (to your line).’
How is it attached? ‘There is given you a
heroic wife. There is given you a heroic wife, And
from her shall come the (lin® of) descendants.’
Ove 4. Tue Ho f.
AN ODE APPROPRIATE TO THE FEAST GIVEN TO THE PERSONATORS OF
THE DEPARTED, ON THE DAY AFTER THE SACRIFICE IN THE ANCES-
TRAL TEMPLE.
This supplementary sacrifice on the day after the principal service
in the temple appeared in the ninth Book of the fourth Part of
the Shi; and of the feast after it to the personators of the dead
I have spoken on p. 301.
The wild-ducks and widgeons are on the King®;
1 That is, the guests, visitors, and officers of the court.
2 Towards the end of the sacrificial service, the eldest son of
the king joined in pledging the representatives of their ancestors.
5 The Xing is an affluent of the Wei, not far from W's capital
of Héo. The birds, feeling at home in its waters, on its sands, &c.,
serve to introduce the parties feasted, in a situation where they
might relax from the gravity of the preceding day, and be happy.
ODE 4. THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 403
The personators of your ancestors feast and are
happy. Your spirits are clear; Your viands are
fragrant. The personators of your ancestors feast
and drink ;—Their happiness and dignity are made
complete.
The wild-ducks and widgeons are on the sand;
The personators of the dead enjoy the feast, their
appropriate tribute. Your spirits are abundant ;
Your viands are good. The personators of your
ancestors feast and drink ;—Happiness and dignity
lend them their aids.
The wild-ducks and widgeons are on the sand;
The personators of the dead enjoy the feast, their
appropriate tribute. Your spirits are abundant ;
Your viands are good. The personators of your
ancestors feast and drink ;—Happiness and dignity
lend them their aids.
The wild-ducks and widgeons are on the islets;
The personators of your ancestors feast and enjoy
themselves. Your spirits are strained; Your viands
are in slices. The personators of your ancestors
feast and drink ;—Happiness and dignity descend
on them.
The wild-ducks and widgeons are where the
waters meet; The personators of your ancestors
feast and are honoured. The feast is spread in the
ancestral temple, The place where happiness and
dignity descend. The personators of your ancestors
feast and drink ;—Their happiness and dignity are
at the highest point.
The wild-ducks and widgeons are in the gorge;
The personators of your ancestors rest, full of
complacency. The fine spirits are delicious; Your
meat, roast and broiled, is fragrant. The personators
of your ancestors feast and drink ;—No troubles will
be theirs after this.
pd 2
404 THE SHIH KING, DECADE If,
Ope 5, Stanza l. Tue A1A Lo.
IN PRAISE OF SOME KING, WHOSE VIRTUE SECURED TO HIM THE
FAVOUR OF HEAVEN.
Perhaps the response of the feasted personators of the ancestors.
Of our admirable, amiable sovereign Most illustrious is the excellent virtue. He orders rightly
the people, orders rightly the officers, And receives
his dignity from Heaven, Which protects and helps
him, and (confirms) his appointment, By repeated
acts of renewal from heaven.
Ope 8. Tue Kuian A,
ADDRESSED, PROBABLY, BY THE DUKE OF SHAO TO KING XHANG, DESIRING
FOR HIM LONG PROSPERITY, AND CONGRATULATING HIM, IN ORDER
TO ADMONISH HIM, ON THE HAPPINESS OF HIS PEOPLE, THE NUMBER
OF HIS ADMIRABLE OFFICERS, AND THE AUSPICIOUS OMEN ARISING
FROM THE APPEARANCE OF THE PHENIX.
The duke of Sh4o was the famous Shih, who appears in the fifth
and other Books of the fifth Part of the ShQ, the colleague of the
duke of Au in the early days of the Kau dynasty. This piece
may have been composed by him, but there is no evidence in it
that it was so. The assigning it to him rests entirely on the
authority of the preface. The language, however, is that in
which an old statesman of that time might express his complacency in his young sovereign.
Into the recesses of the large mound Came the
wind, whirling from the south. There was (our)
happy, courteous sovereign, Rambling and singing;
And I took occasion to give forth my notes.
‘Full of spirits you ramble; Full of satisfaction
you rest. O happy and courteous sovereign, May
you fulfil your years, And end them like your
ancestors !
‘Your territory is great and glorious, And per-
ODE 8. THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 405
fectly secure. O happy and courteous sovereign,
May you fulfil your years, As the host of all the
Spirits?!
O happy and courteous sovereign, May
you fulfil your years, And end them like your
ancestors !
‘Your territory is great and glorious, And per-
ODE 8. THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 405
fectly secure. O happy and courteous sovereign,
May you fulfil your years, As the host of all the
Spirits?!
‘You have received the appointment long acknowledged, With peace around your happiness and
dignity. O happy and courteous sovereign, May
you fulfil your years, With pure happiness your
constant possession !
‘You have helpers and supporters, Men of filial
piety and of virtue, To lead you on, and act as
wings to you, (So that), O happy and courteous
sovereign, You are a pattern to the four quarters
(of the kingdom).
‘Full of dignity and majesty (are they), Like a
1 «Host of the hundred—i.e., of all—the spirits’ is one of the
titles of the sovereign of China. It was and is his prerogative to
offer the great ‘border sacrifices’ to Heaven and Earth, or, as Confucius explains them, to God, and to the spirits of his ancestors in
his ancestral temple; and in his progresses (now neglected), among
the states, to the spirits of the hills and rivers throughout the kingdom. Every feudal prince could only sacrifice to the hills and
streams within his own territory. Under the changed conditions of
the government of China, the sacrificial ritual of the emperor still
retains the substance of whatever belonged to the sovereigns in
this respect from the earliest dynasties. On the text here, Khung
Ying-t4 of the Thang dynasty said, ‘ He who possesses all under the
sky, sacrifices to all the spirits, and thus he is the host of them all.’
Ka Hsf said on it, ‘And always be the host of (the spirits of)
Heaven and Earth, of the hills and rivers, and of the departed.’
The term ‘host’ does not imply any superiority of rank on the
part of the entertainer. In the greatest sacrifices the emperor
acknowledges himself as ‘the servant or subject of Heaven.’ See
the prayer of the first of the present Manchau line of emperors, in
announcing that he had ascended the throne, at the altar of Heaven
and Earth, in 1644, as translated by the Rev. Dr. Edkins in the
chapter on Imperial Worship, in the recent edition of his ‘ Religion
in China,’
406 THE SHIH KING. DECADE IL.
jade-mace (in its purity), The subject of praise, the
contemplation of hope. O happy and courteous
sovereign, (Through them) the four quarters (of
the kingdom) are guided by you.
‘The male and female phcenix fly about!, Their
wings rustling, While they settle in their proper
resting-place. Many are your admirable officers,
O king, Ready to be employed by you, Loving
you, the Son of Heaven.
‘The male and female phcenix fly about, Their
wings rustling, As they soar up to heaven. Many
are your admirable officers, O king, Waiting for
your commands, And loving the multitudes of the
people.
‘The male and female phcenix fly about, Their
wings rustling, As they soar up to heaven. Many
are your admirable officers, O king, Waiting for
your commands, And loving the multitudes of the
people.
‘The male and female phcenix give out their
notes, On that lofty ridge. The dryandras grow,
On those eastern slopes. They grow luxuriantly ;
And harmoniously the notes resound.
1 The phoenix (so the creature has been named) is a fabulous
bird, ‘the chief of the 360 classes of the winged tribes.’ It is
mentioned in the fourth Book of the second Part of the Sha, as
appearing in the courtyard of Shun; and the appearance of a
pair of them has always been understood to denote a sage on the
throne and prosperity in the country. Even Confucius (Analects,
IX, viii) could not express his hopelessness about his own times
more strongly than by saying that ‘the phoenix did not make its
appearance.’ He was himself also called ‘a phoenix,’ in derision, by
one of the recluses of his time (Analects, XVIII, v). The type of
the bird was, perhaps, the Argus pheasant, but the: descriptions
of it are of a monstrous creature, having ‘a fowl’s head, a swallow’s
chin, a serpent’s neck, a fish’s tail,’ &c. It only lights on the
dryandra cordifolia, of which tree also many marvellous
stories are related. The poet is not to be understood as saying
that the phoenix actually appeared; but that the king was sage
and his government prosperous, as if it had appeared.
ODE9. |THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM.’ 407
‘Your chariots, O sovereign, Are numerous,
many. Your horses, O sovereign, Are well trained
and fleet. I have made my few verses, In prolongation of your song.’
Ope 9, Stanza 1. Tue Min LAo.
IN A TIME OF DISORDER AND SUFFERING, SOME OFFICER OF DISTINC-
TION CALLS ON HIS FELLOWS TO JOIN WITH HIM TO EFFECT A
REFORMATION IN THE CAPITAL, AND PUT AWAY THE PARTIES WHO
WERE THE CAUSE OF THE PREVAILING MISERY.
With the Khitan A, what are called the ‘correct’ odes of Part III,
or those belonging to a period of good government, and the
composition of which is ascribed mainly to the duke of X4u, come
to an end; and those that follow are the ‘changed’ Major Odes
of the Kingdom, or those belonging to a degenerate period, commencing with this. Some among them, however, are equal to
any of the former class. The Min Lo has been assigned to
duke MQ of Shao, a descendant of duke Khang, the Shih of the
Sh, the reputed author of the KAttan A, and was directed
against king Lf, B.c. 878 to 828.
The people indeed are heavily burdened, But
perhaps a little relief may be got for them. Let
us cherish this centre of the kingdom, To secure
the repose of the four quarters of it. Let us give
no indulgence to the wily and obsequious, In order
to make the unconscientious careful, And to repress
robbers and oppressors, Who have no fear of the
clear will (of Heaven)!. Then let us show kindness
to those who are distant, And help those who are
near,—Thus establishing (the throne of) our king.
Then let us show kindness
to those who are distant, And help those who are
near,—Thus establishing (the throne of) our king.
1¢The clear will,’ according to XQ Hsi, is ‘the clear appointment
of Heaven;’ according to Af Kung-éhien, ‘correct principle.’
They both mean the law of human duty, as gathered from the
nature of man’s moral constitution conferred by Heaven.
408 THE SHIH KING. DECADE Il.
Ove 10. THe Pan.
AN OFFICER OF EXPERIENCE MOURNS OVER THE PREVAILING MISERY;
COMPLAINS OF THE WANT OF SYMPATHY WITH HIM SHOWN BY OTHER
OFFICERS ; ADMONISHES THEM, AND SETS FORTH THE DUTY RE-
QUIRED OF THEM, ESPECIALLY IN THE ANGRY MOOD IN WHICH IT
MIGHT SEEM THAT HEAVEN WAS.
This piece, like the last, is assigned to the time of king Lf.
God has reversed (his usual course of procedure)’,
And the lower people are full of distress. The
words which you utter are not right; The plans
which you form are not far-reaching. As there are
not sages, you think you have no guidance ;—You
have no real sincerity. (Thus) your plans do not
reach far, And I therefore strongly admonish you.
Heaven is now sending down calamities;—Do not
be so complacent. Heaven is now producing such
movements ;—Do not be so indifferent. If your
words were harmonious, The people would become
united. If your words were gentle and kind, The
people would be settled.
Though my duties are different from yours, I am
your fellow-servant. I come to advise with you,
And you hear me with contemptuous indifference.
My words are about the (present urgent) affairs ;—
Do not think them matter for laughter. The ancients
had a saying:—‘Consult the gatherers of grass
and firewood *.’
1 The proof of God’s having reversed his usual course of procedure was to be found in the universal misery of the people,
whose good He was understood to desire, and for the securing of
which government by righteous kings was maintained by him.
* If ancient worthies thought that persons in such mean employments were to be consulted, surely the advice of the writer deserved
to be taken into account by his comrades.
ODE 10. THE MAJOR. ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 409
Heaven is now exercising oppression ;—Do not in
such a way make a mock of things. An old man,
(I speak) with entire sincerity; But you, my juniors,
are full of pride. It is not that my words are those
‘ of age, But you make a joke of what is sad. But
the troubles will multiply like flames, Till they
are beyond help or remedy.
Heaven is now displaying its anger ;—Do not be
either boastful or flattering, Utterly departing from
all propriety of demeanour, Till good men are
reduced to personators of the dead. The people
now sigh and groan, And we dare not examine
(into the causes of their trouble). The ruin and
disorder are exhausting all their’ means of living,
And we show no kindness to our multitudes.
The people
now sigh and groan, And we dare not examine
(into the causes of their trouble). The ruin and
disorder are exhausting all their’ means of living,
And we show no kindness to our multitudes.
Heaven enlightens the people?, As the bamboo
flute responds to the earthen whistle; As two halfmaces form a whole one; As you take a thing,
and bring it away in your hand, Bringing it away,
without any more ado. The enlightenment of the
people is very easy. They have (now) many perversities;—Do not you set up your perversity
before them.
Good men are a fence; The multitudes of the
people are awall; Great states are screens; Great
families are buttresses; The cherishing of virtue
1 During all the time of the sacrifice, the personators of the dead
said not a word, but only ate and drank. To the semblance of
them good men were now reduced.
2 The meaning is, that Heaven has so attuned the mind to virtue,
that, if good example were set before the people, they would certainly and readily follow it. This is illustrated by various instances
of things, in which the one succeeded the other freely and as if
necessarily ; so that government by virtue was really very easy.
410 THE SHIH KING. DECADE III.
secures repose; The circle of (the king’s) relatives
is a fortified wall. We must not let the fortified
wall get destroyed; We must not let (the king)
be solitary and consumed with terrors.
Revere the anger of Heaven, And presume not
to make sport or be idle. Revere the changing
moods of Heaven, And presume not to drive about
(at your pleasure). Great Heaven is intelligent,
And is with you in all your goings. Great Heaven
is clear-seeing, And is with you in your wanderings
and indulgences.
The Third Decade, or that of Tang.
Ove 1. Tue Tana.
WARNINGS, SUPPOSED TO BE ADDRESSED TO KING uf, ON THE ISSUES
OF THE COURSE WHICH HE WAS PURSUING, SHOWING THAT THE
MISERIES OF THE TIME AND THE IMMINENT DANGER OF RUIN WERE
TO BE ATTRIBUTED, NOT TO HEAVEN, BUT TO HIMSELF AND HIS
MINISTERS,
This ode, like the ninth of the second decade, is attributed to duke
M€ of Shao. The structure of the piece is peculiar, for, after
the first stanza, we have king Wn introduced delivering a series
of warnings to A4au-hsin, the last king of the Shang dynasty.
They are put into WAn’s mouth, in the hope that Lf, if, indeed,
he was the monarch whom the writer had in view, would
transfer the figure of XAu-hsin to himself, and alter his course
so as to avoid a similar ruin.
How vast is God, Theruler of men below! How
arrayed in terrors is God, With many things irregular in his ordinations. Heaven gave birth to
the multitudes of the people, But the nature it
confers is not to be depended on. All are (good)
ODE I. THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 411
at first, But few prove themselves to be so at
the last}.
How
arrayed in terrors is God, With many things irregular in his ordinations. Heaven gave birth to
the multitudes of the people, But the nature it
confers is not to be depended on. All are (good)
ODE I. THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 411
at first, But few prove themselves to be so at
the last}.
King Wan said, ‘Alas! Alas! you sovereign
of Shang, That you should have such violently
oppressive ministers, That you should have such
extortionate exactors, That you should have them
in offices, That you should have them in the conduct
of affairs! “Heaven made them with their insolent
dispositions ;” But it is you who employ them, and
give them strength.’
King WaAn said, ‘Alas! Alas! you (sovereign
of) Yin-shang, You ought to employ such as are
good, But (you employ instead) violent oppressors,
who cause many dissatisfactions. They respond
to you with baseless stories, And (thus) robbers
and thieves are in your court. Hence come oaths
and curses, Without limit, without end.’
King Wan said,‘Alas! Alas! you (sovereign of)
Yin-shang, You show a strong fierce will in the
centre of the kingdom, And consider the contracting of enmities a proof of virtue. All-unintelligent are you of your (proper) virtue, And so you
have no (good) men behind you, nor by your side.
Without any intelligence of your (proper) virtue,
You have no (good) intimate adviser or minister.’
King Wan said, ‘Alas! Alas! you (sovereign of)
Yin-shang, It is not Heaven that flushes your face
with spirits, So that you follow what is evil and
imitate it. You go wrong in all your conduct; You
make no distinction between the light and the
1 The meaning seems to be that, whatever miseries might prevail, and be ignorantly ascribed to God, they were in reality owing
to men’s neglect of the law of Heaven inscribed on their hearts.
412 THE SHIH KING. DECADE III.
darkness; But amid clamour and shouting, You
turn the day into night?.’
King Wn said, ‘Alas! Alas! you (sovereign of)
Yin-shang, (All round you) is like the noise of
cicadas, Or. like the bubbling of boiling soup.
Affairs, great and small, are approaching to ruin,
And still you (and your creatures) go on in this
course. Indignation is rife against you here in the
Middle Kingdom, And extends to the demon
regions 2,’
King Wan said, ‘Alas! Alas! you (sovereign of)
Yin-shang, It is not God that has caused this evil
time, But it arises from Yin’s not using the old
(ways). Although you have not old experienced
men, There are still the ancient statutes and laws.
But you will not listen to them, And so your great
appointment is being overthrown.’
King Wan said, ‘Alas! Alas! you (sovereign of)
Shang, People have a saying, “When a tree falls
utterly, While its branches and leaves are yet uninjured, It must first have been uprooted.” The
beacon of Yin is not far distant ;—It is in the age
of the (last) sovereign of Hsia.’
Alas! you (sovereign of)
Shang, People have a saying, “When a tree falls
utterly, While its branches and leaves are yet uninjured, It must first have been uprooted.” The
beacon of Yin is not far distant ;—It is in the age
of the (last) sovereign of Hsia.’
1 We speak of ‘turning night into day.’ The tyrant of Shang
turned day into night. Excesses, generally committed in darkness,
were by him done openly.
8 These ‘demon regions’ are understood to mean the seat of
the Turkic tribes to the north of China, known from the earliest
times by various names—‘ The hill Zung,’ ‘the northern Lf,’ ‘ the
Hsien-yun,’ &c. Towards the beginning of our era, they were
called Hsiung-nf, from which, perhaps, came the name Huns;
and some centuries later, Tha-4teh (Thuh-Aieh), from which
came Turk. We are told in the Yi, under the diagram A?-ét,
that Kao Bung (B.c. 1324-1266) conducted an expedition against
the demon regions, and in three years subdued them,
ODE 2. THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 413
Ope 2, Tue Yi.
CONTAINING VARIOUS COUNSELS WHICH DUKE wi) OF WEI MADE TO
ADMONISH HIMSELF, WHEN HE WAS OVER HIS NINETIETH YEAR;
ESPECIALLY ON THE DUTY OF A RULER TO BE CAREFUL OF HIS
OUTWARD DEMEANOUR, FEELING THAT HE IS EVER UNDER THE IN-
SPECTION OF SPIRITUAL BEINGS, AND TO RECEIVE WITH DOCILITY
INSTRUCTIONS DELIVERED TO HIM.
The sixth ode in the seventh decade of the Minor Odes of the
Kingdom is attributed to the same duke of Wei as this; and the
two bear traces of having proceeded from the same writer. The
external authorities for assigning this piece to duke Wf are the
statement of the preface and an article in the ‘Narratives of the
States,’ a work already referred to as belonging to the period of
the Kau dynasty. That article relates how Wf, at the age of
ninety-five, insisted on all his ministers and officers being instant,
in season and out of season, to admonish him on his conduct,
and that ‘he made the warnings in the f to admonish himself.’
The f is understood to be only another name for this Yi. Thus
the speaker throughout the piece is Wd, and ‘the young son,’
whom he sometimes addresses, is himself also. The conception
of the writer in taking such a method to admonish himself, and
give forth the lessons of his long life, is very remarkable ; and
the execution of it is successful,
Outward demeanour, cautious and grave, Is an
indication of the (inward) virtue. People have the
saying, ‘There is no wise man who is not (also)
stupid.” The stupidity of the ordinary man Is
determined by his (natural) defects, The stupidity
of the wise man Is from his doing violence (to
his proper character).
What is most powerful is the being the man!;—
1 WA writes as the marquis of Wei, the ruler of a state; but
what he says is susceptible of universal application. In every
smaller sphere, and in the largest, ‘being the man,’ displaying,
that is, the proper qualities of humanity, will be appreciated and
felt.
414 THE SHIH KING. DECADE Ill.
In every
smaller sphere, and in the largest, ‘being the man,’ displaying,
that is, the proper qualities of humanity, will be appreciated and
felt.
414 THE SHIH KING. DECADE Ill.
In all quarters (of the state) men are influenced by
it. To an upright virtuous conduct All in the four
quarters of the state render obedient homage. With
great counsels and determinate orders, With farreaching plans and timely announcements, And with
reverent care of his outward demeanour, One will
become the pattern of the people.
As for the circumstances of the present time,
You are bent on error and confusion in your government. Your virtue is subverted; You are besotted
by drink?. Although you thus pursue nothing but
pleasure, How is it you do not think of your relation to the past, And do not widely study the
former kings, That you might hold fast their wise
laws ?
Shall not those whom great Heaven does not
approve of, Surely as the waters flow from a spring,
Sink down together in ruin? Rise early and go
to bed late, Sprinkle and sweep your courtyard ;—
So as to be a pattern to the people*. Have in good
order your chariots and horses, Your bows and
arrows, and (other) weapons of war;—To be prepared for warlike action, To keep at a distance
(the hordes of) the south.
Perfect what concerns your officers and people;
} Han Ying (who has been mentioned in the Introduction) says
that WQ made the sixth ode of the seventh decade of the former
Part against drunkenness, when he was repenting of his own giving
way to that vice. His mention of the habit here, at the age of
ninety-five, must be understood as a warning to other rulers.
* Line 3 describes things important to the cultivation of one’s
self ; and line 4, things important to the regulation of one’s family.
They may seem unimportant, it is said, as compared with the
defence of the state, spoken of in the last four lines of the stanza;
but the ruler ought not to neglect them.
ODE 2. THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 415
Be careful of your duties as a prince (of the kingdom). To be prepared for unforeseen dangers, Be
cautious of what you say; Be reverentially careful
of your outward behaviour; In all things be mild
and correct. A flaw in a mace of white jade May
be ground away; But fora flaw in speech Nothing
can be done.
Do not speak lightly; your words are your own}.
Do not say, ‘This is of little importance; No one
can hold my tongue for me.’ Words are not to be
cast away. Every word finds its answer; Every
good deed has its recompense. If you are gracious
among your friends, And to the people, as if they
were your children, Your descendants will continue
in unbroken line, And all the people will surely
be obedient to you.
Every word finds its answer; Every
good deed has its recompense. If you are gracious
among your friends, And to the people, as if they
were your children, Your descendants will continue
in unbroken line, And all the people will surely
be obedient to you.
Looked at in friendly intercourse with superior
men, You make your countenance harmonious and
mild; Anxious not to do anything wrong. Looked
at in your chamber, You ought to be equally free
from shame before the light which shines in. Do
not say, ‘This place is not public; No one can see
me here.’ The approaches of spiritual beings
Cannot be calculated beforehand; But the more
should they not be slighted *.
? And therefore every one is himself responsible for his words.
* K0Q Hs says that from the fourth line this stanza only speaks of
the constant care there should be in watching over one’s thoughts ;
but in saying so, he overlooks the consideration by which such,
watchful care is enforced. Compare what is said of king Wan in
the third stanza of the sixth ode of the first decade. King Win
and duke Wf were both influenced by the consideration that their
inmost thoughts, even when ‘unseen by men,’ were open to the
inspection of spiritual beings.
416 THE SHIH KING. DECADE Itl.
O prince, let your practice of virtue Be entirely good and admirable. Watch well over your
behaviour, And allow nothing wrong in your
demeanour. Committing no excess, doing nothing
injurious, There are few who will not in such a
case take you for their pattern. When one throws
to me a peach, I return to hima plum?. To look
for horns on a young ram_ Will only weary you,
my son ?,
The tough and elastic wood Can be fitted with
the silken string*. The mild and respectful man
Possesses the foundation of virtue. There is a
wise man ;—I tell him good words, And he yields
to them the practice of docile virtue. There is a
stupid man;—He says on the contrary that my
words are not true:—So different are people's
minds.
Oh! my son, When you did not know what was
good, and what was not good, Not only did I lead
you by the hand, But I showed the difference
between them by appealing to instances. Not (only)
did I charge you face to face, But I held you by
the ear‘. And still perhaps you do not know,
Although you have held a son in your arms, If
people be not self-sufficient, Who comes to a late
maturity after early instruction ?
Great Heaven is very intelligent, And I pass
1 That is, every deed, in fact, meets with its recompense.
3 See the conclusion of duke W(’s ode against drunkenness.
Horns grow as the young ram grows. Effects must not be
expected where there have not been the conditions from which
they naturally spring.
5 Such wood is the proper material for a bow:
* That is, to secure your attention.
ODE 3. THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 417
Horns grow as the young ram grows. Effects must not be
expected where there have not been the conditions from which
they naturally spring.
5 Such wood is the proper material for a bow:
* That is, to secure your attention.
ODE 3. THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 417
my life without pleasure. When I see you so dark
and stupid, My heart is full of pain. I taught you
with assiduous repetition, And you listened to
me with contempt. You would not consider me
as your teacher, But regarded me as troublesome. Still perhaps you do not know;—But you
are very old.
Oh! my son, I have told you the old ways. Hear
and follow my counsels :—Then shall you have no
cause for great regret. Heaven is now inflicting
calamities, And is destroying the state. My illustrations are not taken from things remote :—Great
Heaven makes no mistakes. If you go on to deteriorate in your virtue, You will bring the people to
great distress,
Ope 3, Stanzas 1, 2, 3, 4, anD 7. THE Sanc ZAu.
THE WRITER MOURNS OVER THE MISERY AND DISORDER OF THE TIMES,
WITH A VIEW TO REPREHEND THE MISGOVERNMENT OF KING Li,
APPEALING ALSO TO HEAVEN TO HAVE COMPASSION.
King Li is not mentioned by name in the piece, but the second
line of stanza 7 can only be explained of him. He was driven
from the throne, in consequence of his misgovernment, in B.c. 842,
and only saved his life by flying to Xih, a place in the present
Ho X4au, department Phing-yang, Shan-hsi, where he remained
till his death in B.c. 828. The government in the meantime was
carried on by the dukes of Shao and A4u, whose administration,
called the period of ‘Mutual Harmony,’ forms an important
chronological era in Chinese history. On the authority of
a reference in the 80 Kwan, the piece is ascribed to an earl
of Zui.
Luxuriant is that young mulberry tree, And
beneath it wide is the shade; But they will pluck
its leaves till it is quite destroyed'. The distress
1 These three lines are metaphorical of the once flourishing
kingdom, which was now brought to the verge of ruin.
{1} ke
418 THE SHIH KING. DECADE III.
inflicted on these (multitudes of the) people, Is an
unceasing sorrow to my heart; My commiseration
fills (my breast). O thou bright and great Heaven,
Shouldest thou not have compassion on us ?
The four steeds (gallop about), eager and strong};
The tortoise-and-serpent and the falcon banners fly
about. Disorder grows, and no peace can be secured.
Every state is being ruined; There are no black
heads among the people*. Everything is reduced
to ashes by calamity. Oh! alas! The doom of the
kingdom hurries on.
There is nothing to arrest the doom of the kingdom; Heaven does not nourish us. There is no
place in which to stop securely; There is no place
to which to go. Superior men are the bonds (of the
social state)*, Allowing no love of strife in their
hearts. Who reared the steps of the dissatisfaction‘,
Which has reached the present distress ?
There is no
place in which to stop securely; There is no place
to which to go. Superior men are the bonds (of the
social state)*, Allowing no love of strife in their
hearts. Who reared the steps of the dissatisfaction‘,
Which has reached the present distress ?
The grief of my heart is extreme, And I dwell
on (the condition of) our land. I was born at an
unhappy time, To meet with the severe anger of
Heaven. From the west to the east, There is no
quiet place of abiding. Many are the distresses I
meet with; Very urgent is the trouble on our
borders.
Heaven is sending down death and disorder, And
’ That is, the war-chariots, each drawn by its team of four
horses.
2 The young and able-bodied of the people were slain or absent
on distant expeditions, and only old and gray-headed men were to
be seen.
® Intimating that no such men were now to be found in office.
‘ Meaning the king by his misgovernment and employment of
bad men,
ODE 4. THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 419
has put an end to our king. It is (now) sending
down those devourers of the grain, So that the
husbandry is all in evil case. Alas for our middle
states?! Allis in peril and going to ruin. I have
no strength (to do anything), And think of (the
Power in) the azure vault.
Oper 4. Tue Yun Hany.
KING HSUAN, ON OCCASION OF A GREAT DROUGHT, EXPOSTULATES WITH
GOD AND ALL THE SPIRITS, WHO MIGHT BE EXPECTED TO HELP HIM
AND HIS PEOPLE; ASKS THEM WHEREFORE THEY WERE CONTENDING
WITH HIM; AND DETAILS THE MEASURES HE HAD TAKEN, AND WAS
STILL TAKING, FOR THE REMOVAL OF THE CALAMITY.
King Hsiian does not occur by name in the ode, though the remarkable prayer which it relates is ascribed to a king in stanza 1. All
critics have admitted the statement of the Preface that the piece
was made, in admiration of king Hsilan, by Zang Shd, a great
officer, we may presume, of the court. The standard chronology
places the commencement of the drought in B.c. 822, the sixth
year of Hstian’s reign. How long it continued we cannot tell.
Bright was the milky way, Shining and revolving
in the sky. The king said, ‘Oh! What crime is
chargeable ‘on us now, That Heaven (thus) sends
down death and disorder? Famine comes again
and again. There is no spirit I have not sacrificed
to?; There is no victim I have grudged; Our
1 We must translate here in the plural, ‘the middle states’ meaning all the states subject to the sovereign of Kau.
3 In the Official Book of Kau, among the duties of the Minister
of Instruction, or, as Biot translates the title, ‘the Director of the
Multitudes,’ it is stated that one of the things he has to do, on
occurrences of famine, is ‘to seek out the spirits,’ that is, as explained by the commentators, to see that sacrifices are offered to
all the spirits, even such as may have been discontinued. This
rule had, no doubt, been acted on during the drought which this
ode describes.
Ee 2
420 THE SHIH KING. DECADE Ill.
This
rule had, no doubt, been acted on during the drought which this
ode describes.
Ee 2
420 THE SHIH KING. DECADE Ill.
jade symbols, oblong and round, are exhausted ! ;—
How is it that I am not heard ?
‘ The drought is excessive; Its fervours become
more and more tormenting. I have not ceased
offering pure sacrifices; From the border altars
I have gone to the ancestral temple* To the
(Powers) above and below I have presented my
offerings and then buried them*;—There is no
spirit whom I have not honoured. HAu-At is not
equal to the occasion; .God does not come to us.
This wasting and ruin of our country,—Would that
it fell (only) on me!
‘The drought is excessive, And I may not try
to excuse myself. I am full of terror, and feel the
peril, Like the clap of thunder or the roll. Of the
remnant of A4u, among the black-haired people,
There will not be half aman left; Nor will God
from his great heaven exempt (even) me. Shall
1 We have, in the sixth Book of the fifth Part of the Sh@, an
instance of the use of the symbols here mentioned in sacrificing to
the spirits of departed kings. The Official Book, among the
duties of the Minister of Religion, mentions the use of these and
other symbols—in all six, of different shapes and colours—at the
different sacrifices.
3 By ‘the border altars’ we are to understand the altars in the
suburbs of the capital, where Heaven and Earth were sacrificed
to;—the great services at the solstices, and any other seasons.
The mention of Hau-éf in the seventh line makes us think especially of the service in the spring, to pray for a good year, when
Hau-éi was associated with God.
5 *The (Powers) above and below’ are Heaven and Earth. The
offerings, during the progress of the service, were placed on the
ground, or on the altars, and buried in the earth at the close of it.
This explains what the king says in the first stanza about the
offerings of jade being exhausted.
ODE 4. THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 421
we not mingle our fears together? (The sacrifices
to) my ancestors will be extinguished 1.
‘The drought is excessive, And it cannot be
stopped. More fierce and fiery, It is leaving me
no place. My end is near;—I have none to look
up, none to look round, to. The many dukes and
their ministers of the past? Give me no help.
O ye parents and (nearer) ancestors*, How can
ye bear to see me thus?
-*The drought is excessive ;—Parched are the
hills, and the streams are dried. The demon of
drought exercises his oppression, As if scattering
flames and fire* My heart is terrified with the
heat ;—My sorrowing heart is as if on fire. The
Equivalent to the extinction of the dynasty.
-*The drought is excessive ;—Parched are the
hills, and the streams are dried. The demon of
drought exercises his oppression, As if scattering
flames and fire* My heart is terrified with the
heat ;—My sorrowing heart is as if on fire. The
Equivalent to the extinction of the dynasty.
® The king had sacrificed to all the early lords of Kau. ‘The
many dukes’ may comprehend kings Thai and Ait. He had also
sacrificed to their ministers. Compare what Pan-kang says in the
Shf, p. 109, about his predecessors and their ministers. Some
take ‘the many dukes, and the ministers,’ of all princes of states
who had signalised themselves by services to the people and
kingdom.
® The king could hardly hope that his father, the oppressive Li,
would in his spirit-state give him any aid; but we need only find in
his words the expression of natural feeling. Probably it was the
consideration of the character of Li which has made some critics
understand by ‘parents’ and ‘ancestors’ the same individuals,
namely, kings Wan and W4, ‘the ancestors’ of Hsiian, and who
had truly been ‘the parents’ of the people.
* Khung Ying-ta, from ‘the Book of Spirits and Marvels,’ gives
the following account of ‘ the demon of drought :'-—‘In the southern
regions there is a man, two or three cubits in height, with the
upper part of his body bare, and his eyes in the top of his head.
He runs with the speed of the wind, and is named Po. In whatever state he appears, there ensues a great drought.’ The Book
of Spirits and Marvels, however, as it now exists, cannot be older
than our fourth or fifth century.
422 THE SHIH KING. DECADE III.
many dukes and their ministers of the past Do not
hear me. O God, from thy great heaven, Grant
me the liberty to withdraw (into retirement?).
‘The drought is excessive ;—I struggle and fear
to go away. How is it that I am afflicted with this
drought ? I cannot ascertain the cause of it. In
praying for a good year I was abundantly early ?.
I was not late (in sacrificing) to (the spirits of)
the four quarters and of the land*%. God in great
heaven Does not consider me. Reverent to the
intelligent spirits, I ought not to be thus the
object of their anger.
‘The drought is excessive ;—All is dispersion,
and the bonds of government are relaxed. Reduced
to extremities are the heads of departments; Full
of distress are my chief ministers, The Master of
the Horse, the Commander of the Guards, The
chief Cook‘, and my attendants. There is no one
who has not (tried to) help (the people); They
have not refrained on the ground of being unable.
I look up to the great heaven ;—Why am I plunged
in this sorrow ?
‘I look up to the great heaven, But its stars
sparkle bright. My great officers and excellent men,
Ye have reverently drawn near (to Heaven) with all
? That is, to withdraw and give place to a more worthy
sovereign. ;
I look up to the great heaven ;—Why am I plunged
in this sorrow ?
‘I look up to the great heaven, But its stars
sparkle bright. My great officers and excellent men,
Ye have reverently drawn near (to Heaven) with all
? That is, to withdraw and give place to a more worthy
sovereign. ;
* This was the border sacrifice to God, when H4u-éi was
associated with him. Some critics add a sacrifice in the first
month of winter, for a blessing on the ensuing year, offered to
‘the honoured ones of heaven,’—the sun, moon, and zodiacal
constellations.
* See note 2 on p. 371.
“ See note 1 on p. 356.
ODEs. |THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 423
your powers. Death is approaching, But do not
cast away what you have done. You are seeking
not for me only, But to give rest to all our departments. I look up to the great heaven ;—When
shall I be favoured with repose ?’
Ope 5, Stanzas 1, 2, anp 4. Tue Sune KAo,
CELEBRATING THE APPOINTMENT BY KING HSUAN OF A RELATIVE TO
BE THE MARQUIS OF SHAN, AND DEFENDER OF THE SOUTHERN
BORDER OF THE KINGDOM, WITH THE ARRANGEMENTS MADE FOR
HIS ENTERING ON HIS CHARGE.
That the king who appears in this piece was king Hsiian is sufficiently established. He appears in it commissioning ‘his great
uncle,’ an elder brother, that is, of his mother, to go and rule, as
marquis of Shan, and chief or president of the states in the
south of the kingdom, to defend the borders against the encroaching hordes of the south, headed by the princes of KAQ,
whose lords had been rebellious against the middle states even
in the time of the Shang dynasty ;—see the last of the Sacrificial
Odes of Shang.
Grandly lofty are the mountains, With their
large masses reaching to the heavens. From those
mountains was sent down a spirit, Who produced
the birth of (the princes of) FQ and Shan’. Fd and
1 Shan was a small marquisate, a part of what is the present
department of Nan-yang, Ho-nan. Fd, which was also called
Li, was another small territory, not far from Shan. The princes
of both were Kiangs, descended from the chief minister of Y4o,
called in the first Book of the Shi, ‘the Four Mountains.’ Other
states were ruled by his descendants, particularly the great state of
Khi. When it is said here that a spirit was sent down from the
great mountains, and produced the birth of (the princes of) FQ and
Shan, we have, probably, a legendary tradition concerning the
birth of Yao’s minister, which was current among all his descendants; and with which we may compare the legends that have come
under our notice about the supernatural births of the ancestors of
the founders of the Houses of Shang and Xau. The character for
424 . THE SHIH KING. DECADE III.
Shan Are the support of K4u, Screens to all
the states, Diffusing (their influence) over the four
quarters of the kingdom. \
The character for
424 . THE SHIH KING. DECADE III.
Shan Are the support of K4u, Screens to all
the states, Diffusing (their influence) over the four
quarters of the kingdom. \
Full of activity is the chief of Shan, And the
king would employ him to continue the services (of
his fathers), With his capital in Hsieh?, Where he
should be a pattern to the states of the south. The
king gave charge to the earl of Sh4o, To arrange
all about the residence of the chief of Shan, Where
he should do what was necessary for the regions of
the south, And where his posterity might maintain
his merit.
Of the services of the chief of Shin The foundation was laid by the earl of Sh4o, Who first built
the walls (of his city), And then completed his
ancestral temple?. When the temple was completed,
wide and grand, The king conferred on the chief of
Shaéo Four noble steeds, With the hooks for the
trappings of the breast-bands, glittering bright °.
‘ mountains’ in lines 1 and 3 is the same that occurs in the title of
Y4o's minister, On the statement about the mountains sending
down a spirit, Hwang Hstin, a critic of the Sung dynasty, says that
‘it is merely a personification of the poet, to show how high
Heaven had a mind to revive the fortunes of Kau, and that we
need not trouble ourselves about whether there was such a spirit
or not.’
1 Hsieh was in the present Fang au of the department of
Nan-yang.
* Compare with this the account given, in ode 3 of the first
decade, of the settling of ‘the ancient duke Than-f@’ in the plain
of Kau. Here, as there, the great religious edifice, the ancestral
temple, takes precedence of all other buildings in the new city.
8 The steeds with their equipments were tokens of the royal
favour, usually granted on occasions of investiture. The conferring of them was followed immediately by the departure of the
newly-invested prince to his charge.
ODE 6. THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 425
Ope 6, Stanzas 1 AND 7. Tue KANG Mun.
CELEBRATING THE VIRTUES OF XUNG SHAN-F(), WHO APPEARS TO HAVE
BEEN ONE OF THE PRINCIPAL MINISTERS OF KING HSUAN, AND HIS
DESPATCH TO THE EAST, TO FORTIFY THE CAPITAL OF THE STATE
OF KHf%.
Heaven, in giving birth to the multitudes of the
people, To every faculty and relationship annexed
its law. The people possess this normal nature,
And they (consequently) love its normal virtue}.
Heaven beheld the ruler of X4u, Brilliantly affecting it by his conduct below, And to maintain him,
its Son, Gave birth to Kung Shan-fd *
Kung Shan-fa went forth, having sacrificed to the
spirit of the road*. His four steeds were strong;
Heaven beheld the ruler of X4u, Brilliantly affecting it by his conduct below, And to maintain him,
its Son, Gave birth to Kung Shan-fd *
Kung Shan-fa went forth, having sacrificed to the
spirit of the road*. His four steeds were strong;
1 We get an idea of the meaning which has been attached to
these four lines from a very early time by Mencius’ quotation
of them (VI, i, ch. 6) in support of his doctrine of the goodness of
human nature, and the remark on the piece which he attributes
to Confucius, that ‘the maker of it knew indeed the constitution
(of our nature).’ Every faculty, bodily or mental, has its function
to fulfil, and every relationship its duty to be discharged. The function and the duty are the things which the human being has to
observe :—the seeing clearly, for instance, with the eyes, and hearing
distinctly with the ears; the maintenance of righteousness between
ruler and minister, and of affection between parent and child.
This is the ‘normal nature,’ and the ‘normal virtue’ is the nature
fulfilling the various laws of its constitution.
* The connexion between these four lines and those that precede is this:—that while Heaven produces all men with the good
nature there described, on occasions it produces others with virtue
and powers in a super-eminent degree. Such an occasion was
presented by the case of king Hsiian, and therefore, to mark its
appreciation of him, and for his help, it now produced Kung
Shan-fa.
5 This was a special sacrifice at the commencement of a journey,
or of an expedition. See note 2 on p. 399.
426 THE SHIH KING. DECADE III.
His men were alert, He was always anxious lest
he should not be equal to his commission; His
steeds went on without stopping, To the tinkling
of their eight bells. The king had given charge
to Kung Shan-fa, To fortify the city there in
the east.
Ope 7, STanzas 1 AND PART OF 3. THE Han Yi.
CELEBRATING THE MARQUIS OF HAN:—-HIS INVESTITURE, AND THE KING'S
CHARGE TO HIM ; THE GIFTS HE RECEIVED, AND THE PARTING FEAST
AT THE COURT; HIS MARRIAGE; THE EXCELLENCE OF HIS TERRI-
TORY; AND HIS SWAY OVER THE REGIONS OF THE NORTH.
Only one line—the first of stanza 3—in this interesting piece
serves to illustrate the religious practices of the time, and needs
no further note than what has been given on the first line of
stanza 7 in the preceding ode. The name of the marquisate
of Han remains in the district of Han-&44ng, department of
Hsf-an, Shen-hsi, in which also is mount Liang.
Very grand is the mountain of Liang, Which was
made cultivable by Yi. Bright is the way from it,
(Along which came) the marquis of Han to receive
investiture. The king in person gave the charge :—
‘Continue the services of your ancestors; Let not
my charge to you come to nought. Be diligent early
and late, And reverently discharge your duties :—
So shall my appointment of you not change. Bea
support against those princes who do not come to
court, Thus assisting your sovereign.’
Be diligent early
and late, And reverently discharge your duties :—
So shall my appointment of you not change. Bea
support against those princes who do not come to
court, Thus assisting your sovereign.’
When the marquis of Han left the court, he
sacrificed to the spirit of the road. He went forth,
and lodged for the night in Td.
opE8. THE MAJOR ODES OF THE’ KINGDOM. 427
Ope 8, Stanzas 4 AND 5. THE Atanc Han.
CELEBRATING AN EXPEDITION AGAINST THE SOUTHERN TRIBES OF THE
HWAI, AND THE WORK DONE FOR THE KING IN THEIR COUNTRY, BY
xO, THE EARL OF SHAO, WITH THE MANNER IN WHICH THE KING
REWARDED HIM, AND HE RESPONDED TO THE ROYAL FAVOUR.
Hf was probably the same earl of Sh4&o, who is mentioned in
ode 5, as building his capital of Hsieh for the new marquis of
Shin. The lords of Shao had been distinguished in the service
of X4u ever since the rise of the dynasty.
The king gave charge to Hd of Shao :—‘ You
have everywhere made known (and carried out my
orders). When (the kings) Wan and Wad received
their appointment, The duke of Shao was their
strong support. You not (only) have a regard to
me the little child, But you try to resemble that
duke of Sh4o. You have commenced and earnestly
displayed your merit; And I will make you happy.
‘I give you a large libation-cup of jade’, Anda
jar of herb-flavoured spirits from the black ‘millet.
I have made announcement to the Accomplished
one*, And confer on you hills, lands, and fields.
In (KAi-)é4u shall you receive investiture, According as your ancestor received his.’ Hd bowed with
1 See note 2 on p. 386.
* The cup and the spirits would be used by the earl when
sacrificing in his ancestral temple. Compare the similar gift from
king Khang to the duke of Kau, in the Shd, p. 194. More substantial gifts are immediately specified.
5 «The Accomplished one’ is understood to be king Wan (=‘ the
Accomplished king’). He was the founder of the Aau dynasty.
To him the kingdom had first come by the appointment and gift
of Heaven. It was the duty therefore of his successors, in making
grants of territory to meritorious officers, to announce them to him
in Khi-A4u, the old territory of the family, and obtain, as it were,
his leave for what they were doing.
428 THE SHIH KING. DECADE III.
his head to the ground (and said), ‘May the Son
of Heaven live for ever!’
Ope 10, Stanzas 1, 5,6, ano 7. THe KAN ZANG.
THE WRITER DEPLORES, WITH AN APPEALING WAIL TO HEAVEN, THE
MISERY AND OPPRESSION THAT PREVAILED, AND INTIMATES THAT
THEY WERE CAUSED BY THE INTERFERENCE OF WOMEN AND EUNUCHS
IN THE GOVERNMENT.
The king addressed in this piece was most probably Ya. It suits
his character and reign.
THe KAN ZANG.
THE WRITER DEPLORES, WITH AN APPEALING WAIL TO HEAVEN, THE
MISERY AND OPPRESSION THAT PREVAILED, AND INTIMATES THAT
THEY WERE CAUSED BY THE INTERFERENCE OF WOMEN AND EUNUCHS
IN THE GOVERNMENT.
The king addressed in this piece was most probably Ya. It suits
his character and reign.
I look up to great Heaven, But it shows us no
kindness. Very long have we been disquieted, And
these great calamities are sent down (upon us).
There is nothing settled in the country; Officers
and people are in distress. Through the insects
from without and from within, There is no peace
or limit (to our misery). The net of crime is not
taken up', And there is no peace nor cure (for
our state).
Why is it that Heaven is (thus) reproving (you) ?
Why is it that Heaven is not blessing (you)? You
neglect your great barbarian (foes), And regard
me with hatred. You are regardless of the evil
omens (that abound #), And your demeanour is all
unseemly. (Good) men are going away, And the
country is sure to go to ruin.
Heaven is letting down its net, And many (are
the calamities in it). (Good) men are going away,
And my heart is sorrowful. Heaven is letting down
1 By ‘the net of crime’ we are to understand the multitude of
penal laws, to whose doom people were exposed. In stanza 6,
Heaven is represented as letting it down.
3 Compare ode 9 of the fourth decade in the former Part.
ODE 11, THE MAJOR ODES OF THE KINGDOM. 429
its net, And soon (all will be caught in it). (Good)
men are going away, And my heart is sad.
Right from the spring comes the water bubbling,
Revealing its depth. The sorrow of my heart,—Is
it (only) of to-day? Why were these things not
before me? Or why were they not after me? But
mysteriously great Heaven Is able to strengthen
anything. Do not disgrace your great ancestors :—
This will save your posterity }.
Ope 11, Stanzas 1 anpD 2. THE SHAo Min.
THE WRITER APPEALS TO HEAVEN, BEMOANING THE MISERY AND RUIN
WHICH WERE GOING ON, AND SHOWING HOW THEY WERE DUE TO THE
KING’S EMPLOYMENT OF MEAN AND WORTHLESS CREATURES.
Compassiqnate Heaven is arrayed in angry terrors,
Heaven is indeed sending down ruin, Afflicting us
with famine, So that the people are all wandering
fugitives. In the settled regions, and on the borders,
all is desolation.
Heaven sends down its net of crime ;— Devouring insects, who weary and confuse men’s minds,
Ignorant, oppressive, negligent, Breeders of confusion, utterly perverse:— These are the men
employed.
1 The writer in these concluding lines ventures to summon the
king to repentance, and to hold out a hope that there might come
a change in their state. He does this, believing that all things are
possible with Heaven.
LESSONS FROM THE STATES.
OpEs AND STANZAS ILLUSTRATING THE RELIGIOUS
VIEWS AND PRACTICES OF THE WRITERS AND
THEIR TIMES.
He does this, believing that all things are
possible with Heaven.
LESSONS FROM THE STATES.
OpEs AND STANZAS ILLUSTRATING THE RELIGIOUS
VIEWS AND PRACTICES OF THE WRITERS AND
THEIR TIMES.
Ir has been stated in the Introduction, p. 276, that the first Part
of the Shih, called the Kwo Fang, or ‘Lessons from the
States,’ consists of 160 pieces, descriptive of manners and
events in several of the feudal states into which the kingdom
of Kau was divided. Nearly all of them are short; and the
passages illustrating the religious views and practices of their
times are comparatively few. What passages there are, however,
of this nature will all be found below. The pieces are not
arranged in decades, as in the Odes of the Kingdom, but in
Books, under the names of the states in which they were
produced.
Although the Kwo Fang form, as usually published, the first Part
of the Shih, nearly all of them are more recent in their origin
than the pieces of the other Parts. They bring us face to face
with the states of the kingdom, and the ways of their officers and
people for several centuries of the dynasty of Kau.
Book II. Tue Opes or SHAO AND THE SOUTH.
Tue Shfi and previous portions of the Shih have made us familiar
with Shao, the name of the appanage of Shih, one of the principal ministers at the court of Au in the first two reigns of the
dynasty. The site of the city of Sh4o was in the present department of Fang-4hiang, Shen-hsi. The first possessor of it,
along with the still more famous duke of Xu, remained at
court, to watch over the fortunes of the new dynasty. They were
known as ‘the highest dukes’ and ‘the two great chiefs,’ the
duke of Xau having charge of the eastern portions of the kingdom, and the other of the western. The pieces in this Book are
supposed to have been produced in ShAo, and the principalities
south of it within his jurisdiction, by the duke.
BOOK II. 2. LESSONS FROM THE STATES. 431
Ope 2. Tue ZxHAtr Fan.
CELEBRATING THE INDUSTRY AND REVERENCE OF A PRINCE'S WIFE,
ASSISTING HIM IN SACRIFICING.
We must suppose the ladies of a harem, in one of the states of the
south, admiring and praising in these simple stanzas the way in
which their mistress discharged her duties. A view of the ode
maintained by many is that the lady gathered the southernwood,
not to use it in sacrificing, but in the nurture of the silkworms
under her care; but the evidence of the characters in the text is,
on the whole, in favour of the more common view. Constant
reference is made to the piece by Chinese moralists, to show that
the most trivial things are accepted in sacrifice, when there are
reverence and sincerity in the presenting of them.
Constant
reference is made to the piece by Chinese moralists, to show that
the most trivial things are accepted in sacrifice, when there are
reverence and sincerity in the presenting of them.
One critic asked AQ Hsf whether it was conceivable that the wife
of a prince did herself what is here related, and he replied that
the poet said so. Another has observed that if the lady ordered
and employed others, it was still her own doing. But that the
lady did it herself is not incredible, when we consider the simplicity of those early times, in the twelfth century B.c.
She gathers the white southernwood, By the
ponds, on the islets. She employs it, In the
business of our prince.
She gathers the white southernwood, Along
the streams in the valleys. She employs it, In
the temple! of our prince.
1 If the character here translated ‘temple’ had no other signification but that, there would be an end of the dispute about the
meaning of the piece. But while we find it often used of the
ancestral temple, it may also mean any building, especially one of
a large and public character, such as a palace or mansion ; and
hence some contend that it should be interpreted here of ‘the silkworm house.’ We are to conceive of the lady, after having
gathered the materials for sacrificial use, then preparing them
according to rule, and while it is yet dark on the morning of the
sacrificial day, going with them into the temple, and setting them
forth in their proper vessels and places.
432 THE SHIH KING. BOOK Il. 4.
With head-dress reverently rising aloft, Early,
while yet it is night, she is in the prince’s (temple).
In her head-dress, slowly retiring, She returns (to
her own apartments).
Ope 4. Tue Zx#Ar Pin.
CELEBRATING THE DILIGENCE AND REVERENCE OF THE YOUNG WIFE OF
AN OFFICER, DOING HER PART IN SACRIFICIAL OFFERINGS.
She gathers the large duckweed, By the banks
of the stream in the southern valley. She gathers
the pondweed, In those pools left by the floods.
She deposits what she gathers, In her square
baskets and round ones. She boils it, In her tripods
and pans.
She sets forth her preparations, Under the window
in the ancestral chamber’. Who superintends the
business ? It is (this) reverent young lady.
She deposits what she gathers, In her square
baskets and round ones. She boils it, In her tripods
and pans.
She sets forth her preparations, Under the window
in the ancestral chamber’. Who superintends the
business ? It is (this) reverent young lady.
1 «The ancestral chamber’ was a room behind the temple of the
family, dedicated specially to the ancestor of the officer whose wife
is the subject of the piece. The princes of states were succeeded,
as a rule, by the eldest son of the wife proper. Their sons by
other wives were called ‘other sons.’ The eldest son by the wife
proper of one of them became the ‘great ancestor’ of the clan
descended from him, and ‘the ancestral chamber’ was an apartment dedicated to him. M4§o and other interpreters, going on certain statements as to the training of daughters in the business of
sacrificing in this apartment for three months previous to their
marriage, contend that the lady spoken of here was not yet
married, but was only undergoing this’ preparatory education.
It is not necessary, however, to adopt this interpretation. The
lady appears doing the same duties as the wife in the former
piece.
BOOK III. 4. LESSONS FROM THE STATES. 433
Book III. Tue Opes or PuHEt.
Wuen king W0 overthrew the dynasty of Shang, the domain of its
kings was divided into three portions, the northern portion being
called Phei, the southern Yung, and the eastern Wei, the rulers
of which last in course of time absorbed the other two. It
is impossible to say why the old names were retained in the
arrangement of the odes in this Part of the Shih, for it is acknowledged on all hands that the pieces in Books iii and iv, as well
as those of Book vy, are all odes of Wei.
Ove 4, Tue Zan YUEH.
SUPPOSED TO BE THE COMPLAINT AND APPEAL OF KWANG XIANG, A
MARCHIONESS OF WEI, AGAINST THE BAD TREATMENT SHE RECEIVED
FROM HER HUSBAND.
All the Chinese critics give this interpretation of the piece. A wang
Xiang was a daughter of the house of XAi, about the middle of
the eighth century 3.c., and was married to the marquis Yang,
known in history as ‘duke Awang, of Wei. She was a lady of
admirable character, and beautiful; but her husband proved
faithless and unkind. In this ode she makes her subdued moan,
appealing to the sun and moon, as if they could take cognizance
of the way in which she was treated. Possibly, however, the
addressing those bodies may simply be an instance of proso-
popoeia.
O sun, O moon, Which enlighten this lower
earth! Here is this man, Who treats me not according to the ancient rule. How can he get his
mind settled ?. Would he then not regard me?
O sun, O moon, Which overshadow this lower
earth! Here is this man, Who will not be friendly
with me. How can he get his mind settled? Would
he then not respond to me ?
O sun, O moon, Which come forth from the
east! Here is this man, With virtuous words, but
really not good. How can he get his mind settled ?
Would he then allow me to be forgotten ?
[1] Ff
How can he get his mind settled? Would
he then not respond to me ?
O sun, O moon, Which come forth from the
east! Here is this man, With virtuous words, but
really not good. How can he get his mind settled ?
Would he then allow me to be forgotten ?
[1] Ff
434 THE SHIH KING. BOOK IV.
F
O sun, O moon, From the east that come forth!
O father, O mother, There is no sequel to your
nourishing of me. How can he get his mind settled?
Would he then respond to me contrary to all reason?
Ope 15, Stanza 1. Tue Per MAn.
AN OFFICER OF WEI SETS FORTH HIS HARD LOT, THROUGH DISTRESSES
AND THE BURDENS LAID UPON HIM, AND HIS SILENCE UNDER IT IN
SUBMISSION TO HEAVEN.
I go out at the north gate, With my heart full
of sorrow. Straitened am I and poor, And no one
takes knowledge of my distress. So it is! Heaven
has done it! ;—What then shall I say ?
Book IV. Tue Opss or YuNG.
See the preliminary note on p. 433.
Ove 1. Tue Pai KAv.
PROTEST OF A WIDOW AGAINST BEING URGED TO MARRY AGAIN, AND
HER APPEAL TO HER MOTHER AND TO HEAVEN.
Tuts piece, it is said, was made by Kung Xiang, the widow of
Kung-po, son of the marquis Hsf of Wei (B.c. 855-814). Kungpo having died an early death, her parents (who must have been
the marquis of Ai and his wife or one of the ladies of his harem)
wanted to force her to a second marriage, against which she
protests. The ode was preserved, no doubt, as an example of
1 The ‘Complete Digest of Comments on the Shih’ warns its
readers not to take ‘Heaven’ here as synonymous with Ming,
‘what is decreed or commanded.’ The writer does not go on
to define the precise idea which he understood the character to
convey. This appears to be what we often mean by ‘ Providence,’
when we speak of anything permitted, rather than appointed, by
the supreme ruling Power.
ODE 3. LESSONS FROM THE STATES. 435
what the Chinese have always considered a great virtue,—the
refusal of a widow to marry again.
It floats about, that boat of cypress wood, There
in the middle of the Ho. With his two tufts of
hair falling over his forehead*, He was my mate;
And I swear that till death I will have no other.
O mother, O Heaven*, Why will you not understand me?
It floats about, that boat of cypress wood, There
by the side of the Ho. With his two tufts of hair
falling over his forehead, He was my only one;
And I swear that till death I will not do the evil
thing. O mother, O Heaven, Why will you not
understand me?
Ope 8, Stanza 2. Tue Aiin-8z—E Aten LAo.
CONTRAST BETWEEN THE BEAUTY AND SPLENDOUR OF HSUAN XIANG
AND HER VICIOUSNESS.
Hsiian Kiang was a princess of Ai, who, towards the close of the
seventh century B.c., became wife to the marquis of Wei, known
as duke Hstian. She was beautiful and unfortunate, but various
things are related of her indicative of the grossest immoralities
prevailing in the court of Wei.
How rich and splendid Is her pheasant-figured
She was beautiful and unfortunate, but various
things are related of her indicative of the grossest immoralities
prevailing in the court of Wei.
How rich and splendid Is her pheasant-figured
1 These allusive lines, probably, indicate the speaker’s widowhood, which left her like ‘a boat floating about on the water.’
2 Such was the mode in which the hair was kept, while a boy or
young man’s parents were alive, parted into two tufts from the pia
mater, and brought down as low as the eyebrows on either side
of the forehead.
® Mao thought that the lady intended her father by ‘Heaven ;’
while Af held that her father may have been dead, and that the
mother is called Heaven, with reference to the kindness and protection that she ought to show. There seems rather to be in the
term a wild, and not very intelligent, appeal to the supreme Power
in heaven.
Ff2
436 THE SHIH KING. BOOK Iv. 6.
robe!! Her black hair in masses like clouds, No
false locks does she descend to. There are her earplugs of jade, Her comb-pin of ivory, And her
high forehead, so white. She appears like a visitant
from heaven! She appears like a goddess ?.
Ope 6, Stanzas1anp2. Tue TING 1H FANG AUNG.
CELEBRATING THE PRAISE OF DUKE WAN ;—-HIS DILIGENCE, FORESIGHT,
USE OF DIVINATION, AND OTHER QUALITIES.
The state of Wei was reduced to extremity by an irruption of some
northern hordes in B.c. 660, and had nearly disappeared from
among the states of Kau. Under the marquis Wei, known in
history as duke W4n, its fortunes revived, and he became a sort
of second founder of the state.
When Ting culminated (at night-fall)*, He
began to build the palace at KA#i*, Determining
1 The lady is introduced arrayed in the gorgeous robes worn by
the princess of a state in the ancestral temple.
* P. Lacharme translated these two concluding lines by ‘Tu
primo aspectu coelos (pulchritudine), et imperatorem (majestate)
adaequas,’ without any sanction of the Chinese critics ; and more-
over there was no Tf ff) in the sense of imperator then in
China. The sovereigns of Kau were wang or kings. AQ Hstf
expands the lines thus :—‘Such is the beayty of her robes and
appearance, that beholders are struck with awe, as if she were
a spiritual being.’ Hst Ahien (Yuian dynasty) deals with them
thus: —‘ With such splendour of beauty and dress, how is it that she
is here? She has come down from heaven! She is a spiritual
being !
* Ting is the name of a small space in the heavens, embracing
a Markab and another star of Pegasus. Its culminating at night-fall
was the signal that the labours of husbandry were over for the
year, and that building operations should be taken in hand. Great
as was the urgency for the building of his new capital, duke Wain
would not take it in hand till the proper time for such a labour
was arrived. .
* Kd, or KAd-kAit, was the new capital of Wei, in the present district of KAAng-wh, department 3/40-Aau, Shan-tung.
BOOK V. 4. LESSONS FROM THE STATES. 437
.
* Kd, or KAd-kAit, was the new capital of Wei, in the present district of KAAng-wh, department 3/40-Aau, Shan-tung.
BOOK V. 4. LESSONS FROM THE STATES. 437
its aspects by means of the sun. He built the
palace at KAd. He planted about it hazel and
chesnut trees, The f, the Thung, the 8ze, and the
varnish tree. Which, when cut down, might afford
materials for lutes.
He ascended those old walls, And thence surveyed (the site of) A#t. He surveyed KA and
Thang?, With the lofty hills and high elevations
about. He descended and examined the mulberry
trees. He then divined by the tortoise-shell, and
got a favourable response?; And thus the issue
has been truly good.
Book V. THE Opes or WEIL.
Ir has been said on the title of Book iii, that Wei at first was the
eastern portion of the old domain of the kings of Shang. With
this a brother of king W4, called Khang-shf, was invested. The
principality was afterwards increased by the absorption of Phei
and Yung. It came to embrace portions of the present pro- —
vinces of Xih-If, Shan-tung, and Ho-nan. It outlasted the
dynasty of Ku itself, the last prince of Wei being reduced to
the ranks of the people only during the dynasty of Xhin.
Ope 4, Stanzas 1 AND 2. THe MANa.
AN UNFORTUNATE WOMAN, WHO HAD BEEN SEDUCED INTO AN IMPROPER
CONNEXION, NOW CAST OFF, RELATES AND BEMOANS HER SAD CASE.
An extract is given from the pathetic history here related, because
it shows how divination was used among the common people,
and entered generally into the ordinary affairs of life.
A simple-looking lad you were, Carrying cloth
1 Thang was the name of a town, evidently not far from AQ.
2 We have seen before how divination was resorted to on occasion of new undertakings, especially in proceeding to rear a city.
438 THE SHIH KING. BOOK VI.
to exchange it for silk. (But) you came not so
to purchase silk ;—You came to make proposals to
me. I convoyed you through the KAi}, As far
as Tun-A/ih?, ‘It is not I,’ (I said), ‘who would
protract the time; But you have had no good gobetween. I pray you be notangry, And let autumn
be the time.’
I ascended that ruinous wall, To look towards
Fd-kwan*; And when I saw (you) not (coming
from) it, My tears flowed in streams. When I did
see (you coming from) Fd-kwan, I laughed and
I spoke. You had consulted, (you said), the tortoiseshell and the divining stalks, And there was nothing
unfavourable in their response*. ‘Then come,’ (I
said), ‘with your carriage, And I will remove with
my goods.’
Book VI. Tue Opes or THE RoyaL Domain.
Kine Win, it has been seen, had for his capital the city of Fang,
from which his son, king WO, moved the seat of government
to Hao. In the time of king KAing, a city was built by the duke
1 The XAt was a famous river of Wei.
* Tun-éAit was a well-known place —‘the mound or height of
Tun’—south of the Wei.
In the time of king KAing, a city was built by the duke
1 The XAt was a famous river of Wei.
* Tun-éAit was a well-known place —‘the mound or height of
Tun’—south of the Wei.
5 Ffi-kwan must have been the place where the man lived,
according to AQ. Rather, it must have been a pass (Fd-kwan
may mean ‘ the gate or pass of FQ’), through which he would come,
and was visible from near the residence of the woman.
‘ Ying-t@ observes that the man had never divined about the
matter, and said that he had done so only to complete the process
of seduction. The critics dwell on the inconsistency of divination
being resorted to in such a case:—‘ Divination is proper only if
used in reference to what is right and moral.’
ODE I. LESSONS FROM THE STATES, 439
of Xéu, near the present Lo-yang, and called ‘the eastern
capital.’ Meetings of the princes of the states assembled there ;
but the court continued to be held at Hao till the accession of
king Phing in B.c. 770. From that time, the kings of Kau sank
nearly to the level of the princes of the states, and the poems
collected in their domain were classed among the ‘ Lessons of
Manners from the States,’ though still distinguished by the
epithet ‘royal’ prefixed to them.
Ope 1, Stanza 1. Tue Sut Li.
AN OFFICER DESCRIBES HIS MELANCHOLY AND REFLECTIONS ON SEEING
THE DESOLATION OF THE OLD CAPITAL OF KAU, MAKING HIS MOAN
TO HEAVEN BECAUSE OF IT.
There is no specific mention of the old capital of X4u in the piece,
but the schools of M4o and @ are agreed in this interpretation, which is much more likely than any of the others that have
been proposed.
There was the millet with its drooping heads;
There was: the sacrificial millet coming into blade.
Slowly I moved about, In my heart all-agitated.
Those who knew me_ Said I was sad at heart.
Those who did not know me, Said I was seeking
for something. O thou distant and azure Heaven?!
By what man was this (brought about) *?
1 That is, there where the ancestral temple and other grand
buildings of H4o had once stood.
2 *He cried out to Heaven,’ says Yen 3an, ‘and told (his distress), but he calls it distant in its azure brightness, lamenting that
his complaint was not heard.’ This is, probably, the correct explanation of the language. The speaker would by it express his grief
that the dynasty of Kau and its people were abandoned and uncared for by Heaven.
8 Referring to king YQ, whose reckless course had led to the
destruction of Hao by the Zung, and in a minor degree to his
son, king Phing, who had subsequently removed to the eastern
capital.
440 THE SHIH KING, BOOK x.
Ope 9, Stanzas 1 anp 8. Tue TA XU.
A LADY EXCUSES HERSELF FOR NOT FLYING TO HER LOVER BY HER
FEAR OF A SEVERE AND VIRTUOUS MAGISTRATE, AND SWEARS TO HIM
THAT SHE IS SINCERE IN HER ATTACHMENT TO HIM.
His great carriage rolls along, And his robes of
rank glitter like the young sedge. Do I not think
of you? But I am afraid of this officer, and dare
not (fly to you).
His great carriage rolls along, And his robes of
rank glitter like the young sedge. Do I not think
of you? But I am afraid of this officer, and dare
not (fly to you).
While living we may have to occupy different
apartments; But, when dead, we shall share the
same grave. If you say that I am not sincere, By
the bright sun I swear that I am}.
Book X. Tue Obes oF THANG.
Tue odes of Thang were really the odes of 3in, the greatest of the
fiefs of Xu until the rise of KAin. King AA&ng, in B.c. 1107,
invested his younger brother, called ShQ-yii, with the territory
where Y40 was supposed to have ruled anciently as the marquis
of Thang, in the present department of Thai-ytian, Shan-hsi,
the fief retaining that ancient name. Subsequently the name of
the state was changed to 3in, from the river in in the southern
part of it.
Ope 8, Stanza 1. THE PAo Yu.
THE MEN OF 3IN, CALLED OUT TO WARFARE BY THE KING'S ORDER,
MOURN OVER THE CONSEQUENT SUFFERING OF THEIR PARENTS, AND .
LONG FOR THEIR RETURN TO THEIR ORDINARY AGRICULTURAL PUR-
SUITS, MAKING THEIR APPEAL TO HEAVEN.
Sd-sQ go the feathers of the wild geese, As
1 In the ‘Complete Digest’ this oath is expanded in the following way :—' These words are from my heart. If you think that
they are not sincere, there is (a Power) above, like the bright sun,
observing me ;—how should my words not be sincere?’
ODE II. LESSONS FROM THE STATES. 441
they settle on the bushy oaks’. The king’s affairs
must not be slackly discharged, And (so) we cannot
plant our millets;—What will our parents have to
rely on? O thou distant and azure Heaven?!
When shall we be in our places again ?
Ope 11. Tue Ko SuH&nc.
A WIFE MOURNS THE DEATH OF HER HUSBAND, REFUSING TO BE COM-
FORTED, AND DECLARES THAT SHE WILL CHERISH HIS MEMORY TILL
HER OWN DEATH.
I
-
is supposed that the husband whose death is bewailed in this
piece had died in one of the military expeditions of which duke
Hsien (.c. 676—651) was fond. It may have been so, but there
is nothing in the piece to make us think of duke Hsien. I give
it a place in the volume, not because of the religious sentiment
in it, but because of the absence of that sentiment, where we
might expect it. The lady shows the grand virtue of a Chinese
widow, in that she will never marry again. And her grief would
not be assuaged. The days would all seem long summer days,
and the nights all long winter nights; so that a hundred long
years would seem to drag their slow course. But there is not
any hope expressed of a re-union with her husband in another
state. The ‘abode’ and the ‘chamber’ of which she speaks are
to be understood of his grave; and her thoughts do not appear
to go beyond it.
The dolichos grows, covering the thorn trees ;
The convolvulus spreads all over the waste *. The
The ‘abode’ and the ‘chamber’ of which she speaks are
to be understood of his grave; and her thoughts do not appear
to go beyond it.
The dolichos grows, covering the thorn trees ;
The convolvulus spreads all over the waste *. The
* Trees are not the proper place for geese to rest on; and the
attempt to do so is productive of much noise and trouble to the birds.
The lines would seem to allude to the hardships of the soldiers’ lot,
called from their homes to go on a distant expedition.
2 See note 2 on ode 1 of Book vi, where Heaven is appealed to
in the same language.
» These two lines are taken as allusive, the speaker being led
by the sight of the weak plants supported by the trees, shrubs, and
tombs, to think of her own desolate, unsupported condition. But
they may also be taken as narrative, and descriptive of the battleground, where her husband had met his death.
442 THE SHIH KING. BOOK XI.
man of my admiration is no more here ;—With
whom can I dwell? I abide alone.
The dolichos grows, covering the jujube trees ;
The convolvulus spreads all over the tombs. The
man of my admiration is no more here ;—With
whom can I dwell? I rest alone.
How beautiful was the pillow of horn! How
splendid was the embroidered coverlet!! The man
of my admiration is no more here ;—With whom can
I dwell? Alone (I wait for) the morning.
Through the (long) days of summer, Through
the (long) nights of winter (shall I be alone), Till
the lapse of a hundred years, When I shall go
home to his abode.
Through the (long) nights of winter, Through
the (long) days of summer (shall I be alone), Till
the lapse of a hundred years, When I shall go
home to his chamber.
Book XI. Tue Opes or Kun.
Tuk state of XAin took its name from its earliest principal city, in the
present district of AAing-shui, in KAin Kau, Kan-sf. Its chiefs
claimed to be descended from Yi, who appears in the Shi as
the forester of Shun, and the assistant of the great Yi in his
labours on the flood of Y4o. The history of his descendants
is very imperfectly related till we come to a Fei-3ze, who had
charge of the herds of horses belonging to king Hsifo(B.c. gog-
895), and in consequence of his good services was invested with
1 These things had been ornaments of the bridal chamber ; and
as the widow thinks of them, her grief becomes more intense.
ODE 6. LESSONS FROM THE STATES. 443
the small territory of Kin, as an attached state. A descendant
of his, known as duke Hsiang, in consequence of his loyal services, when the capital was moved to the east in B.c. 770, was
raised to the dignity of an earl, and took his place among the
great feudal princes of the kingdom, receiving also a large
portion of territory, which included the ancient capital of the
House of Xau. In course of time XAin, as is well known, superseded the dynasty of Kau, having gradually moved its capital
more and more to the east. The people of K/in were, no doubt,
mainly composed of the wild tribes of the west.
In course of time XAin, as is well known, superseded the dynasty of Kau, having gradually moved its capital
more and more to the east. The people of K/in were, no doubt,
mainly composed of the wild tribes of the west.
Ope 6, Stanza 1. Tue Hwane Nido.
LAMENT FOR THREE WORTHIES OF XHIN, WHO WERE BURIED IN THE
SAME GRAVE WITH DUKE MO.
There is no difficulty or difference in the interpretation of this
piece ; and it brings us down to B.c. 621. Then died duke Mf,
after playing an important part in the north-west of China for
thirty-nine years. The 30 Awan, under the sixth year of duke
Wan, makes mention of M(’s requiring that the three brothers
here celebrated should be buried with him, and of the composition of this piece in consequence. Sze-m4 Xfien says that
this barbarous practice began with M(’s predecessor, with whom
sixty-six persons were buried alive, and that one hundred and
seventy-seven in all were buried with MQ. The death of the last
distinguished man of the House of X/in, the emperor I, was subsequently celebrated by the entombment with him of all the
inmates of his harem.
They flit about, the yellow birds, And rest upon
the jujube trees’. Who followed duke MQ in the
grave? 3ze-4ii Yen-hsi. And this Yen-hsi Was
a man above a hundred. When he came to the
1 It is difficult to see the relation between these two allusive
lines and the rest of the stanza. Some say that it is this,—that the
people loved the three victims as they liked the birds; others that
the birds among the trees were in their proper place,—very different
from the brothers in the grave of duke Ma.
444 THE SHIH KING. BOOK Xv.
grave, He looked terrified and trembled. Thou
azure Heaven there! Could he have been redeemed,
We would have given a hundred (ordinary) men
for him},
Book XV. Tue Obes or Pin.
Duke Lif, an ancestor of the K4u family, made a settlement, according to its traditions, in B.c. 1797, in Pin, the site of which
is pointed out, go If to the west of the present district city of
San-shui, in Pin A Au, Shen-hsf, where the tribe remained till the
movement eastwards of Than-f, celebrated in the first decade
of the Major Odes of the Kingdom, ode 3. The duke of X4u,
during the minority of king AKA&ng, made, it is supposed, the
first of the pieces in this Book, describing for the instruction of
the young monarch, the ancient ways of their fathers in Pin ;
and subsequently some one compiled other odes made by the
duke, and others also about him, and brought them together
under the common name of ‘the Odes of Pin.’
Ope 1, Stanza 8. THE Axzt YUE.
DESCRIBING LIFE IN PIN IN THE OLDEN TIME } THE PROVIDENT ARRANGE-
MENTS THERE TO SECURE THE CONSTANT SUPPLY OF FOOD AND
RAIMENT,— WHATEVER WAS NECESSARY FOR THE SUPPORT AND CON-
FORT OF THE PEOPLE.
THE Axzt YUE.
DESCRIBING LIFE IN PIN IN THE OLDEN TIME } THE PROVIDENT ARRANGE-
MENTS THERE TO SECURE THE CONSTANT SUPPLY OF FOOD AND
RAIMENT,— WHATEVER WAS NECESSARY FOR THE SUPPORT AND CON-
FORT OF THE PEOPLE.
If the piece was made, as the Chinese critics all suppose, by the
duke of Kau, we must still suppose that he writes in the person
of an old farmer or yeoman of Pin. The picture which it gives
of the manners of the Chinese people, their thrifty, provident
ways, their agriculture and weaving,,nearly 3,700 years ago, is
1 This appeal to Heaven is like what we met with in the first
of the Odes of the Royal Domain, and the eighth of those of
Thang.
ODE I. LESSONS FROM THE STATES. 445
full of interest ; but it is not till we come to the concluding stanza
that we find anything bearing on their religious practices.
In the days of (our) second month, they hew out
the ice with harmonious blows!; And in those of
(our) third month, they convey it to the ice-houses,
(Which they open) in those of (our) fourth, early in
the morning A lamb having been offered in sacrifice with scallions*. In the ninth month, it is cold,
with frost. In the tenth month, they sweep clean
their stack-sites. (Taking) the two bottles of spirits
to be offered to their ruler, And having killed their
lambs and sheep, They go to his hall, And raising
* They went for the ice to the deep recesses of the hills, and
wherever it was to be found in the best condition.
* It is said in the last chapter of ‘the Great Learning,’ that ‘ the
family which keeps its stores of ice does not rear cattle or sheep,’
meaning that the possessor of an ice-house must be supposed to
be very wealthy, and above the necessity of increasing his means
in the way described. Probably, the having ice-houses by high
ministers and heads of clans was an innovation on the earlier custom, according to which such a distinction was proper only to the
king, or the princes of states, on whom it devolved as ‘the fathers
of the people,’ to impart from their stores in the hot season as
might be necessary. The third and fourth lines of this stanza are
to be understood of what was done by the orders of the ruler of
the tribe of Kau in Pin. In the Official Book of Kau, Part I,
ch. 5, we have a description of the duties of ‘the Providers of Ice,’
and the same subject is treated in the sixth Book of ‘the Record
of Rites,’ sections 2 and 6. The ice having been collected and
stored in winter, the ice-houses were solemnly opened in the spring.
A sacrifice was offered to ‘the Ruler of Cold, the Spirit of the
Ice,’ and of the first ice brought forth an offering was set out in
the apartment behind the principal hall of the ancestral temple.
“A sacrifice to the same Ruler of Cold, it is said, had also been
offered when the ice began to be collected. The ceremony may be
taken as an illustration of the manner in which religious services
entered into the life of the ancient Chinese.
446 THE SHIH KING. BOOK Xv.
“A sacrifice to the same Ruler of Cold, it is said, had also been
offered when the ice began to be collected. The ceremony may be
taken as an illustration of the manner in which religious services
entered into the life of the ancient Chinese.
446 THE SHIH KING. BOOK Xv.
the cup of rhinoceros horn, Wish him long life,—
that he may live for ever’.
1 The custom described in the five concluding lines is mentioned
to show the good and loyal feeling of the people of Pin towards
their chief. Having finished all the agricultural labours of the
year, and being now prepared to enjoy the results of their industry,
the first thing they do is to hasten to the hall of their ruler, and
ask him to share in their joy, and express their loyal wishes for his
happiness.
THE HSIAO KING
OR
CLASSIC OF FILIAL PIETY.
Digitized by G oogle
THE HSIAO KING
OR
CLASSIC OF FILIAL PIETY.
INTRODUCTION.
CHAPTER I.
THE NAME OF THE CLASSIC; ITS EXISTENCE BEFORE
THE HAN DYNASTY; ITS CONTENTS, AND BY WHOM
IT WAS WRITTEN.
1. The Chinese character pronounced Hsi4o, which we
translate by ‘ Filial Piety,’ and which may also perform the
part of an adjective, ‘ filial,’ of a verb, ‘to be filial,’ or of
Meaning of the 22 adverb, ‘ filially,’ is one of the composite
character § characters whose meaning is suggested by the
Hsiao. meanings of their constituent parts combined
together. It is made up of two others,—one signifying
‘an old man’ or ‘old age,’ and beneath it the character
signifying ‘a son.’ It thus, according to the Shwo W4n,
the oldest Chinese dictionary (A.D. 100), presents to the
eye ‘a son bearing up an old man,’ that is, a child supporting his parent. Hsi4o also enters as their phonetical
element into at least twenty other characters, so that it
must be put down as of very early formation. The character King has been explained in the Introduction to
the Shad King, p. 2; and the title, Hsido King, means ‘the
Classic of Filial Piety.’
2. Many Chinese critics contend that this brief treatise
was thus designated by Confucius himself, and that it
received the distinction of being styled a King before
[1] Gs
450 THE HSIAO KING.
2; and the title, Hsido King, means ‘the
Classic of Filial Piety.’
2. Many Chinese critics contend that this brief treatise
was thus designated by Confucius himself, and that it
received the distinction of being styled a King before
[1] Gs
450 THE HSIAO KING.
any of the older and more important classics. For the
Was the treatise preservation of the text as we now have it, we
. called the Hsiao are indebted to Hsiian Sung (A. D. 713-755),
King by Son one of the emperors of the Thang dynasty.
In the preface to his commentary on it there
occurs this sentence :—‘ The Master said, “‘ My aim is seen
in the Khun Khid; my (rule of) conduct is in the Hsiao
King.”’ The imperial author quotes the saying, as if it
were universally acknowledged to have come from the
sage. It is found at a much earlier date in the preface
of Ho Hsif (A.D. 129-182) to his commentary on the
Kun Khid as transmitted and annotated by Kung-yang.
The industry of scholars has traced it still farther back,
and in a more extended form, to a work called Hsiao King
Kii-ming Kiieh,—a production, probably, of the first century of our era, or of the century before it. It was one of
a class of writings on the classical books, full of mysterious
and useless speculations, that never took rank among the
acknowledged expositions. Most of them soon disappeared,
but this subsisted down to the Sui dynasty (A.D. 581-618),
for there was a copy of it then in the Imperial Library. It
is now lost, but a few passages of it have been collected
from quotations in the Han writers. Among them is this :—
‘ Confucius said, “If you wish to see my aim in dispensing
praise or blame to the feudal lords, it is to be found in the
Khun Khid; the courses by which I would exalt the social
relations are in the Hsiao King.”’ The words thus ascribed
to Confucius were condensed, it is supposed, into the form
in which we have them,—first from Ho Hsid, and afterwards
from the emperor Hsiian 3ung. Whether they were really
used by the sage or not, they were attributed to him as
early as the beginning of our Christian era, and it was then
believed that he had given to our classic the honourable
name of a King.
3. But the existence of the Hsiao King can be traced
several hundred years farther back ;—to within less than a
The Hsifo King Century after the death of Confucius. Sze-ma
; hte! before Khien, in his history of the House of Wei,
"one of the three marquisates into which the
INTRODUCTION. 451
great state of Kin was broken up in the fifth century B.C.,,
tells us that the marquis Wan received, in B.C. 407, the
classical books from Pf 3ze-hsia, and mentions the names
of two other disciples of Confucius, with whom he was on
intimate terms of friendship. There remains the title of
a commentary on the Hsidéo King by this marquis Wan ;
and the book was existing in the time of 3hai Yung (A. D.
133-192), who gives a short extract from it in one of his
treatises.
There remains the title of
a commentary on the Hsidéo King by this marquis Wan ;
and the book was existing in the time of 3hai Yung (A. D.
133-192), who gives a short extract from it in one of his
treatises.
4. The recovery of our classic after the fires of Ain will
be related in the next chapter. Assuming here that it was
recovered, we look into it, and find a con-
The contents of :
the classic, and Versation, or memoranda, perhaps, of several
by whom it conversations, between Confucius and his diswas written. : :
ciple 34ng-;ze. The latter, however, is little
more than a listener, to whom the sage delivers his views
on Filial Piety in its various relations. There are two
recensions of the text ;—one in eighteen chapters, and the
other in twenty-two. As edited in eighteen chapters, each
of them has a very brief descriptive heading. I have given
this in the subjoined translation, but the headings cannot
be traced back beyond the commentary of the emperor
Hsiian.
The saying attributed by Ho HsiQ and others to Confucius would seem to indicate that he had himself composed
the work, but the reader of it sees at once that it could not
have proceeded from him. Nor do the style and method
of the treatise suggest a view which has had many advocates,—that it was written by 34ng-3ze, under the direction
of the master. There is no reason, however, why we should
not accept the still more common account,—that the Hsiao
came from the school of 3ang-jze. To use the words of
Hd Yin, an author of the first half of our twelfth century :—‘The Classic of Filial Piety was not made by
3ang-3ze himself. When he retired from his conversation
(or conversations) with AKung-ni on the subject of Filial
Piety, he repeated to the disciples of his own school what
(the master) had said, and they classified the sayings, and
formed the treatise.’
Gg2
452 THE HSIAO KING.
CHAPTER II.
THE RECOVERY OF THE Hs1A0 KING UNDER THE HAN
DYNASTY, AND ITS PRESERVATION DOWN TO THE
PUBLICATION OF THE COMMENTARY OF THE THANG
EMPEROR HSUAN 3UNG.
1. The Hsiao King suffered, like all the other Confucian
books except the Yi, from the fires of KAin. Its subsequent recovery was very like that of the Sha, described on
pp. 7, 8. We have in each case a shorter and a longer
copy, a modern text and an ancient text.
In the Catalogue of the Imperial Library, prepared by
Lid Hin immediately before the commencement of our
Recovery of the Christian era, there are two copies of the
7, 8. We have in each case a shorter and a longer
copy, a modern text and an ancient text.
In the Catalogue of the Imperial Library, prepared by
Lid Hin immediately before the commencement of our
Recovery of the Christian era, there are two copies of the
Hsido King. Hsi4o:—‘the old text of the Khung family,’
which was in twenty-two chapters, according to a note by
Pan Ka (died A.D. 92), the compiler of the documents in
the records of the western Han; and another copy, which
was, according to the same authority, in eighteen chapters,
and was subsequently styled ‘the modern text.’ Immediately following the entry of these two copies, we find
‘ Expositions of the Hsiao by four scholars,—whose surnames were Kang-sun, Kiang, Yi, and Hau. ‘They all,’
says Pan K4, ‘had laboured on the shorter text.’
The copy in eighteen chapters therefore, we must pre-
The shorter or sume, had been the first recovered; but of
modem text. how this came about we have no account
till we come to the records of the Sui dynasty. There
it is said that, when the KAin edict for the destruction of
the books was issued, his copy of the Hsi4do was hidden
by a scholar called Yen Kih, a member, doubtless, of the
Yen family to which Confucius’ favourite disciple Yen Hui
had belonged. When the edict was abrogated in a few
years, Kan, a son of Xih, brought the copy from its hidingplace. This must have been in the second century B.C.,
and the copy, transcribed, probably by Xan, in the form
of the characters then used, would pass into the charge of
the board of ‘great scholars’ appointed to preserve the
INTRODUCTION. 453
ancient books, in the reigns of the emperors Wan and King,
B.C. 179-141.
The copy in the ancient text was derived from the
tablets found in the wall of the Confucian house in the
The oldor time of the emperor Wd (B.C. 140-87), and
longer text. is commonly said to have been deciphered,
_as in the case of the tablets of the Sha, by Khung An-kwo.
An-kwo wrote a commentary himself on the Hsiao, which
does not appear in Hin’s Catalogue, just as no mention is
made there of his commentary on the Sha. We find it
entered, however, among the books in the Sui Library with
the following note :—‘ The work of An-kwo disappeared
during the troubles of the Liang dynasty (A. D. 502-556),
and continued unknown till the time of Sui, when a copy
was found in the capital, and came into the possession of
a scholar called Lia Hsiian.’ Hsiian made his treasure
public, and ere long it was acknowledged by the court,
while many scholars contended that it was a forgery of
his own, and ascribed by him to An-kwo. Whatever
opinion we may form on this matter, the discovery of the
old text, and the production of a commentary on it by
Khung An-kwo, can hardly be called in question.
Whatever
opinion we may form on this matter, the discovery of the
old text, and the production of a commentary on it by
Khung An-kwo, can hardly be called in question.
It might be argued, indeed, that another copy in the
old text was found in the first century B.c. In a memorial
addressed about the Shwo WaAn dictionary to the emperor
An, in A.D. 121, by Hsii Kung, a son of the author, he says
Was another that the Hsiao King which his father used was
copy in the old a copy of that presented, by ‘a very old man
text discovered? Of TQ? to the emperor Kao (B.C. 86-74)}.
Many Chinese critics, and especially Wang Ying-lin
1 The language of the memorial is: —‘The Hsiao King’ (used by my
father in the composition of his dictionary) ‘was what San lfo of LQ presented in the time of the emperor Kao.’ The San !4o most readily suggests to
the reader the idea of ‘three old men ;’ but the characters may also mean, in
harmony with Chinese idiom, ‘the three classes of old men,’ or ‘an individual
from those three classes.’ The classical passage to explain the phrase is par. 18
in the first section of the sixth Book in the Lt Xi, where it is said that king
Wan feasted the San 140 and WQ kang, ‘the three classes of old men and
five classes of men of experience,’ in his royal college. The three classes of old
men were such as were over 80, 90, and 100 years respectively. It was from
a man of one of these classes that the emperor received the Hsiao in the old
454 THE WSIAO KING.
(better known as Wang Po-hu, A. D. 1223-1296), say that
this is a different account of the recovery of the old text
from that with which the name of Khung An-kwo is connected. It is difficult to reconcile the two statements, as
will be seen on a reference to the note below!; and yet it
text. According to the account given in the next note this man was Khung
$ze-hui; and in the Books of Sui that is given as the name of the individual of
the Khung family, who had hidden the tablets on the appearance of the Khin
edict for the destruction of all the old books.
According to the account given in the next note this man was Khung
$ze-hui; and in the Books of Sui that is given as the name of the individual of
the Khung family, who had hidden the tablets on the appearance of the Khin
edict for the destruction of all the old books.
1 The Catalogue Raisonné of the Imperial Libraries commences its account
of the copies of the Hsiéo with a description of ‘the Old Text of the Hsiao
with the Commentary of Khung An-kwo,’ obtained from Japan ; but the editors
give good reasons for doubting its genuineness. There is a copy of this work in
the Chinese portion of the British Museum, an edition printed in Japan in 1732,
which I have carefully examined, with the help of Professor R. K. Douglas and
Mr. A. Wylie. It contains not only the commentary of Khung An-kwo, but
what purports to be the original preface of that scholar. There it is said that
the bamboo tablets of the copy in ‘ tadpole characters,’ found in the wall of
Confucius’ old ‘ lecture hall, in a stone case,’ were presented to the emperor by
Khung 3ze-hui, ‘a very old man of LQ” The emperor, it is added, caused two
copies to be made in the current characters of the time by ‘the great scholars,’
one of which was given to 3ze-hui, and the other to General Ho Kwang, a
minister of war and faveurite, who greatly valued it, and placed it among the
archives of the empire, where it was jealously guarded.
This account makes the meaning of the phrase ‘the San ldo of Li’ quite
clear; but there are difficulties in the way of our believing that it proceeded
from Khung An-kwo. No mention is made of him in it, whereas, according to
the current narrations, the tablets with the tadpole characters were first deciphered by him; nor is the name of the emperor to whom Khung 3ze-hui
presented the tablets given. No doubt, however, this emperor was KAo, with
whom Ho Kwang wasa favourite. “If the preface were genuine, of course Ankwo was alive after 3ze-hui went to court with the tablets. Now, the tablets
were discovered in the period Thien-han, 8, c. 100-97, and Kao reigned from
B.c. 86 to 74. An-kwo died at the age of sixty, but in what year we are not
told. He had studied the Shih under Shin Kung, whose death can hardly be
placed later than in s.c. 135. If An-kwo were bom in B.c. 150, he would
have been more than sixty years old—the age assigned to him at his death—
at the accession of Kao. I cannot believe, therefore, that the preface in the
Japanese Hsiao was written by him; and if we reject the preface, we must also
reject the commentary before which it stands.
150, he would
have been more than sixty years old—the age assigned to him at his death—
at the accession of Kao. I cannot believe, therefore, that the preface in the
Japanese Hsiao was written by him; and if we reject the preface, we must also
reject the commentary before which it stands.
The text of the Hsiao in the work is nearly identical with that of Sze-m&
Kwang, mentioned below on p. 458; but to the chapters there are prefixed the
headings (which Kwang did not adopt), that cannot be traced farther back than
the Thang dynasty. This might be got over, but the commentary throws no
new light on the text. ‘It is shallow and poor,’ say the editors of the Catalogue Raisonné, ‘and not in the style of the Han scholars.’ I must think with
them that Khung An-Kwo’s commentary, purporting to have been preserved in
Japan is a forgery.
INTRODUCTION. 455
is possible that the difficulty would disappear, if the details
of the discovery and the subsequent dealing with the tablets
had come down to us complete.
Certainly, in the first century B.C. there were two copies
of the Hsiao King in the Imperial Library of Han. If those
copies, catalogued by Lid Hin, were the actual text, presented by Yen X4n, and a faithful transcript in the current
Han characters of the ancient text discovered in the wall of
Confucius’ old lecture hall, we should be able to say that
Can we rely the evidence for the recovery of the Hsiao, as
fully on the it had existed during the KAu dynasty, was
copies cata- : :
logued by Lia aS Satisfactory as we could desire; but there
Hin? are some considerations that are in the way
of our doing so.
According to the records of Sui, after the old text came
into the possession of the court, and the differences between
it and the text earlier recovered were observed, Lid Hsiang
(B.C, 80-9), the father of Hin, was charged by the emperor
(Khang, B.C. 32-7) to compare the two. The result of his
examination of them was that ‘he removed from the modern
text what was excessive and erroneous, and fixed the number
of the chapters at eighteen.’ It does not appear that previously there was any division of Kn’s copy into chapters.
What Hsiang did in the case of the old text we are not told.
A note by Yen Sze-k0 of the Thang dynasty, appended
to Hin’s Catalogue, quotes from him that ‘ one chapter of
the modern text was divided into two in the old, another
into three, and that the old had one chapter which did not
appear in the other.’ This missing chapter, it is understood,
was the one beginning, ‘Inside the smaller doors leading to
the inner apartments,’ which I have appended, from the current old text, to my translation of the classic as published
by Hsiian 3ung ; and yet the Sui account says that that
chapter was in the Hsiao of Kang-sun, one of the four
early commentators on the modern text.
The copies catalogued by Hin were made after the examination and revision of the two texts by his father. There
are suspicious resemblances between the style and method
of the present classic and those of the original works of
456 | THE HSIAO KING.
Hsiang that have come down to us. It is impossible to
say, from the want of information, what liberties he took
with the documents put into his charge. The differences
between the two texts as we now have them are trivial.
I believe that the changes made ‘in them by Hsiang
were not important; but having them as they came from
his revision, we have them at second hand, and this has
afforded ground for the dealing with them by Kd Hsi
and others in the manner which will be described in the
next chapter.
2. I have said above (p. 450) that for the text of the
classic.—the modern text, that is,—as we now have it, we
are indebted to the labours of the emperor Hsiian 3ung of
the Thang dynasty. Kd f-tsun, of the K/ien-lung period
(1736-1795), in his work on the classics and the writings
From Khung on them, has adduced the titles of eighty-six
An-kwoto different works on our classic, that appeared
Ae sn Bune. between Khung An-kwo and Hsiian 3ung.
Not a single one of all these now survives ; but
the enumeration of them shows that the most distinguished
scholars during the intervening centuries exercised their
powers on the treatise, and would keep a watch on one
another in the preservation of the text. Moreover, several
of the works continued through the Thang dynasty, and on
into that of Sung. The Catalogue of the Sui Library contains the titles of nineteen in its list.
The emperor Hsiian says, in his preface, that in the
Hsiian 3ung’s Making of his commentary he had freely used
work. the commentaries of six earlier writers, whom
he names. They were, Wei K4o, Wang Sd, Yii Fan, and
Lid Shao, all of our second and third centuries; Lid Hsiian,
of our sixth century, who laboured on the commentary of
Khung An-kwo, which, as I have already stated, is said
to have been discovered in his time and presented to him;
and La Khang, rather earlier than Lid, who dealt critically
with the commentary attributed to Kang Khang-éAang.
‘ But,’ says the imperial author, ‘if a comment be right in
reason, why need we enquire from whom it came? We
have therefore taken those six writers, considered wherein
INTRODUCTION. 457
they agreed and differed, and decided between their interpretations by reference to the general scope of the five
(great) King. In compendious style, but with extensive
examination of the subject, we have made the meaning of
the classic clear.’
457
they agreed and differed, and decided between their interpretations by reference to the general scope of the five
(great) King. In compendious style, but with extensive
examination of the subject, we have made the meaning of
the classic clear.’
The emperor says nothing himself about the differences
between the ancient and modern texts, though we know
that that subject was vehemently agitated among the
scholars of his court. The text as commented on by him
is in eighteen chapters, which do not include the chapter
to which I have referred on p. 455 as having been in the
copy of Kang-sun in the first century B.c. It is said,
and on sufficient authority, that this chapter was excluded
through the influence of the scholar and minister Sze-ma
Kan. To each of his chapters the emperor prefixed a brief
heading or argument, which I have retained in the translation. These headings, probably, were selected by him from
a variety proposed by the scholars about the court.
The text employed in this imperial commentary might
now be considered as sufficiently secured. It was engraved,
in less than a century after, on the stone tablets of Thang,
which were completed in the year 837, and set up in Hsi-an,
the Thang capital, where they remain, very little damaged,
to this day’. And not only so. The emperor was so
pleased with the commentary which he had made, that
he caused the whole of it to be engraved on four large
tablets or pillars of stone in 745. They are still to be
seen at Hsi-an, in front of the Confucian College.
4 These tablets are commonly said to contain the thirteen classics (Shih-san
King). They, contained, however, only twelve different works,—the Yi, the
ShQ, the Shih, the Kau Lt, the { Li, the Lt Kt, and the amplifications of the
Khun Khiu,—by 30 Khiti-ming, by Kung-yang. and by K(-liang. These form
‘the nine King.’ In addition to these there were the Lun Yii, the Hsido King,
and the R Ya. According to Ki Yen-wf (1613-1682), the characters on the
tablets were in all 650,252, Mr.T.W. Rhys Davids (Buddhism, p. 19) estimates that our English Bible contains between go0,000 and 950,000 words.
The first Psalm, in what is called the Delegates’ version, very good and concise, contains 100 Chinese characters, and in our English version 130 words.
The classics of the Thang tablets, if the translator were a master of both languages, might be rendered in English so as to form a volume not quite so large
as our Bible.
458 THE HSIAO KING.
It is hardly necessary to say more on the preservation
The work of Of the Hsi4o King. In A.D. 996 the second
Hsing Ping. emperor of the Sung dynasty gave orders
for an annotated edition of it to be prepared. This was
finally completed in 1001, under the superintendence of
Hsing Ping (932-1010), with a large critical apparatus, and
a lengthened exposition, both of the text and of Hsiian
3ung’s explanation. This work has ever since been current
in China.
CHAPTER III.
CRITICISM OF THE HsIAO SINCE THE THANG DYNASTY.
This work has ever since been current
in China.
CHAPTER III.
CRITICISM OF THE HsIAO SINCE THE THANG DYNASTY.
1. Notwithstanding the difficulty about one chapter
which has been pointed out on p. 455, Hsiian 3ung’s text
was generally accepted as the representative of that in
modern characters, recovered in the second century B.C.
There were still those, however, who continued to advo-
Works on the Cate the claims of ‘the old text.’ Sze-ma
Poe A Kwong Kwang, a distinguished minister and scholar
and Fan Of the Sung dynasty (1009-1086), presented
8a-yi. to the court in 1054 his ‘ Explanations of the
Hsiéo King according to the Old Text,’ arguing, in his
preface and in various memorials, for the correctness of that
text, as recovered by Lid Hsiian in the sixth century.
Fan 3f-yii (1041-1098), a scholar of the same century,
and in other things a collaborateur of Kwang, produced,
towards the end of his life, an ‘ Exposition of the Hsi4o
King according to the Old Text.’ He says in his preface :—
‘Though the agreement between the ancient and modern
texts is great, and the difference small, yet the ancient
deserves to be preferred, and my labour upon it may not
be without some little value!’
1 In the Hsifio King, as now frequently published in China, either separately
by itself, or bound up with KO Hst’s Hsiao Hsio, ‘the Teaching for the
Young,’ we find the old text, without distinction of chapters. The commentaries of Hsiian 3ung and Sze-m4 Kwang, and the exposition of Fan 3{-yii,
however, follow one another at the end of the several clauses and paragraphs.
INTRODUCTION. 459
2. But our classic had still to pass the ordeal of the scep-
Sceptical criti- tical criticism that set in during the Sung
cism. Views dynasty. The most notable result of this
ofkd Hs. was ‘the Hsido King Expurgated? published by KO Hst in 1186. He tells us that when he first
saw a statement by HQ Hung (a minister in the reign of
K4o 3ung, 1127-1162), that the quotations from the Book
of Poetry in the Hsiao were probably of later introduction
into the text, he was terror-struck. Prolonged examination, however, satisfied him that there were good grounds
for Hd’s statement, and that other portions of the text
were also open to suspicion. He found, moreover, that
another earlier writer, Wang Ying-#/an, in the reign of
Hsiao 3ung (1163-1189), had come to the conclusion that
much of the Hsido had been fabricated or interpolated in
the Han dynasty. The way was open for him to give
expression to his convictions, without incurring the charge
of being the first to impugn the accepted ‘text.
The way was open for him to give
expression to his convictions, without incurring the charge
of being the first to impugn the accepted ‘text.
The fact was, as pointed out by the editors of the Catalogue Raisonné ofthe Imperial Library of the present dynasty,
that A had long entertained the views which he indicated
in his expurgated edition of the Hsiao, and his references
to Hd and Wang were simply to shield his own boldness.
He divided the treatise into one chapter of classical text,
and fourteen chapters of illustration and commentary.
But both parts were freely expurgated. His classical text
embraces the first six chapters in my translation, and is
supposed by him to form one continuous discourse by Confucius. The rest of the treatise should not be attributed
to the sage at all. The bulk of it may have come from
ang-;ze, or from members of his school, but large interpolations were made by the Han scholars. Adopting the
old text, KG discarded from it altogether 223 characters.
Attention will be called, under the several chapters, to
Some portions also are in a different order from the arrangement of Hsiian
3ung and Hsing Ping, which I have followed in my translation. As has been
already said, the difference between its text and that of the Thang emperor is
slight,—hardly greater than the variations in the different recensions of our
Gospels and the other books of the New Testament.
460 THE HSIAO KING.
As has been
already said, the difference between its text and that of the Thang emperor is
slight,—hardly greater than the variations in the different recensions of our
Gospels and the other books of the New Testament.
460 THE HSIAO KING.
some of the passages which he suppressed, and to the
reasons, generally satisfactory, which he advanced for his
procedure. Evidently he was influenced considerably by
the way in which KAaing f (1033-1107), whom he called
‘his master,’ had dealt with the old text of ‘the Great
Learning ;’ but he made his innovations with a bolder
pencil and on a more extensive plan, not merely altering
the arrangement of paragraphs, and supplementing what
was plainly defective, but challenging the genuineness of
large portions of the treatise, and removing them without
scruple.
Under the Yiian dynasty, WO KAang (1249-1333), the
Viewsof greatest of its scholars, followed in the wake
Wa Khang. of AKO Hsi, yet with the independence characteristic of himself. As AQ had preferred the old text, WO
decided—and, I believe, more correctly—in favour of the
modern, arguing that the copy of Khung An-kwo’s text
and commentary, said to have been recovered and published in the sixth century by Lid Hsiian, was a fabrication.
He adopted, therefore, Hsiian 3ung’s text as the basis of
his revision, which appeared with the title of ‘the Hsiao
King, in paragraphs and sentences.” He adopted X(’s
division of the treatise into classical text and commentary.
The chapter of classical text is the same as K(’s; the
chapters of commentary are only twelve. He discarded,
of course, the chapter peculiar to the old text, which has
been referred to more than once, united Hsiian 3ung’s
eleventh chapter with another, and arranged the other
chapters differently from AQ. His revision altogether had
246 characters fewer than the old text.
3. Ko f-tsun gives the titles of nearly 120 works on our
classic that appeared after the volume of Wd Kang,
Later works bringing its literary history down to the end
on the Hsifo. of the Ming dynasty. The scholars of the
present dynasty have not been less abundant in their
labours on it than their predecessors. Among the col-
} The title of this work in the Catalogue of the Imperial Libraries is ‘ Settlement of the Text of the Hsiao King.’
INTRODUCTION. 461
lected works of Mao KAi-ling (1623-1713) is one called
‘Questions about the Hsiao King,’ in which, with his usual
ability, and, it must be added, his usual acrimony, he
defends the received text. He asserts—and in this he is
correct—that there is no difference of any importance
between the ancient and modern texts; when he asserts
further that there never was any such difference, what he
affirms is incapable of proof. He pours scorn on X( Hsi
and Wa Kang ; but he is not so successful in defending
the integrity of the Hsiao as I have allowed him to be in
vindicating the portions of the Shd that we owe to Khung
An-kwo.
He pours scorn on X( Hsi
and Wa Kang ; but he is not so successful in defending
the integrity of the Hsiao as I have allowed him to be in
vindicating the portions of the Shd that we owe to Khung
An-kwo.
The Hsiao King has always been a favourite with the
emperors of China. Before Hsiian 3ung took it in hand,
the first and eighth emperors of the eastern Kin dynasty
(317-419), the first and third of the Liang (502-556), and the
ninth of the northern Wei (386-534) had published their
labours upon it. The Manchdu rulers of the present dynasty
have signalised themselves in this department. In 1656 the
first emperor produced in one chapter his ‘ Imperial Commentary on the Hsiao King,’ and in 1728 the third published a ‘ Collection of Comments’ on it. Between them was
the long reign known to us as the Khang-hsi period (1662—
1722), during which there appeared under the direction of
the second emperor, the most distinguished of his line,
his ‘Extensive Explanation of the Hsiao King,’ in 100
chapters. The only portion of the text which it gives in
full is KO Hsi’s chapter of Confucian text; but most of
the topics touched on in ’s supplementary chapters,
added, as he supposed, by some later hand, are dealt with
in the course of the work, the whole of which will amply
repay a careful study.
4. It will have been seen that the two great scholars, Kd
Conclusion Hst and Wa Aang, who have taken the
regarding the preatest liberties with the text of our classic,
genuineness . ° os
and integrity allow that there is a Confucian element in it,
of the Hsido. and that more than a fifth part of the whole,
containing, even as expurgated by Kj, about 400 characters,
may be correctly ascribed to the sage. I agree with them
462 THE HSIAO KING.
in this. All the rest of the treatise, to whomsoever it may
be ascribed, from 3ang-3ze, the immediate disciple of Confucius, down to Lid Hsiang (B.C. 80-9), took its present form
in the first century before our Christian era. The reader
will fail to see in it a close connexion between the different chapters, and think that the author or authors try
to make more of Filial Piety than can be made of it. The
whole, however, is a valuable monument of antiquity, and
an exhibition of the virtue which Chinese moralists and
rulers, from the most ancient times, have delighted to celebrate as the fundamental principle of human yirtue, the
great source of social happiness, and the bond of national
strength and stability.
NOTE ON THE TRANSLATION.
In preparing the translation of the Hsiao King for the
present work, I have made frequent reference to four
earlier translations.
Two of them were made by myself ;—the one about
thirty years ago, simply as an exercise for my own improvement in Chinese; the other four years ago, when
I was anxious to understand fully the Confucian teaching
on the subject of Filial Piety, but without reference to my
earlier version.
Two of them were made by myself ;—the one about
thirty years ago, simply as an exercise for my own improvement in Chinese; the other four years ago, when
I was anxious to understand fully the Confucian teaching
on the subject of Filial Piety, but without reference to my
earlier version.
The third is a translation in the fourth volume of the
Chinese Repository, pp. 345-353 (1835), for the accuracy
of which much cannot be said. Very few notes are appended to it. The fourth is in the ‘Mémoires concernant
les Chinois’ (Paris, 1779), being part of a long treatise on
the ‘Ancient and Modern-Doctrine of the Chinese about
Filial Piety,” by P. Cibot. In a preliminary notice to his
version of our classic, he says :—‘ P. Noél formerly translated the Hsiao King into Latin. Our translation will
necessarily be different from his. He laboured on the
old text, and we on the new, which the scholars of the
Imperial College have adopted. Besides this, he has
INTRODUCTION. 463
launched out into paraphrase, and we have made it our
business to present the text in French such as it is in
Chinese.’ I have not been able to refer to P. Noél’s translation in preparing that now given to the public; but I had
his work before me when writing out my earliest version.
The difference between the old and modern texts is too
slight to affect the character of translations of them, but
P. Noél’s version is decidedly periphrastic. The title of
his work is: —‘SINENSIS IMPERII LIBRI CLASSICI SEx,
nimirum Adultorum Schola, Immutabile Medium, Liber
sententiarum, Mencius, Filialis Observantia, Parvulorum
Schola, e Sinico idiomate in Latinum traducti a P. Fr,
Noél, S.J. (Prague, 1711).’ The present version, I believe,
gives the text in English, such as it is in Chinese, more
accurately and closely than P. Cibot’s does in French,
Digitized by G oogle
THE HSIAO KING.
Cuapter I.
Tue Scope AND MEANING OF THE TREATISE.
(OncE), when Aung-nt' was unoccupied, and his
disciple 34ng? was sitting by in attendance on him,
the Master said, ‘Shan, the ancient kings had a perfect virtue and all-embracing rule of conduct, through
which they were in accord with all under heaven.
By the practice of it the people were brought to live
in peace and harmony, and there was no ill-will between superiors and inferiors. Do you know what
it was’?’ 3ang rose from his mat, and said, ‘ How
’ Kung-nt was the designation or marriage-name of Confucius.
We find it twice in the Doctrine of the Mean (chh. 2 and 30),
applied to the sage by 3ze-sze, his grandson, the reputed author
of that treatise. By his designation, it is said, a grandson might
speak of his grandfather, and therefore some scholars contend
that the Classic of Filial Piety should also be ascribed to 3ze-sze ;
but such a canon cannot be considered as sufficiently established.
On the authorship of the Classic, see the Introduction, p. 451.
On the authorship of the Classic, see the Introduction, p. 451.
* 3ang-zze, named Shin, and styled 3ze-yii, was one of the most
distinguished of the disciples of Confucius. He was a favourite
with the sage, and himself a voluminous writer. Many incidents
and sayings are related, illustrative of his filial piety, so that it was
natural for the master to enter with him on the discussion of that
virtue. He shares in the honour and worship still paid to Confucius, and is one of his ‘Four Assessors’ in his temples.
* Both the translator in the Chinese Repository and P. Cibot
have rendered this opening address of Confucius very imperfectly.
(t] Hh
466 ° THE HSIAO KING. CH. I.
should I, Shin, who am so devoid of intelligence,
be able to know this?’ The Master said, ‘ (It was
filial piety). Now filial piety is the root of (all)
virtue!, and (the stem) out of which grows (all moral)
teaching. Sit down again, and I will explain the
subject to you. Our bodies—to every hair and bit
of skin—are received by us from our parents, and we
must not presume to injure or wound them :—this
is the beginning of filial piety. When we have established our character by the practice of the (filial)
course, so as to make our name famous in future
ages, and thereby glorify our parents :—this is the
end of filial piety. It commences with the service
The former has:—‘Do you understand how the ancient kings,
who possessed the greatest virtue and the best moral principles,
rendered the whole empire so obedient that the people lived in
peace and harmony, and no ill-will existed between superiors and
inferiors?’? The other:—‘ Do you know what was the pre-eminent virtue and the essential doctrine which our ancient monarchs
taught to all the empire, to maintain concord among their subjects,
and banish all dissatisfaction between superiors and inferiors?’
P. Cibot comes the nearer to the meaning of the text, but he has
neglected the characters corresponding to ‘through which they
were in accord with all under heaven,’ that are expounded clearly
enough by Hsiian Bung. The sentiment of the sage is, as he has
tersely expressed it in the Doctrine of the Mean (ch. 13), that the
ancient kings ‘governed men, according to their nature, with what
is proper to them.’
\\ } ©All virtue’ means the five virtuous principles, the constituents
of humanity, ‘benevolence, righteousness, propriety, knowledge,
and fidelity.” Of these, benevolence is the chief and fundamental,
so that Mencius says (VII, ii, ch. 16), ‘Benevolence is man.’ In
man’s nature, therefore, benevolence is the root of filial piety ;
while in practice filial piety is the root of benevolence. Such
is the way in which AQ Hsf and other critical scholars reconcile the statements of the text here and elsewhere with their theory
as to the constituents of humanity.
~_~--——- -—"
CH. II. FILIAL PIETY IN THE SOVEREIGN. 467
Such
is the way in which AQ Hsf and other critical scholars reconcile the statements of the text here and elsewhere with their theory
as to the constituents of humanity.
~_~--——- -—"
CH. II. FILIAL PIETY IN THE SOVEREIGN. 467
of parents; it proceeds to the service of the
ruler; it is completed by the establishment of
the character.
‘It is said in the Major Odes of the Kingdom,
“Ever think of your ancestor,
Cultivating your virtue'.”’
Cuapter II.
Fina, Piety IN THE Son oF HEAVEN.
He who loves his parents will not dare (to incur
the risk of) being hated by any man, and he who
reveres his parents will not dare (to incur the risk of)
being contemned by any man*. When the love and
reverence (of the Son of Heaven) are thus carried to
the utmost in the service of his parents, the lessons
of his virtue affect all the people, and he becomes
1 See the Shih King, III, i, ode 2, stanza 4. Ad Hst commences
his expurgation of our classic with casting out this concluding paragraph; and rightly so. Such quotations of the odes and other passages in the ancient classics are not after the manner of Confucius.
The application made: of them, moreover, is often far-fetched, and
away from their proper meaning.
-* The thing thus generally stated must be understood specially
of the sovereign, and only he who stands related to all other men
can give its full manifestation. Previous translators have missed
the peculiarity of the construction in each of the clauses. Thus
P. Cibot gives :—‘ He who loves his parents will not dare to hate
any one,’ &c. But in the second member we have a well-known
form in Chinese to give the force of the passive voice. Attention
is called to this in the Extensive Explanation of the
Hsifo (see p. 461):—‘W yi zin does not mean merely to
hate men; it indicates an anxious apprehension lest the hatred
of men should light on me, and my parents thereby be involved
in it.’
Hh2
*
\
468 THE HSIAO KING. . CH. IIL.
a pattern to (all within) the four seas! :—this is the
filial piety of the Son of Heaven *.
It is said in (the Marquis of) FQ on Punishments’,
‘The One man will have felicity, and the millions
of the people will depend on (what ensures his happiness).’
Cuapter III.
FiniaL Piety In THE PRINCES OF STATES.
Above others, and yet free from pride, they dwell
on high, without peril; adhering to economy, and
carefully observant of the rules and laws, they are
full, without overflowing. To dwell on high without
peril is the way long to preserve nobility; to be full
without overflowing is the way long to preserve
riches. When their riches and nobility do not leave
their persons, then they are able to preserve the
altars of their land and grain, and to secure the
harmony of their people and men in office ¢ :—this
is the filial piety of the princes of states.
When their riches and nobility do not leave
their persons, then they are able to preserve the
altars of their land and grain, and to secure the
harmony of their people and men in office ¢ :—this
is the filial piety of the princes of states.
1 Chinese scholars make ‘the people’ to be the subjects of the
king, and ‘all within the four seas’ to be the barbarous tribes outside the four borders of the kingdom, between them and the seas
or oceans within which the habitable earth was contained—according to the earliest geographical conceptions. All we have to find
in the language is the unbounded, the universal, influence of ‘the
Son of Heaven.’
* The appellation ‘Son of Heaven’ for the sovereign was unknown in the earliest times of the Chinese nation, It cannot be
traced beyond the Shang dynasty.
5 See the Shi, V, xxvii, 4, and the note on the name of that
Book, p. 254.
* In the Chinese Repository we have for this:—‘ They will be
able to protect their ancestral possessions with the produce of
their lands;’ ‘They will make sure the supreme rank to their
a
CH, Iv. FILIAL PIETY IN HIGH OFFICERS. 469
It is said in the Book of Poetry},
‘ Be apprehensive, be cautious,
As if on the brink of a deep abyss,
As if treading on thin ice.’
CuapTer IV. Firat Piety in Hicu Ministers
AND GREAT OFFICERS.
They do not presume to wear robes other than
. those appointed by the laws of the ancient kings ?;
nor to speak words other than those sanctioned by
their speech ; nor to exhibit conduct other than that
exemplified by their virtuous ways. Thus none of
their words being contrary to those sanctions, and
none of their actions contrary to the (right) way,
families.’ But it is better to retain the style of the original. The
king had a great altar to the spirit (or spirits) presiding over the
land. The colour of the earth in the centre of.it was yellow;
that on each of its four sides differed according to the colours
assigned to the four quarters of the sky. A portion of this earth
was cut away, and formed the nucleus of a corresponding altar
in each feudal state, according to their position relative to the
capital. The prince of the state had the prerogative of sacrificing
there. A similar rule prevailed for the altars to the spirits presiding over the grain. So long as a family ruled in a state, so
long its chief offered those sacrifices; and the extinction of the
sacrifices was an emphatic way of describing the ruin and extinction of the ruling House.
1 See the Shih, II, v, ode 1, stanza 6.
So long as a family ruled in a state, so
long its chief offered those sacrifices; and the extinction of the
sacrifices was an emphatic way of describing the ruin and extinction of the ruling House.
1 See the Shih, II, v, ode 1, stanza 6.
* The articles of dress, to be worn by individuals according to
their rank, from the sovereign downwards, in their ordinary attire,
and on special occasions, were the subject of attention and enactment in China from the earliest times. We find references to them
in the earliest books of the Shf (Part II, Books iii, iv). The words
to be spoken, and conduct to be exhibited, on every varying
occasion, could not be so particularly described; but the example
of the ancient kings would suffice for these, as their enactments
for the dress.
470 THE HSIAO KING. CH. Vv.
from their mouths there comes no exceptionable
speech, and in their conduct there are found no
exceptionable actions. Their words may fill all
under heaven, and no error of speech will be found
in them. Their actions may fill all under heaven,
and no dissatisfaction or dislike will be awakened by
them. When these three things—(their robes, their
words, and their conduct)—are all complete as they
should be, they can then preserve their ancestral
temples?:—this is the filial piety of high ministers
and great officers.
It is said in the Book of Poetry 2,
‘He is never idle, day or night,
In the service of the One man.’
CuapTer V, Fiviav Piety in INFERIOR OFFICERS.
As they serve their fathers, so they serve their
mothers, and they love them equally. As they
serve their fathers, so they serve their rulers, and
they reverence them equally. Hence love is what
is chiefly rendered to the mother, and reverence is
what is chiefly rendered to the ruler, while both of
these things are given to the father. Therefore
when they serve their ruler with filial piety they are
loyal; when they serve their superiors with reverence they are obedient. Not failing in this loyalty
' Their ancestral temples were to the ministers and grand
officers what the altars of their land and grain were to the feudal
lords. Every great officer had three temples or shrines, in which
he sacrificed to the first chief of his family or clan; to his grandfather, and to his father. While these remained, the family remained, and its honours were perpetuated.
? See the Shih, III, iii, ode 6, stanza 4.
CH. VI. FILIAL PIETY IN THE COMMON PEOPLE. 471
and obedience in serving those above them, they
are then able to preserve their emoluments and
positions, and to maintain their sacrifices !:—this is
the filial piety of inferior officers *.
It is said in the Book of Poetry®,
‘ Rising early and going to sleep late,
Do not disgrace those who gave you birth.’
Cuapter VI.
FitiaL Prety 1n THE Common PEOPLE.
They follow the course of heaven (in the revolving seasons); they distinguish the advantages
It is said in the Book of Poetry®,
‘ Rising early and going to sleep late,
Do not disgrace those who gave you birth.’
Cuapter VI.
FitiaL Prety 1n THE Common PEOPLE.
They follow the course of heaven (in the revolving seasons); they distinguish the advantages
i
1 These officers had their ‘positions’ or places, and their pay.
They had also their sacrifices, but such as were private or personal to themselves, so that we have not much information about
them.
* The Chinese Repository has here, ‘Such is the influence of
filial duty when performed by scholars;’ and P. Cibot, ‘Voila
sommairement ce qui caractérise la Piété Filiale du Lettré.’ But
to use the term ‘scholar’ here is to translate from the standpoint
of modern China, and not from that of the time of Confucius, The
Shih of feudal China were the younger sons of the higher classes,
and men that by their ability were rising out of the lower, and who
were all in inferior situations, and looking forward to offices of
trust in the service of the royal court, or of their several states.
Below the ‘great officers’ of ch. 4, three classes of Shih—the
highest, middle, lowest — were recognised, all intended in this
chapter. When the feudal system had passed away, the class of
‘scholars’ gradually took their place. Shih (qb) is one of the
oldest characters in Chinese, but the idea expressed in its formation
is not known. Confucius is quoted in the Shwo Wan as making
it to be from the characters for one (—) and ten (+>). A very
old definition of it is—‘The denomination of one entrusted with
affairs.’
5 See the Shih, II, iii, ode 2, stanza 6.
472 THE HSIAO KING, CH. VII.
afforded by (different) soils!; they are careful of
their conduct and economical in their expenditure ;—in order to nourish their parents :—this is
the filial piety of the common people.
Therefore from the Son of Heaven down to the
common people, there never has been one whose
filial piety was without its beginning and end on
whom calamity did not come.
CuaptTer VII.
FiviaL Piety in RELATION TO THE THREE PowErs?.
The disciple 3ang said, ‘Immense indeed is the
greatness of filial piety!’ The Master replied,
1 These two sentences describe the attention of the people to
the various processes of agriculture, as conditioned by the seasons
and the qualities of different soils.
With this chapter there ends what XQ Hst regarded as the only
portion of the Hsiao in which we can rest as having come from Confucius. So far, it is with him a continuous discourse that proceeded
from the sage. And there is, in this portion, especially when we
admit X(0’s expurgations, a certain sequence and progress, without
logical connexion, in the exhibition of the subject which we fail to
find in the chapters that follow.
* «The Three Powers’ is a phrase which is first found in two
of the Appendixes to the Yi King, denoting Heaven, Earth, and
Man, as the three great agents or agencies in nature, or the circle
of being.
* «The Three Powers’ is a phrase which is first found in two
of the Appendixes to the Yi King, denoting Heaven, Earth, and
Man, as the three great agents or agencies in nature, or the circle
of being.
® The whole of the reply of Confucius here, down to ‘the advantages afforded by earth,’ is found in a narrative in the 30 Awan,
under the twenty-fifth year of duke A’A4o (s.c. 517), with the important difference that the discourse is there about ‘ceremonies,’
and not about filial piety. Plainly, it is an interpolation in the
Hsiao, and is rightly thrown out by XQ and Wa AAang. To my
own mind it was a relief to find that the passage was not genuine,
and had not come from Confucius. The discourse in the 30
Kwan, which is quite lengthy, these sentences being only the com-
CH. VII, FILIAL PIETY AND THE THREE POWERS. 473
‘Yes, filial piety is the constant (method) of Heaven,
the righteousness of Earth, and the practical duty of
Man?. Heaven and earth invariably pursue the
course (that may be thus described), and the people
take it as their pattern. (The ancient kings) imitated the brilliant luminaries of heaven, and acted
in accordance with the (varying) advantages afforded
by earth, so that they were in accord with all under
heaven ; and in consequence their teachings, without
being severe, were successful, and their government,
without being rigorous, secured perfect order.
mencement of it, is more than sufficiently fanciful ; but it is conceivable that what is here predicated of filial piety might be spoken
of ceremonies, while I never could see what it could have to do
with filial piety, or filial piety with it. After the long discourse in
the 30 Awan one of the interlocutors in it exclaims, ‘Immense,
indeed, is the greatness of ceremonies!’—the same terms with
which 34ng-3ze is made to commence this chapter, saving that we
have ‘ceremonies’ instead of ‘filial piety.’ There can be no doubt
that the passage is interpolated; and yet the first part of it is
quoted by Pan Ki (in our first century), in a note to Lif Hin’s
Catalogue, and also in the Amplification of the First Precept of the
Khang-hsf Sacred Edict (in our eighteenth century). Pan Kf may
not have been sufficiently acquainted with the 30 A’wan to detect the
forgery ; that Chinese scholars should still quote the description as
applicable to filial piety shows how liable they are to be carried
away by fine-sounding terms and mysterious utterances.
P. Cibot gives a correct translation of the first part in a note, but
adds that it carries the sense of the text much too high, and would
bring it into collision with the prejudices of the west, and he has
preferred to hold to the more common explanation :—‘ Ce qu’est
la régularité des monuments des astres pour le firmament, la fertilité des campagnes pour Ia terre, la Piété Filiale est constamment pour les peuples!’
1 An amusing translation of this sentence is found in Samuel —
Johnson’s ‘ Oriental Religions, China,’ p. 208, beginning, ‘ Filial
Piety is the Book of Heaven!’ Mr. Johnson does not say where
he got this version.
474 THE HSIAO KING. CH. VI.
‘The ancient kings, seeing how their teachings!
could transform the people, set before them therefore an example of the most extended love, and
none of the people neglected their parents; they set
forth to them (the nature of) virtue and righteousness, and the people roused themselves to the practice of them ; they went before them with reverence
and yielding courtesy, and the people had no contentions ; they led them on by the rules of propriety
and by music, and the people were harmonious and
benignant ; they showed them what they loved and
what they disliked, and the people understood their
prohibitions.
‘It is said in the Book of Poetry’,
* Awe-inspiring are you, O Grand-Master Yin,
| And the people all look up to you.”’
CuHapter VIII. Fivrat Piety in GOVERNMENT.
The Master said, ‘ Anciently, when the intelligent
kings by means of filial piety ruled all under heaven,
they did not dare to receive with disrespect the ministers of small states;—how much less would they
do so to the dukes, marquises, counts, and barons!’
Thus it was that they got (the princes of) the myriad
states with joyful hearts (to assist them) in the (sacrificial) services to their royal predecessors *.
1 Sze-m4 Kwang changes the character for ‘ teachings’ here into
that for ‘filial piety.’ There is no external evidence for such a
reading; and the texture of the whole treatise is so loose that we
cannot insist on internal evidence.
2 See the Shih, II, iv, ode 7, stanza 1.
® Under the au dynasty there were five orders of nobility, and
the states belonging to their rulers varied proportionally in size.
CH. VIII. FILIAL PIETY IN GOVERNMENT. 475
‘The rulers of states did not dare to slight wifeless men and widows ;—how much less would they
slight their officers and the people! Thus it was
that they got all their people with joyful hearts
(to assist them) in serving the rulers, their predecessors }.
‘The heads of clans did not dare to slight their
servants and concubines ;—how much less would
they slight their wives and sons! Thus it was that
they got their men with joyful hearts (to assist them)
in the service of their parents.
‘In such a state of things, while alive, parents
reposed in (the glory of) their sons ; and, when sacrificed to, their disembodied spirits enjoyed their
offerings’, Therefore all under heaven peace and
harmony prevailed ; disasters and calamities did not
occur; misfortunes and rebellions did not arise.
‘It is said in the Book of Poetry ,
“To an upright, virtuous conduct
All in the four quarters of the state render obedient
homage.” ’
‘It is said in the Book of Poetry ,
“To an upright, virtuous conduct
All in the four quarters of the state render obedient
homage.” ’
There were besides many smaller states attached to these. The
feudal lords at stated times appeared at the royal court, and one
important duty which then devolved on them was to take part in
the sacrificial services of the sovereign in the ancestral temple.
1 These services were also the sacrifices in the ancestral temples
of the rulers of the states and of the chiefs of clans,—the feudal
princes and the ministers and great officers of chapters 3 and 4.
* In the Chinese Repository we read here:—‘ Parents enjoyed
tranquillity while they lived, and after their decease sacrifices were
offered to their disembodied spirits.’ To the same effect P.Cibot :—
‘Les péres et meres étoient heureux pendant la vie, et aprés leur
mort leurs Ames étoient consolées par des Tsf (sacrifices).’ I believe that I have caught the meaning more exactly.
5 See the Shih, ITI, iii, ode 2, stanza 2.
476 THE HSIAO KING. CH. Ix.
CuapTer IX. Tue GoveRNMENT OF THE SaGEs!?.
The disciple 34ng said, ‘I venture to ask whether
in the virtue of the sages there was not something
greater than filial piety.’ The Master replied, ‘ Of
all (creatures with their different) natures produced
by Heaven and Earth, man is the noblest. Of all
the actions of man there is none greater than filial
piety. In filial piety there is nothing greater than
the reverential awe of one’s father. In the reverential awe shown to one’s father there is nothing
greater than the making him the correlate of
Heaven*. The duke of AKAu was the man who
(first) did this %
1 ©The sages’ here must mean the sage sovereigns of antiquity,
who had at once the highest wisdom and the highest place.
In the reverential awe shown to one’s father there is nothing
greater than the making him the correlate of
Heaven*. The duke of AKAu was the man who
(first) did this %
1 ©The sages’ here must mean the sage sovereigns of antiquity,
who had at once the highest wisdom and the highest place.
* See a note on p. 99 on the meaning of the phrase ‘ the fellow of God,’ which is the same as that in this chapter, translated
‘the correlate of God.’ P. Cibot goes at length into a discussion
of the idea conveyed by the Chinese character P‘ei, but without
coming to any definite conclusion ; and indeed Tai Thung, author
of the dictionary Lid Sh KA, says that ‘its original significancy
has baffled investigation, while its classical usage is in the sense of
“mate,” “fellow.”’ The meaning here is the second assigned to
iton p. 99. Inthe Chinese Repository we find :—‘ As a mark of
reverence there is nothing more important than to place the father
on an equality with heaven ;’ which is by no means the idea, while
the author further distorts the meaning by the following note :—
‘T‘ien, “ Heaven,” and Shang Ti, the ‘Supreme Ruler,” seem to
be perfectly synonymous ; and whatever ideas the Chinese attach
to them, it is evident that the noble lord of X4u regarded his ancestors, immediate and remote, as their equals, and paid to the one
the same homage as the other. In thus elevating mortals to an
equality with the Supreme Ruler, he is upheld and approved by
Confucius, and has been imitated by myriads of every generation
of his countrymen down to the present day.’
® It is difficult to say in what the innovation of the duke of Xau
CH, IX. THE GOVERNMENT OF THE SAGES, 477
‘Formerly the duke of A4u at the border altar
sacrificed to H4u-At as the correlate of Heaven,
and in the Brilliant Hall he honoured king W4An,
and sacrificed to him as the correlate of God?. The
consisted. The editors of the Extensive Explanation of the
Hsiao say :—‘ According to commentators on our classic, Shun
thinking only of the virtue of his ancestor did not sacrifice to him at
the border altar. The sovereigns of Hsia and Yin were the first to
sacrifice there to their ancestors ; but they had not the ceremony of
sacrificing to their fathers as the correlates of Heaven. This began
with the duke of Kau.’ To this explanation of the text the editors
demur, and consider that the noun ‘father’ in the previous sentence should be taken, in the case of the duke of Xu, both of
Hau- and king Wan.
This began
with the duke of Kau.’ To this explanation of the text the editors
demur, and consider that the noun ‘father’ in the previous sentence should be taken, in the case of the duke of Xu, both of
Hau- and king Wan.
1 The reader of the translations from the Shih must be familiar
with H4u-4i, as the ancestor to whom the kings of A4u traced
their lineage, and with king Wan, as the acknowledged founder of
their dynasty in connexion with his son, king WQ. Was any greater
honour done to Hau-Ai in making him the correlate of Heaven
than to king Wan in making him the correlate of God? We must
say, No. Asis said inthe Extensive Explanation, ‘The words
Heaven and God are different, but their meaning is one and the
same.’ The question is susceptible of easy determination. Let
me refer the reader to the translations from the Shih on pp. 317
and 329. The tenth piece on the latter was sung, at the border
sacrifice to Heaven, in honour of H4u-éi; and the first four lines
of it are to the effect—
‘O thou, accomplished, great Hau-éi!
To thee alone ’twas given
To be, by what we trace to thee,
The correlate of Heaven;’
while the fifth and sixth lines are—
“God had the wheat and barley meant
To nourish all mankind.
None would have fathomed His intent,
But for thy guiding mind.’
The seventh piece on the former page was used at the sacrifice, in
the Brilliant Hall, to king W4n, as ‘the correlate of God.’ The
first three lines have been versified by—
478 THE HSIAO KING. CH. IX.
consequence was that from (all the states) within
the four seas, every (prince) came in the discharge
of his duty to (assist in those) sacrifices. In the
virtue of the sages what besides was there greater
than filial piety ?
‘Now the feeling of affection grows up at the
parents’ knees, and as (the duty of) nourishing those
parents is exercised, the affection daily merges in
awe. The sages proceeded from the (feeling of)
awe to teach (the duties of) reverence, and from
(that of) affection to teach (those of) love. The
teachings of the sages, without being severe, were
successful, and their government, without being rigo-
The sages proceeded from the (feeling of)
awe to teach (the duties of) reverence, and from
(that of) affection to teach (those of) love. The
teachings of the sages, without being severe, were
successful, and their government, without being rigo-
‘My offerings here are given,
A ram, a bull.
Accept them, mighty Heaven,
All-bountiful ;’
and the sixth and seventh, lines by—
‘From Wan comes blessing rich;
Now on the right
He owns those gifts to which
Him I invite.’
Since ‘Heaven’ and ‘God’ have the same reference, why are they
used here as if there were some opposition between them? The
nearest approach to an answer to this is found also in the Extensive Explanation, derived mainly from Ain Hsiang-t4o, of the
Sung dynasty, and to the following effect :—‘ Heaven (Tien) just is
God (Ti). Heaven is a term specially expressive of honour,
and Hau-éf was made the correlate of Heaven, because he was
remote, far distant from the worshipper. God is a term expressive
of affection, and king Wan was made the correlate of God, because he was nearer to, the father of, the duke of Adu.’ Hsiang-téo
concludes by saying that the sacrifice at the border altar was an
old institution, while that in the Brilliant Hall was first appointed
by the duke of Kau. According to this view, Heaven would
approximate to the name for Deity in the absolute,—Jehovah, as
explained in Exodus xv. 14; while Tf is God, ‘our Father in
heaven,’
cH. 1X. THE GOVERNMENT OF THE SAGES. 479
rous, was effective. What they proceeded from was
the root (of filial piety implanted by Heaven).
‘The relation and duties between father and son,
(thus belonging to) the Heaven-conferred nature,
(contain in them the principle of) righteousness
between ruler and subject?. The son derives his
life from his parents, and no greater gift could
possibly be transmitted; his ruler and parent (in
one), his father deals with him accordingly, and no
generosity could be greater than this. Hence, he
who does not love his parents, but loves other men,
is called a rebel against virtue; and he who does
not revere his parents, but reveres other men, is
called a rebel against propriety. When (the ruler)
himself thus acts contrary to (the principles) which
should place him in accord (with all men), he presents nothing for the people to imitate. He has
nothing to do with what is good, but entirely and
only with what is injurious to virtue. Though he
may get (his will, and be above others), the superior
man does not give him his approval.
He has
nothing to do with what is good, but entirely and
only with what is injurious to virtue. Though he
may get (his will, and be above others), the superior
man does not give him his approval.
1 We find for this in the Chinese Repository :—‘ The feelings
which ought to characterise the intercourse between father and son
are of a heavenly nature, resembling the bonds which exist between
a prince and his ministers.’ P. Cibot gives :—‘ Les rapports immuable de pére et de fils découlent de essence méme du Tien,
et offrent la premitre idée de prince et de sujet ;’ adding on the
former clause this note:—‘ Les commentateurs ne disent que des
mots sur ces paroles; mais comment pourroient ils les bien expliquer,
puisqu’ils ne sauroient en entrevoir le sens supreme et ineffable ?
Quelques-uns ont pris le parti de citer le texte de Tao-teh King
(ch. 42), “Le T Ao est vie et unité ; le premier a engendré le second ;
les deux ont produit le troisitme; le trois ont fait toutes choses ;”
c'est-a-dire, qu’ils ont taché d’expliquer un texte qui les passe, par
un autre od ils ne comprennent rien.’ But there is neither difficulty
in the construction of the text here, nor mystery in its meaning.
480 THE HSIAO KING. CH. xX.
‘It is not so with the superior man. He speaks,
having thought whether the words should be spoken ;
he acts, having thought whether his actions are sure
to give pleasure. His virtue and righteousness are
such as will be honoured ; what he initiates and does
is fit to be imitated; his deportment is worthy of
contemplation; his movements in advancing or retiring are all according to the proper rule. In this
way does he present himself to the people, who both
revere and love him, imitate and become like him.
Thus he is able to make his teaching of virtue successful, and his government and orders to be carried
into effect }.
‘It is said in the Book of Poetry ?,
“ The virtuous man, the princely one,
Has nothing wrong in his deportment.”’
CuapTER X. AN Orpberty DESCRIPTION OF THE
Acts oF Fiat PIEty.
The Master said, ‘The service which a filial son
does to his parents is as follows :—In his general
conduct to them, he manifests the utmost reverence ;
in his nourishing of them, his endeavour is to give
them the utmost pleasure; when they are ill, he
feels the greatest anxiety; in mourning for them
(dead), he exhibits every demonstration of grief;
in sacrificing to them, he displays the utmost solemnity. When a son is complete in these five
things (he may be pronounced) able to serve his
parents.
1 This paragraph may be called a mosaic, formed by piecing
together passages from the 30 Awan.
* See the Shih, I, xiv, ode 3, stanza 3.
— —-
CH. XI. THE ALL-EMBRACING RULE. - 48t
When a son is complete in these five
things (he may be pronounced) able to serve his
parents.
1 This paragraph may be called a mosaic, formed by piecing
together passages from the 30 Awan.
* See the Shih, I, xiv, ode 3, stanza 3.
— —-
CH. XI. THE ALL-EMBRACING RULE. - 48t
‘He who (thus) serves his parents, in a high
situation, will be free from pride; in a low situation,
will be free from insubordination; and among his
equals, will not be quarrelsome. In a high situation
pride leads to ruin; in a low situation insubordination leads to punishment; among equals quarrelsomeness leads to the wielding of weapons.
‘If those three things be not put away, though
a son every day contribute beef, mutton, and pork?
to nourish his parents, he is not filial.’
CuarTeR XI. Fiviat Piety In RELATION TO
THE FivE PUNISHMENTS.
The Master said, ‘There are three thousand
offences against which the five punishments are
directed?, and there is not one of them greater
than being unfilial.
‘When constraint is put upon a ruler, that is the
disowning of his superiority ; when the authority of
the sages is disallowed, that is the disowning of
(all) law; when filial piety is put aside, that is the
disowning of the principle of affection. These (three
things) pave the way to anarchy.’
CuHapTeR XII. AMPLIFICATION OF ‘THE ALL-
EMBRACING RULE oF ConpucT’ IN CHAPTER I.
The Master said, ‘ For teaching the people to be
affectionate and ‘loving there is nothing better than
Filial Piety ; for teaching them (the observance of)
propriety and submissiveness there is nothing better
than Fraternal Duty; for changing their manners
1 Compare with this the Confucian Analects, II, vii.
® See the Sh, p. 43, and especially pp. 255, 256.
[1] Ti
482 THE HSIAO KING. CH, XIII.
and altering their customs there is nothing better
than Music ; for securing the repose of superiors and
the good order of the people there is nothing better
than the Rules of Propriety.
‘The Rules of Propriety are simply (the development of) the principle of Reverence. Therefore the
reverence paid to a father makes (all) sons pleased ;
the reverence paid to an elder brother makes (all)
younger brothers pleased; the reverence paid to
a ruler makes (all) subjects pleased'. The reverence paid to one man makes thousands and myriads
of men pleased. The reverence is paid to a few,
and the pleasure extends to many ;—this is what is
meant by an “ All-embracing Rule of Canduct.”’
CuHapTer XIII. AMPLIFICATION OF ‘THE PERFECT
ViRTUE’ IN CHAPTER I.
The Master said, ‘ The teaching of filial piety by
the superior man? does not require that he should
go to family after family, and daily see the members
of each. His teaching of filial piety is a tribute of
reverence to all the fathers under heaven; his
teaching of fraternal submission is a tribute of
reverence to all the elder brothers under heaven;
his teaching of the duty of a subject is a tribute of
reverence to all the rulers under heaven.
His teaching of filial piety is a tribute of
reverence to all the fathers under heaven; his
teaching of fraternal submission is a tribute of
reverence to all the elder brothers under heaven;
his teaching of the duty of a subject is a tribute of
reverence to all the rulers under heaven.
1 We must understand that the ‘reverence’ here is to be understood as paid by the sovereign. In reverencing his father (or an
uncle may also in Chinese usage be so styled), he reverences the
idea of fatherhood, and being ‘in accord with the minds of all
under heaven,’ his example is universally powerful. And we may
reason similarly of the other two cases of reverence specified.
® The XAtin-3ze, or ‘superior man,’ here must be taken of the
sovereign. P. Cibot translates it by ‘ un prince.’
CH. XV. FILIAL PIETY IN RELATION TO REPROOF. 483
“It is said in the Book of Poetry},
“The happy and courteous sovereign
Is the parent of the people.”
’ If it were not a perfect virtue, how could it be
recognised as in accordance with their nature by the
people so extensively as this ?’
CuarreR XIV. AMPLIFICATION OF ‘MAKING OUR
Name Famous’ 1n Cuapter I.
The Master said, ‘ The filial piety with which the
superior man serves his parents may be transferred
as loyalty to the ruler ; the fraternal duty with which
he serves his elder brother may be transferred as
submissive deference to elders; his regulation of
his family may be transferred as good government
in any official position. Therefore, when his conduct
is thus successful in his’ inner (private) circle, his
name will be established (and transmitted) to future
generations.’
CuapTeR XV. Fiviat Piety in RELATION To
REPROOF AND REMONSTRANCE. .
The disciple 3ang said, ‘I have heard your instructions on the affection of love, on respect and
reverence, on giving repose to (the minds of) our
parents, and on making our name famous ;—I would
venture to ask if (simple) obedience to the orders of
one’s father can be pronounced filial piety.’ The
Master replied, ‘What words are these! what words
are these! Anciently, if the Son of Heaven had
seven minister who would remonstrate with him,
1 See the Shih, III, ii, ode 7, stanza1. The two lines of the
Shih here are, possibly, not an interpolation.
112
484 THE HSIAO KING. CH. XVI.
what words
are these! Anciently, if the Son of Heaven had
seven minister who would remonstrate with him,
1 See the Shih, III, ii, ode 7, stanza1. The two lines of the
Shih here are, possibly, not an interpolation.
112
484 THE HSIAO KING. CH. XVI.
although he had not right methods of government,
he would not lose his possession of the kingdom ;
if the prince of a state had five such ministers,
though his measures might be equally wrong, he
would not lose his state; if a great officer had three,
he would not, in a similar case, lose (the headship
of) his clan; if an inferior officer had a friend who
would remonstrate with him, a good name would
not cease to be connected with his character; and
the father who had a son that would remonstrate
with him would not sink into the gulf of unrighteous
deeds'. Therefore when a case of unrighteous conduct is concerned, a son must by no means keep
from remonstrating with his father, nor a minister
from remonstrating with his ruler. Hence, since
remonstrance is required in the case of unrighteous
conduct, how can (simple) obedience to the orders of
a father be accounted filial piety *?’
CHAPTER XVI. THe INFLUENCE oF FILIAL PIETY
AND THE RESPONSE TO IT.
The Master said, ‘ Anciently, the intelligent kings
served their fathers with filial piety, and therefore
they served Heaven with intelligence ; they served
their mothers with filial piety, and therefore they
served Earth with discrimination’. They pursued
1 The numbers 7, 5, 3, 1 cannot be illustrated by examples, nor
should they be insisted on. The higher the dignity, the greater
would be the risk, and the stronger must be the support that was
needed.
* Compare the Analects, IV, xviii, and the Lt X7, X, i, 15.
* This chapter is as difficult to grasp as the seventh, which treated
of Filial Piety in Relation to ‘the Three Powers.’ It is indeed a
sequel to that. Heaven and Earth appear as two Powers, or as
CH. XVI. INFLUENCE OF FILIAL PIETY. 485
the right course with reference to their (own) seniors
and juniors, and therefore they secured the regulation of the relations between superiors and inferiors (throughout the kingdom).
“When Heaven and Earth were served with intelligence and discrimination, the spiritual intelligences
displayed (their retributive power ').
‘Therefore even the Son of Heaven must have
some whom he honours; that is, he has his uncles
of his surname. He must have some to whom he
concedes the precedence ; that is, he has his cousins,
who bear the same surname, and are older than
himself. In the ancestral temple he manifests the
utmost reverence, showing that he does not forget
his parents; he cultivates his person and is careful
of his conduct, fearing lest he should disgrace his
predecessors.
‘When in the ancestral temple he exhibits the
In the ancestral temple he manifests the
utmost reverence, showing that he does not forget
his parents; he cultivates his person and is careful
of his conduct, fearing lest he should disgrace his
predecessors.
‘When in the ancestral temple he exhibits the
a dual Power, taking the place of Heaven or God. We can in a
degree follow the treatise in transferring the reverence paid by
a son to his father to loyalty shown by him to his ruler; but it is
more djfficult to understand the development of filial piety into
religion that is here assumed and described. Was it not the
pressing of this virtue too far, the making more of it than can be
made, that tended to deprave religion during the Kau dynasty, and
to mingle with the earlier monotheism a form of nature-worship ?
Hsing Ping, in his ‘Correct Meaning,’ makes the ‘discrimination’
here to be ‘an ability to distinguish the advantages of the earth ;’—
showing how he had the sixth and seventh chapters in his mind.
1 «The Spiritual Intelligences’ here are Heaven and Earth conceived of as Spiritual Beings. They responded to the sincere
service of the intelligent kings, as Hsing Ping says, with ‘the
harmony of the active and passive principles of nature, seasonable
winds and rain, the absence of epidemic sickness and plague, and
the repose of all under heaven.’ Compare with this what is said
in ‘the Great Plan’ of the Sha, pp. 147, 148.
486 — THE HSIAO KING. CH. XVII.
utmost reverence, the spirits of the departed manifest themselves?. Perfect filial piety and fraternal
duty reach to (and move) the spiritual intelligences,
and diffuse their light on all within the four seas ;—
they penetrate everywhere.
‘It is said in the Book of Poetry ?,
“ From the west to the east,
From the south to the north,
There was not a thought but did him homage.”’
CuapreR XVII. Tue Service oF THE RULER.
The Master said, ‘The superior man ® serves his
ruler in such a way, that when at court in his presence his thought is how to discharge his loyal duty
to the utmost; and when.he retires from it, his
thought is how to amend his errors. He carries
out with deference the measures springing from his
excellent qualities, and rectifies him (only) to save
him from what are evil. Hence, as the superior
and inferior, they are able to have an affection for
each other.
‘It is said in the Book of Poetry ‘,
“In my heart I love him;
And why should I not say so?
In the core of my heart I keep him,
And never will forget him.’’’
1 The reader will have noticed many instances of this, or what
were intended to be instances of it, in the translations from the
Shih, pp. 365-368, &c.
2 See the Shih, III, i, ode 10, stanza 6.
* “The superior man’ here can only be the good and intelligent
officer in the royal domain or at a feudal court.
* See the Shih, II, viii, ode 4, stanza 4.
CH, XVIII, FILIAL PIETY IN MOURNING. 487
CuapTer XVIII.
’ FirtaL Piety 1n MourninG FoR PARENTS.
2 See the Shih, III, i, ode 10, stanza 6.
* “The superior man’ here can only be the good and intelligent
officer in the royal domain or at a feudal court.
* See the Shih, II, viii, ode 4, stanza 4.
CH, XVIII, FILIAL PIETY IN MOURNING. 487
CuapTer XVIII.
’ FirtaL Piety 1n MourninG FoR PARENTS.
The Master said, ‘When a filial son is mourning
for a parent, he wails, but not with a prolonged
sobbing ; in the movements of ceremony he pays no
attention to his appearance ; his words are without
elegance of phrase; he cannot bear to wear fine
clothes ; when he hears music, he feels no delight;
when he eats a delicacy, he is not conscious of its
flavour :—such is the nature of grief and sorrow.
‘After three days he may partake of food; for
thus the people are taught that the living should
not be injured on account of the dead, and that
emaciation must not be carried to the extinction of
life :—such is the rule of the sages. The period of
mourning does not go beyond three years, to show
the people that it must have an end.
‘An inner and outer coffin are made; the graveclothes also are put on, and the shroud; and (the
body) is lifted (into the coffin). The sacrificial
vessels, round and square, are (regularly) set forth,
and (the sight of them) fills (the mourners) with
(fresh) distress': The women beat their breasts,
and the men stamp with their feet, wailing and
weeping, while they sorrowfully escort the coffin
to the grave. They consult the tortoise-shell to
determine the grave and the ground about it, and
1 These vessels were arranged every day by the coffin, while it
continued in the house, after the corpse was put into it. The
practice was a serving of the dead as the living had been served.
It is not thought necessary to give any details as to the other
different rites of mourning which are mentioned. They will be
found, with others, in the translations from the Lf AT.
488. THE HSIAO KING. CH. XVIII,
there they lay the body in peace. They prepare
the ancestral temple (to receive the tablet of the
departed), and there present offerings to the disem-
‘bodied spirit. In spring and autumn they offer
sacrifices, thinking of the deceased as the seasons
come round.
‘The services of love and reverence to parents
when alive, and those of grief and sorrow to them
when dead :—these completely discharge the fundamental duty of living men. The righteous claims
of life and death are all satisfied, and the filial son’s
service of his parents is completed.’
‘The services of love and reverence to parents
when alive, and those of grief and sorrow to them
when dead :—these completely discharge the fundamental duty of living men. The righteous claims
of life and death are all satisfied, and the filial son’s
service of his parents is completed.’
The above is the Classic of Filial Piety, as published by the
emperor Hsiian in a.p. 722, with the headings then prefixed to the
eighteen chapters. Subsequently, in the eleventh century, Sze-m&
Kwang (a.p. 1009-1086), a famous statesman and historian, published what he thought was the more ancient text of the Classic in
twenty-two chapters, with ‘Explanations’ by himself, without indicating, however, the different chapters, and of course without
headings to them. This work is commonly published along with
an ‘Exposition’ of his views, by Fan 3-yii, one of his contemporaries and friends. The differences between his text and that of
the Thang emperor are insignificant. He gives, however, one
additional chapter, which would be the nineteenth of his arrangement. It is as follows :—*‘ Inside the smaller doors leading to the
inner apartments are to be found all the rules (of government).
There is awe for the father, and also for the elder brother. Wife
and children, servants and concubines are like the common people,
serfs, and underlings.’
(r)
Kk
TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS ADOPTED FOR THE TRANSLATIONS
OF THE SacrED Books oF THE East.
CONSONANTS.
MISSIONARY ALPHABET,
—
1 Class. | II Class. | IIT Class.
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TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS.
489
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TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS.
489
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I Class, | IT Class. | III Class.
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Dentales.
23 Tenuis.......cceee |] tb foo w[oees
24 =~, aspirata......
25 =, assibilata......./-+-e-e]-+.| TH
26 Media ......+e0e06-] d |e .
27 «4, «aspiratas.......] dh |. ..]e-.-
28 ,, assibilata....... eoefeoe] DH |e.
29 Nasalis......-..06.] m fe ee]e seo] F ’
30 Semivocalis ........ [| Lo feee dees es] B Lees WB
31 .» mollisl.....}-0.] 2 foo ee] @ .
32 » mollis2...../-+-ee]e ee L eee feoee | oecctee .
33 Spiritusasper1......-| 8 |e +-[eee-|] @ RY) % iw()) uw
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85 4g ~=odemin: © 2 wwe ee | ZS fe ele weet one] S S 3O | 3
36 ,, asperrimus1....{.--|- ++] 2) [oeefooeel]es+] oF | & 3h
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(AS,
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Ba-Aa
490
TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS
Dentales modificatae
(linguales, &c.)
38 Temuis ....... 2.006
39 4, aspirata ......
40 Media ...........
41 ,, aspirata.......
43 Semivocalis ........
44 ” fricata. ....
45 » diacritica . ..
46 Spiritus asper .......
47 os lenis... eee
Labiales.
48 Tenuis ..... 2. cee
49 » aspirata .....-
50 Media ....22eeee-
51 +, aspirata ....6.
52 Tenuissima.........
53 Nasalis. 2.2.00 eee ae
54 Semivocalis ........
55 9 aspirata....
56 Spiritus asper .......
57 » lenis... ..64.
58 Anusvara......2e2-
59 Visarga... ce ccceee
Fw
-&
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FOR THE SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST.
491
VOWELS,
MISSIONARY ALPHABET.
1 Class. | 11 Class.
IIT Class.
Pehlevi.
Persian,
Arabic.
Hebrew. | Chinese.
3 labialis
>» longa .......
6 Palatalis brevis
7 » longa
8 Dentalis brevis
oe eee eee
oe ecwmereee
a ee er ry
” longa .......
12 Labialis brevis ........
13 »» longa ..ee. eee
14 Gutturo-palatalis brevis ...
15 » longa ...
16 Diphthongus gutturo-palatali
17
18 ” ”
19 Gutturo-labialis brevis... .
20 » longa. ...
21 Diphthongus gutturo-labialis
22
23 ” ”
24 Gutturalis fracta.......
25 Palatalis fracta........
26 Labialis fracta
2? ?
9 ”
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GB [eee
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eee
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0, ©
492
TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS.
em
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MACMILLAN AND OO, LONDON.
Also to be had at the
CLARHNDON PRHSS DEPOSITORY, OXFORD.
The Dewecates or THE Press invite suggestions and
advice from all persons interested in education; and will be
thankful for hints, &c. addressed to the SECRETARY TO THE
Dexeaartss, Clarendon Press, Oxford.
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